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Nord-Pas-de-Calais',0,NULL,NULL),(427,'University of Glasgow',0,NULL,NULL),(428,'Regional Public Health Authority of the Olomouc Region',0,NULL,NULL),(429,'CPB Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Research',0,NULL,NULL),(430,'Social and Cultural Planning Office | SCP',0,NULL,NULL),(431,'Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research',0,NULL,NULL),(432,'Vienna Institute of Demography',0,NULL,NULL),(433,'Vadmyra IL',0,NULL,NULL),(434,'NCSR',0,NULL,NULL),(435,'Limor Oy',0,NULL,NULL),(436,'Universidad Autonoma de Madrid',0,NULL,NULL),(437,'College of Social Sciences, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(438,'Department of Sociology, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(439,'Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(440,'George Washington University',0,NULL,NULL),(441,'Police and Border Guard  Board',0,NULL,NULL),(442,'Roskilde University',0,NULL,NULL),(443,'Counterpoint',0,NULL,NULL),(444,'Institute of Sociology of the Academy of Sciences of the 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Institute (ERSI)',0,NULL,NULL),(464,'Estonian-Swedish Mental Health and Suicidology Institute (ERSI)',0,NULL,NULL),(465,'Universität Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(466,'St.Petersburg State University',0,NULL,NULL),(467,'University of Duisburg-Essen, Institute of Sociology',0,NULL,NULL),(468,'University of Duisburg-Essen, IAQ',0,NULL,NULL),(469,'Universität Wien',0,NULL,NULL),(470,'Department of Political Science, Aarhus University',0,NULL,NULL),(471,'Politihøgskolen/The Norwegian Police University College',0,NULL,NULL),(472,'Faculty of Economics and Business Administration, University of Tartu',0,NULL,NULL),(473,'Univerity of Tartu',0,NULL,NULL),(474,'IDC',0,NULL,NULL),(475,'CIES-IUL',0,NULL,NULL),(476,'Cambridge ',0,NULL,NULL),(477,'Charles Univerzity, Prague',0,NULL,NULL),(478,'Institute of Psychology, Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic',0,NULL,NULL),(479,'Centre for Democracy Studies Aarau',0,NULL,NULL),(480,'Institute for SME Research Bonn',0,NULL,NULL),(481,'The National Research 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Göttingen',0,NULL,NULL),(502,'University of Goettingen',0,NULL,NULL),(503,'Georg-Elias-Mueller-Institut for Psychology',0,NULL,NULL),(504,'University of Bielefeld',0,NULL,NULL),(505,'University of Lille',0,NULL,NULL),(506,'University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne',0,NULL,NULL),(507,'Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Groningen',0,NULL,NULL),(508,'Karlstad university',0,NULL,NULL),(509,'European Centre, Vienna',0,NULL,NULL),(510,'WHO',0,NULL,NULL),(511,' Istituto Nazionale di Ricovero e Cura per Anziani (INRCA) ',0,NULL,NULL),(512,'Indiana University South Bend',0,NULL,NULL),(513,'Purdue University North Central',0,NULL,NULL),(514,'City University London',0,NULL,NULL),(515,'European Policy Centre',0,NULL,NULL),(516,'The Netherlands Institute for Social Research/SCP',0,NULL,NULL),(517,'Netherlands Institute for Social Research|SCP',0,NULL,NULL),(518,'Bureau Onderzoek en Analyse',0,NULL,NULL),(519,'Institute for Political Science, HAS',0,NULL,NULL),(520,'Forschungsinstitut für Soziologie, Universität zu Köln',0,NULL,NULL),(521,'Dept. of Sociology, Stockholm University',0,NULL,NULL),(522,'Institute for Comparative Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(523,'Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO), Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow',0,NULL,NULL),(524,'Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, University of Latvia',0,NULL,NULL),(525,'Riga Stradins University',0,NULL,NULL),(526,'Durham University',0,NULL,NULL),(527,'Insitut Estudis Treball',0,NULL,NULL),(528,'Vrije Universiteit Brussel',0,NULL,NULL),(529,'Hacettepe University',0,NULL,NULL),(530,'University of Greenwich',0,NULL,NULL),(531,'Rijksuniversiteit Groningen',0,NULL,NULL),(532,'Amersfoort',0,NULL,NULL),(533,'VU University Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(534,'Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis | CPB',0,NULL,NULL),(535,'Ministry of General Affairs',0,NULL,NULL),(536,'Netherlands Authority For the Financial Markets',0,NULL,NULL),(537,'Instituto Politécnico de Portalegre',0,NULL,NULL),(538,'Istanbul Bilgi University',0,NULL,NULL),(539,'Yasar University',0,NULL,NULL),(540,'Università Bocconi',0,NULL,NULL),(541,'The Netherlands Institute for Social Research (SCP)',0,NULL,NULL),(542,'Karolinska Institutet',0,NULL,NULL),(543,'Erasmus University Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(544,'Geary Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(545,'Johann Wolfgang Goethe University Frankfurt',0,NULL,NULL),(546,'University of Turin',0,NULL,NULL),(547,'University of Pavia',0,NULL,NULL),(548,' Institute for Social and Economic Research , University of Essex , Colchester',0,NULL,NULL),(549,' Centre for Comparative Social Surveys , City University , Northampton Square, London',0,NULL,NULL),(550,'Mannheim Research Institute for the Economics of Aging, University of Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(551,'University of Edinburgh',0,NULL,NULL),(552,'Stockholm University/Karolinska Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(553,'Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(554,'Department of Economics and Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(555,'Nuffield College, Oxford, and Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(556,'Department of Primary Care and Public Health Sciences, King’s College London',0,NULL,NULL),(557,'Institute of Political Science, Darmstadt University of Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(558,'Department of Political Science, University of Southampton',0,NULL,NULL),(559,'Institute for Political Science, University of Technology Darmstadt',0,NULL,NULL),(560,'McGill University/ Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin',0,NULL,NULL),(561,'University of Pennsylvania',0,NULL,NULL),(562,'School of Management, University of Surrey, Guildford',0,NULL,NULL),(563,'Norwegian Social Research (NOVA)',0,NULL,NULL),(564,'University of London - Institute for Criminal Policy Research',0,NULL,NULL),(565,'London School of Economics & Political Science: Department of Methodology',0,NULL,NULL),(566,'University of Oxford - Centre for Criminology ',0,NULL,NULL),(567,'Department of Comparative Politics , University of Bergen',0,NULL,NULL),(568,'Department of Sociology and Criminology & Law, Center for European Studies, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida',0,NULL,NULL),(569,'Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Criminology, University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Falls, Iowa',0,NULL,NULL),(570,'Department of Economics, University of Milan Bicocca',0,NULL,NULL),(571,'London School of Economics and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(572,'Birkbeck, University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(573,'Zentrum fur Umfragen Methoden und Analysen, Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(574,'University of Michigan, Ann Arbor',0,NULL,NULL),(575,'Research Support Services, Evanston',0,NULL,NULL),(576,'Institute of Gerontology, King’s College London, London',0,NULL,NULL),(577,'Social Demography Unit, Office for National Statistics, London',0,NULL,NULL),(578,'Centre for Population Studies, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, London',0,NULL,NULL),(579,'Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam/Amsterdam School for Social Science Research',0,NULL,NULL),(580,'European University Institute, Florence',0,NULL,NULL),(581,'Aalborg University',0,NULL,NULL),(582,'Department of Public Health, Erasmus MC, University Medical Centre, Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(583,'Interdisciplinary Center for Psychiatric Epidemiology, University Medical Center Groningen, University of Groningen',0,NULL,NULL),(584,'London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, London',0,NULL,NULL),(585,'Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), Department of Sociology and Political Science, Trondheim',0,NULL,NULL),(586,'Department of Sociology, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(587,'Kings College London',0,NULL,NULL),(588,'Methodology Institute and Mannheim Centre for Criminology, LSE, London',0,NULL,NULL),(589,'Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research, University of Edinburgh',0,NULL,NULL),(590,'Research Analysis and Information, National Police Improvement Agency',0,NULL,NULL),(591,'Université Paris IV Sorbonne',0,NULL,NULL),(592,'Department of Economics, Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH',0,NULL,NULL),(593,'Department of Economics, University of Warwick, Coventry',0,NULL,NULL),(594,'Education Council of the Netherlands',0,NULL,NULL),(595,'Institut Estudis Treball, Universitat Autònoma Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(596,'Centre d’Estudis Demogra`fics, Edifici E-2, Universitat Auto`noma de Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(597,'Department of Applied Economics, University of Valladolid',0,NULL,NULL),(598,'Department of Economic Statistics, Economic Structure and International Economic Organization, University of Alcala',0,NULL,NULL),(599,'University of Chester',0,NULL,NULL),(600,'University of California',0,NULL,NULL),(601,'Department of Public Health, Erasmus MC, University Medical Centre Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(602,'University of Houston',0,NULL,NULL),(603,'Department of Sociology, University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(604,'World Values Surveys',0,NULL,NULL),(605,'Jacobs University, Bremen',0,NULL,NULL),(606,'Institute for Public Policy Research',0,NULL,NULL),(607,'Institute for Protection and Security of the Citizen, European Commission',0,NULL,NULL),(608,'Simmons College, Boston',0,NULL,NULL),(609,'Insitute of Transport Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(610,'UCLA',0,NULL,NULL),(611,'Irish Social Science Data Archive , University College Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(612,'Department of International and European Economic Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(613,'Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law, Department of Criminology, Freiburg',0,NULL,NULL),(614,' Johannes Kepler Universität Linz',0,NULL,NULL),(615,'Max Planck Institute Freiburg',0,NULL,NULL),(616,'Institute of Statistics and Demography (Unit of Demography), Warsaw School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(617,'Research and Expertise Centre for Survey Methodology, Universitat Pompeu Fabra',0,NULL,NULL),(618,'Department of Politics, International Relations and European Studies , Loughborough University',0,NULL,NULL),(619,'National Economic and Social Forum',0,NULL,NULL),(620,'University of California , Irvine, CA',0,NULL,NULL),(621,'Hunter College and Graduate Center of the City University of New York',0,NULL,NULL),(622,'The University at Albany, State University of New York',0,NULL,NULL),(623,'Research Institute for Quality of Life (ICCV), Romanian Academy of Science',0,NULL,NULL),(624,'Institute for Sociology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava',0,NULL,NULL),(625,'Division of Urban and Regional Studies, Royal Institute of Technology (KTH) , Stockholm',0,NULL,NULL),(626,'Institute for Developmental and Strategic Analyses (IRSA)',0,NULL,NULL),(627,'Free University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(628,'Drew University, Madison (New Jersey)',0,NULL,NULL),(629,'School of Public Health, Faculty of Social Welfare and Health Studies, University of Haifa',0,NULL,NULL),(630,'Department of Health Education and Promotion, Ministry of Health, Jerusalem',0,NULL,NULL),(631,'Israel Center for Disease Control, Ministry of Health, Tel Hashomer',0,NULL,NULL),(632,'International Centre for Behavioural Business Research, Nottingham University Business School',0,NULL,NULL),(633,'Department of Geography and Environment, and Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment, London School of Economics and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(634,'Methods of Social Research, Faculty of Economics, Law and Social Sciences, University of Erfurt',0,NULL,NULL),(635,'Institute of Gerontology and Center for Research on Aging, University of Vechta',0,NULL,NULL),(636,'ESRC Centre for Research on Socio-Cultural Change (CRESC), The University of Manchester',0,NULL,NULL),(637,'Methodology, Inequalities and Social Change, University of Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(638,'Laboratory for Life Course and Life Style Studies, University of Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(639,'Department of Sociology/ICS, University of Groningen',0,NULL,NULL),(640,'Population and Health Program, East-West Center, Honolulu',0,NULL,NULL),(641,'Australian Demographic and Social Research Institute, The Australian National University, Canberra',0,NULL,NULL),(642,'Department of Public Health, Erasmus UC, University Medical Center Rotterdam, Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(643,'Swedish Institute for Social Research (SOFI), Stockholm University',0,NULL,NULL),(644,'Swedish Institute for Social Research, Stockholm University',0,NULL,NULL),(645,'Institute for Futures Studies, Stockholm/Department of Government, Uppsala University',0,NULL,NULL),(646,'Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Athens',0,NULL,NULL),(647,'3GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(648,'Department of Political Science, University of Houston',0,NULL,NULL),(649,'NIESR and Centre for Economic Performance, London',0,NULL,NULL),(650,'Universiteit van Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(651,'University of Santiago de Compostela',0,NULL,NULL),(652,'ESCE',0,NULL,NULL),(653,'Department of Sociology, Umeå University',0,NULL,NULL),(654,'Psychiatric Centre, Prague',0,NULL,NULL),(655,'Department of Psychology, University of Tromsø',0,NULL,NULL),(656,'Department of Nursing Research, Diakonova University College',0,NULL,NULL),(657,'Department of Psychiatry, University of Ulm, Gunzburg',0,NULL,NULL),(658,'Psychiatric Research Unit, Fredericksborg General Hospital, Hillerod',0,NULL,NULL),(659,'Department of Medical Psychology and Medical Sociology, Georg-August- University of Göttingen',0,NULL,NULL),(660,'Institute of Medical Psychology, Hamburg',0,NULL,NULL),(661,'CREM, University of Rennes',0,NULL,NULL),(662,'CEPS/INSTEAD, Differdange',0,NULL,NULL),(663,'Department of Political Science, Åbo Akademi University',0,NULL,NULL),(664,'Department of Political Science and Centre for the Study of Democratic Citizenship , McGill University, Montreal',0,NULL,NULL),(665,'Department of Political Science , KU Leuven, Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(666,'Department of Sociology, Radboud University Nijmegen',0,NULL,NULL),(667,'Department of Sociology, Tilburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(668,'University of Technology Darmstadt',0,NULL,NULL),(669,'New York University',0,NULL,NULL),(670,'Institut für Soziologie , Freie Universität Berlin',0,NULL,NULL),(671,'Centro Ricerche Economiche Nord Sud (CRENoS) , Università di Cagliari',0,NULL,NULL),(672,'University of Torino, Torino',0,NULL,NULL),(673,'Centre for Political Research, University of Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(674,'University of Hull',0,NULL,NULL),(675,'Norwegian School of Economics and Business Administration',0,NULL,NULL),(676,'Norwegian University of Science and Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(677,'INSEAD Global Leadership Centre, INSEAD',0,NULL,NULL),(678,'Department of Economics, University of Girona',0,NULL,NULL),(679,'Research & Expertise Centre for Survey Methodology, Department of Political and Social Sciences, Universitat Pompeu Fabra',0,NULL,NULL),(680,'Department of Sociology, University of Reading',0,NULL,NULL),(681,'Department of Geography Wolfson Research Institute Durham University',0,NULL,NULL),(682,'Institute for Health and Human Development, University of East London',0,NULL,NULL),(683,'Erasmus Medical Center, Department of Public Health, Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(684,'Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB)',0,NULL,NULL),(685,'Department of Personnel and Employment Relations, University of Limerick',0,NULL,NULL),(686,'Babylon, Tilburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(687,'North-West University',0,NULL,NULL),(688,'Radboud University,',0,NULL,NULL),(689,'Centre for Research on Social Dynamics, Department of Decision Sciences and IGIER, Universita` Bocconi, Milan',0,NULL,NULL),(690,'Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute, The Hague',0,NULL,NULL),(691,'Lecturer in Social and Communication Studies, University of Chester',0,NULL,NULL),(692,'Senior Research Fellow, Oxford Internet Institute, University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(693,'ACSPRI Centre for Social Research, Australian National University',0,NULL,NULL),(694,'Queen\'s University Belfast',0,NULL,NULL),(695,'University of Sussex',0,NULL,NULL),(696,'Utrecht School of Economics, Utrecht University',0,NULL,NULL),(697,'The Norwegian University of Science and Technology and Centre for the Study of Civil War, PRIO',0,NULL,NULL),(698,'Institute for Social Change School of Social Sciences University of Manchester',0,NULL,NULL),(699,'Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Departament de Ciències Polítiques i Socials, Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(700,' Department of Sociology, Princeton University',0,NULL,NULL),(701,'University of Gothenburg',0,NULL,NULL),(702,'Government Department, London School of Economics and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(703,'Massachusetts Institute of Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(704,'Netherlands Institute for Social Research (SCP) , The Hague',0,NULL,NULL),(705,'Department of Social Science Research Methods , Radboud University Nijmegen',0,NULL,NULL),(706,'School of Geography, University of Leeds',0,NULL,NULL),(707,' School of Geography, University of Leeds',0,NULL,NULL),(708,' Inst. Child Health, Centre for Paediatric Epidemiology &, University College London',0,NULL,NULL),(709,'Norwegian University for Science and Technology, Institute for Sociology and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(710,' Centro de Investigação e Estudos de Sociologia (CIES-ISCTE), University of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(711,'City University, London',0,NULL,NULL),(712,'Heinrich Heine University, Düsseldorf',0,NULL,NULL),(713,'Kalmar University',0,NULL,NULL),(714,'School of Education, University of Nottingham',0,NULL,NULL),(715,'International Labour Office, Geneva',0,NULL,NULL),(716,'Nursing Department, Technological Educational Institute of Crete',0,NULL,NULL),(717,'Department of Social Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, University of Crete',0,NULL,NULL),(718,'Biostatistics Laboratory, Faculty of Medicine, University of Crete',0,NULL,NULL),(719,'Health Planning Division, Faculty of Medicine, University of Crete',0,NULL,NULL),(720,'Federal Reserve Bank of Boston',0,NULL,NULL),(721,'Political Science, Leuven University',0,NULL,NULL),(722,'International Centre for Health and Society, Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, University College London',0,NULL,NULL),(723,'Centre for the Study of Public Policy, University of Aberdeen',0,NULL,NULL),(724,'University College London',0,NULL,NULL),(725,'Institute for Management, University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz',0,NULL,NULL),(726,'School of Management, University of St Andrews',0,NULL,NULL),(727,'Department of Marketing, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow',0,NULL,NULL),(728,'Department of Marketing, Marquette University, Milwaukee',0,NULL,NULL),(729,'Department of Marketing, University of Stirling and the Open University',0,NULL,NULL),(730,'Stanford, Centre for Economic Performance, NBER, and CEPR',0,NULL,NULL),(731,'Harvard University, Centre for Economic Performance, and NBER',0,NULL,NULL),(732,'London School of Economics, Centre for Economic Performance, NBER, and CEPR',0,NULL,NULL),(733,'AUT Business School, Auckland University of Technology, Auckland',0,NULL,NULL),(734,'Executive Business Centre, Bournemouth University, Bournemouth',0,NULL,NULL),(735,'Bournemouth University',0,NULL,NULL),(736,'Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(737,'Harvard University, Cambridge',0,NULL,NULL),(738,'UCLA Anderson School of Management, Los Angeles',0,NULL,NULL),(739,'Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Kingston, Penryhn Road, Kingston',0,NULL,NULL),(740,'Netherlands Institute of Advanced Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(741,'Instituut voor de Overheid, Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(742,'Department of Public Administration, Erasmus University in Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(743,'Department of Sociology of Education, University of Berne',0,NULL,NULL),(744,'Social and Cultural Planning Office of the Netherlands',0,NULL,NULL),(745,'Örebro University',0,NULL,NULL),(746,'Institute of Experimental Psychology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava',0,NULL,NULL),(747,'Leibniz-Institute for Regional Geography, Leipzig',0,NULL,NULL),(748,'Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(749,'Department of Sociology, Erasmus University Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(750,'Center for Global Health and Inequality, Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(751,'Facultad de Ciencias Econo´micas, Universidad de Navarra, Pamplona',0,NULL,NULL),(752,'Department of Political and Social Science, European University Institute, Florence',0,NULL,NULL),(753,'Research Institute for Law, Politics and Justice, Keele University',0,NULL,NULL),(754,'Università di Cagliari, CRENoS, Cagliari',0,NULL,NULL),(755,'Department of Political Sciences, University of Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(756,'Nurago GmbH, Hannover',0,NULL,NULL),(757,'Department of Sociology, Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(758,'University of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(759,'ISCTE, Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(760,'Federal University of Sergipe',0,NULL,NULL),(761,'Department of Sociology and Social Research, Trento University',0,NULL,NULL),(762,'University of Kent',0,NULL,NULL),(763,'SFI - The Danish National Centre for Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(764,'Umea University',0,NULL,NULL),(765,'Department of Social Research, University of Turku',0,NULL,NULL),(766,'Government Institute for Economic Research, Helsinki and Department of Social Research, University of Turku',0,NULL,NULL),(767,'Department of Sociology Utrecht University',0,NULL,NULL),(768,'Department of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences Utrecht University',0,NULL,NULL),(769,'Statistiska centralbyrån-Statistics Sweden',0,NULL,NULL),(770,'GESIS-ZUMA, Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(771,'Vestfold University College',0,NULL,NULL),(772,'Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian University of Science and Technology - NTNU',0,NULL,NULL),(773,'Department of Planning and Regional Development , University of Thessaly , Volos',0,NULL,NULL),(774,'Emory University, Department of Political Science, Atlanta, Georgia',0,NULL,NULL),(775,'Centre for Research and Analysis of Migration (CReAM), Department of Economics, UCL',0,NULL,NULL),(776,'Department of Economics, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, and CReAM',0,NULL,NULL),(777,'CReAM, Department of Economics, UCL',0,NULL,NULL),(778,'Department of Geography, University of Guelph',0,NULL,NULL),(779,'McMaster University',0,NULL,NULL),(780,'Georgia Institute of Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(781,'Department of Social Psychology and Methodology of Behaviour Sciences, University of the Basque Country, San Sebastian',0,NULL,NULL),(782,'The Pontifical Catholic University of Valparai´so, Valparai´so',0,NULL,NULL),(783,'Queen’s University Belfast',0,NULL,NULL),(784,'Public Management Institute, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(785,'Leuvens Instituut voor Criminologie, KU Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(786,'Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Social Sciences, Erasmus University, Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(787,'University of Copenhagen',0,NULL,NULL),(788,'Department of Sociology, University of Toronto',0,NULL,NULL),(789,'Department of Sociology , Umeå University',0,NULL,NULL),(790,'University of California, Berkeley',0,NULL,NULL),(791,'University of California, Irvine',0,NULL,NULL),(792,'Department of Political Science, San Jose State University, San Jose',0,NULL,NULL),(793,'Centre for Political Research, KU Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(794,'CEVIPOL- Centre d\'étude de la vie politique, Université Libre de Bruxelles',0,NULL,NULL),(795,'Methodology Institute, London School of Economics and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(796,'Institute for Criminal Sciences, University of Linz',0,NULL,NULL),(797,'School of Political Science, University of Haifa, Mount Carmel',0,NULL,NULL),(798,'Department of Government, University of Texas at Austin',0,NULL,NULL),(799,'School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh',0,NULL,NULL),(800,'European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions (Eurofound) – Employment and Competitiveness Unit, Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(801,'INVALSI, National Institute for the Evaluation of Education System',0,NULL,NULL),(802,' Centre European Commission – Joint Research Centre (EC – JRC), Institute for the Protection and Security of the Citizen (IPSC)',0,NULL,NULL),(803,'ESADE, University Ramon Llull',0,NULL,NULL),(804,'Sociological Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(805,'The German Socio-Economic Panel Study, German Institute for Economic Research (DIW), Berlin',0,NULL,NULL),(806,'Faculty of Journalism, Library and Information Science, Oslo University College',0,NULL,NULL),(807,'Department of Culture and Literature, University of Tromsø',0,NULL,NULL),(808,'The Police College of Finland, Tampere',0,NULL,NULL),(809,'Department of Sociology, London School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(810,'Department of Social Sciences, University of Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(811,'INSERM, U1018, CESP Centre for research in Epidemiology and Population Health, Epidemiology of Occupational and Social Determinants of Health Team, Villejuif',0,NULL,NULL),(812,'Universite´ de Bourgogne, Laboratoire d’Economie et Gestion (UMR CNRS 5118), Dijon',0,NULL,NULL),(813,'European Foundation for the Improvement of Living andWorking Conditions, Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(814,'Department of Political Science, Middlebury College, Vermont',0,NULL,NULL),(815,'Department of Sociology, Goethe University Frankfurt',0,NULL,NULL),(816,'Goethe University Frankfurt',0,NULL,NULL),(817,'Department of Sociology, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim ',0,NULL,NULL),(818,'American University, Washington, D.C.',0,NULL,NULL),(819,'University of Siena',0,NULL,NULL),(820,'Norwegian School of Economics and Business Administration (NHH), Bergen',0,NULL,NULL),(821,'Cross-Cultural Communications Consultancy, Burgh-Haamstede',0,NULL,NULL),(822,'Center for Economic Research, University of Tilburg',0,NULL,NULL),(823,'Mannheim Centre for European Social Research, University of Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(824,'Stockholm University',0,NULL,NULL),(825,'DINAMIA-IUL',0,NULL,NULL),(826,'IET-UAB.',0,NULL,NULL),(827,'IET-UAB',0,NULL,NULL),(828,'Warwick University',0,NULL,NULL),(829,'Lisbon University Institute, DINÂMIA’CET-IUL',0,NULL,NULL),(830,'Institut Estudis Treball-UAB',0,NULL,NULL),(831,'Department of Psychology, Erasmus University Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(832,'Ruegg Consulting',0,NULL,NULL),(833,'Department of Managerial Economics, Strategy and Innovation, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(834,'Department of Medical Oncology, Evangelismos Hospital, Athens',0,NULL,NULL),(835,'Iatriko Medical Center, Athens',0,NULL,NULL),(836,'Manchester Metropolitan University Business School, Manchester',0,NULL,NULL),(837,'Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Erasmus University Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(838,'Centre for Citizenship and Democracy',0,NULL,NULL),(839,'University of Calabria',0,NULL,NULL),(840,'HCSO Demographic Research Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(841,'Oregon State University',0,NULL,NULL),(842,'Center for public policy, Poznan',0,NULL,NULL),(843,'Center for public policy, Poznan, ISSK-BAS',0,NULL,NULL),(844,'Institute for the study of societies and knowledge',0,NULL,NULL),(845,'Universität Freiburg',0,NULL,NULL),(846,'University of Munich',0,NULL,NULL),(847,'University of Hagen',0,NULL,NULL),(848,'Hebrew University Jerusalem',0,NULL,NULL),(849,'Institute for the study of societies and knowledge, BAS',0,NULL,NULL),(850,'AMU, Poznan, ISSK-BAS',0,NULL,NULL),(851,'AMU-Poznan, ISSK-BAS',0,NULL,NULL),(852,'The Netherlands Institute for Social Research|SCP',0,NULL,NULL),(853,'Estonian-Swedish Mental Health and Suicidology Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(854,'University of Tartu, Faculty of Social Sciences and Education, Institute of Sociology and Social Policy ',0,NULL,NULL),(855,'International Centre for Defence Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(856,'Panteion University ',0,NULL,NULL),(857,'University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(858,'Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(859,'University of Brighton',0,NULL,NULL),(860,'Università degli Studi di Torino and Collegio Carlo Alberto',0,NULL,NULL),(861,'Centre for Sociological Research (CeSO), University of Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(862,'Centre for Municipality Studies, Linköping University',0,NULL,NULL),(863,'Research Institute of Industrial Economics , Stockholm',0,NULL,NULL),(864,'Institut Estudis del Treball',0,NULL,NULL),(865,'Industrial Relations Unit',0,NULL,NULL),(866,'Warwick Unuiversity',0,NULL,NULL),(867,'Survey Design and Methodology, GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(868,'Economics and Social Statistics Department, University of Trier',0,NULL,NULL),(869,'TEKPOL, Middle East Technical University',0,NULL,NULL),(870,'CPB Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis, and UNU-MERIT, Maastricht University',0,NULL,NULL),(871,'Department of Methodology, London School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(872,'Institute for Criminal Policy Research, Birkbeck, University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(873,'Centre for Criminology, University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(874,'Department of Sociology, City University London',0,NULL,NULL),(875,'University of Padua',0,NULL,NULL),(876,'Dublin City University',0,NULL,NULL),(877,'UC Berkeley',0,NULL,NULL),(878,'Institute of Social and Preventive Medicine (ISPM), Swiss Childhood Cancer Registry, University of Bern',0,NULL,NULL),(879,'Paediatric Oncology Unit, University Children’s Hospital Zürich',0,NULL,NULL),(880,'Paediatric Haematology-Oncology Unit, Centre Hospitalier Universitaire Vaudois, Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(881,'Institute for Social and Economic Research University of Essex',0,NULL,NULL),(882,'Erasmus University Rotterdam, Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(883,'Georgetown University, Washington, DC',0,NULL,NULL),(884,'Carlo F. Dondena Centre for Research on Social Dynamics, Università Bocconi, Milan',0,NULL,NULL),(885,'Department of Social Policy, The London School of Economics and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(886,'Graduate Group in Demography, Population Studies Center, University of Pennsylvania',0,NULL,NULL),(887,'Birkbeck College, University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(888,'World Population Program, International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA)',0,NULL,NULL),(889,'University of Education Heidelberg',0,NULL,NULL),(890,'Tel Aviv University and The Taub Center',0,NULL,NULL),(891,'Ben-Gurion University of the Negev',0,NULL,NULL),(892,'Department of Sociology/ICS, Utrecht University',0,NULL,NULL),(893,'University of Finance and Management, Warsaw',0,NULL,NULL),(894,'Research Institute of Industrial Economics, Stockholm',0,NULL,NULL),(895,'Brunel University',0,NULL,NULL),(896,'Political Science Department, University of Zurich',0,NULL,NULL),(897,'University of Bern',0,NULL,NULL),(898,'University of Seville',0,NULL,NULL),(899,'ICS/University of Groningen',0,NULL,NULL),(900,'University of Hamburg',0,NULL,NULL),(901,'Collegio Carlo Alberto',0,NULL,NULL),(902,'Kaunas University of Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(903,'Uppsala University, Center for Economic Studies–Ifo',0,NULL,NULL),(904,'Research Institute of Industrial Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(905,'Institute for International Economic Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(906,'Vrije Universiteit Brussels',0,NULL,NULL),(907,'Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, Paris',0,NULL,NULL),(908,'Lucerne University',0,NULL,NULL),(909,'Department of Sociology, University of Bremen',0,NULL,NULL),(910,'Institut of Sociology, University of Linz',0,NULL,NULL),(911,'National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow',0,NULL,NULL),(912,'Collegio Carlo Alberto and Department of Statistics, University of Turin',0,NULL,NULL),(913,'Utrecht University/ICS',0,NULL,NULL),(914,' Department of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh',0,NULL,NULL),(915,'Berlin Graduate School of Social Sciences, Berlin',0,NULL,NULL),(916,'Norwegian Business School (BI), Oslo',0,NULL,NULL),(917,'Norwegian Social Research (NOVA), Oslo',0,NULL,NULL),(918,'College of Public Health and Human Sciences, Oregon State University',0,NULL,NULL),(919,'Institute for Criminal Policy Research, University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(920,'University of Freiburg, FIFAS',0,NULL,NULL),(921,'Universiy of Iowa',0,NULL,NULL),(922,'Universität Flensburg',0,NULL,NULL),(923,'Copenhagen University',0,NULL,NULL),(924,'Grup Estudis Quit. Universitat Autonoma Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(925,'Panteion University of Political and Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(926,'Centre for Health Equity Studies (CHESS)',0,NULL,NULL),(927,'Université Paris 2 Panthéon-Assas',0,NULL,NULL),(928,'Dept. of Sociology, Stockholm Univeristy',0,NULL,NULL),(929,'Centre d\'études européennes, Sciences Po, France',0,NULL,NULL),(930,'International Institute of Applied Systems Analysis',0,NULL,NULL),(931,'Universität Innsbruck',0,NULL,NULL),(932,'Independent researcher affiliated with the University of Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(933,'University of Pécs, Faculty of Health Sciences, Doctoral School of Health Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(934,'University of Pécs, Faculty of Health Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(935,'University of Pécs Faculty of Health Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(936,'UNSW Australia',0,NULL,NULL),(937,'The Institute of Sociology of the Czech Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(938,'Universitaet Flensburg',0,NULL,NULL),(939,'Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(940,'Centre for Sociological Research, KU Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(941,'FORS – Swiss Centre of Expertise in the Social Sciences, Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(942,'ISER, University of Essex',0,NULL,NULL),(943,'FORS, Université de Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(944,'The Institute of Criminology and Social Prevention',0,NULL,NULL),(945,'University of Finance and Administration, Prague',0,NULL,NULL),(946,'University of Lisbon, Institute of Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(947,'University of Cologne - Institute of Sociology and Social Psychology',0,NULL,NULL),(948,'Tilburg',0,NULL,NULL),(949,'Auckland University of Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(950,'Adam Mickiewicz University',0,NULL,NULL),(951,'University of Lyon',0,NULL,NULL),(952,'MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow',0,NULL,NULL),(953,'CIPD',0,NULL,NULL),(954,'University of Leicester',0,NULL,NULL),(955,'Oslo and Akershus university College',0,NULL,NULL),(956,'Institute of Social Science',0,NULL,NULL),(957,'Institute of Social Sciences, Slovak Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(958,'RAND Europe',0,NULL,NULL),(959,'Goethe University',0,NULL,NULL),(960,'ULHT',0,NULL,NULL),(961,'U of Mainz',0,NULL,NULL),(962,'Universität Hamburg',0,NULL,NULL),(963,'HAS',0,NULL,NULL),(964,' Institute  of  Sociology  and  Social  Policy, Corvinus  University  of  Budapest ',0,NULL,NULL),(965,'Institute of Sociology of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest',0,NULL,NULL),(966,'Institute of Sociology, Centre for Social Sciences of Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest',0,NULL,NULL),(967,'Office for National Statistics',0,NULL,NULL),(968,'Universität Duisburg-Essen, Institut für Soziale Arbeit und Sozialpolitik',0,NULL,NULL),(969,'Institute of Sociology, Czech Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(970,'Juan March Institute, Carlos III University',0,NULL,NULL),(971,'University College Cork',0,NULL,NULL),(972,'National University of Ireland, Maynooth',0,NULL,NULL),(973,'Mary Immaculate College, Universality of Limerick',0,NULL,NULL),(974,'Mary Immaculate College, University of Limerick',0,NULL,NULL),(975,'Universidade Aberta & CIES-IUL, Lisbon University Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(976,'SOCIUS - Research Centre in Economic and Organizational Sociology, School of Economics and Management, University of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(977,'LISER',0,NULL,NULL),(978,'Kent State University and LISER',0,NULL,NULL),(979,'University of Tarty',0,NULL,NULL),(980,'Lisbon University Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(981,'European Research Group on Attitudes to Age (EURAGE)',0,NULL,NULL),(982,'Örebro Universitet',0,NULL,NULL),(983,'Tallinn University of Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(984,'Harlem Hospital Center, College of Physicians and Surgeons of Columbia University',0,NULL,NULL),(985,'Dnepropetrovsk State Medical Academy',0,NULL,NULL),(986,'KU Leuven, Centrum voor Sociologisch Onderzoek',0,NULL,NULL),(987,'Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki',0,NULL,NULL),(988,'Danish Centre for Rural Research, University of Southern Denmark, Esbjerg',0,NULL,NULL),(989,'Department of Social Research, Social Psychology, University of Helsinki',0,NULL,NULL),(990,'The Netherlands Institute for Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(991,'University of Ljubljana',0,NULL,NULL),(992,'CEP, London School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(993,'SOEP, DIW Berlin, Max Planck Institute for Human Development and IZA',0,NULL,NULL),(994,'SOEP, DIW Berlin, Free University of Berlin and IZA',0,NULL,NULL),(995,'FHNW',0,NULL,NULL),(996,'FLSHASE',0,NULL,NULL),(997,'Ehem. Universität Bern',0,NULL,NULL),(998,'Institute of Sociology of the Czech Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(999,'Stony Brook University',0,NULL,NULL),(1000,'The Hebrew University of Jerusalem,',0,NULL,NULL),(1001,'Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen',0,NULL,NULL),(1002,'University of Girona',0,NULL,NULL),(1003,'Radboud University Nijmegen, Institute for Management Research, The Netherlands and Ghent University',0,NULL,NULL),(1004,'Gesis – Zentralarchiv für Empirische Sozialforschung, Universität Köln',0,NULL,NULL),(1005,'B.I. Cohen Institute for Public Opinion Research  Tel- Aviv University ',0,NULL,NULL),(1006,'Karolinska Institutet Stockholm',0,NULL,NULL),(1007,'Rockefeller College of Public Affairs & Policy, University at Albany (SUNY)',0,NULL,NULL),(1008,'Bridgewater College',0,NULL,NULL),(1009,'Department of Comparative Politics, University of Bergen',0,NULL,NULL),(1010,'Department of Political Science, University of Gothenburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1011,'Institute for the study of societies and knowledge - BAS',0,NULL,NULL),(1012,'ISSK - BAS, AMU - Poznan',0,NULL,NULL),(1013,'Carlos III University of Madrid',0,NULL,NULL),(1014,'Turkish Military Academy',0,NULL,NULL),(1015,'University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign',0,NULL,NULL),(1016,'Department of Management, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(1017,'Department of Psychology, Royal Holloway University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(1018,'Vienna University of Economics and Business',0,NULL,NULL),(1019,'WZB',0,NULL,NULL),(1020,' Carlos III Univeristy',0,NULL,NULL),(1021,'Instituto Carlos III – Juan March de Ciencias Sociales',0,NULL,NULL),(1022,'NSD',0,NULL,NULL),(1023,'School of Social Policy, Social Work and Social Justice, University College Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(1024,'University of Fribourg',0,NULL,NULL),(1025,'ESRI',0,NULL,NULL),(1026,'Centre for Sociological Research KU Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(1027,'Institute of Social Sciences University of Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(1028,'FORS – Swiss Centre of Expertise in the Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1029,'Institut Estudis Treball. Universitat Autonoma Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(1030,'Institute for Labour Studies, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona ',0,NULL,NULL),(1031,'Universidad Simón Bolívar',0,NULL,NULL),(1032,'University of Iceland',0,NULL,NULL),(1033,'TU Delft',0,NULL,NULL),(1034,'Department of Methodology and Mannheim Centre for Criminology, LSE',0,NULL,NULL),(1035,'Department of Statistics and Department of Methodology, LSE',0,NULL,NULL),(1036,'Oxford University Law School',0,NULL,NULL),(1037,'University of Chicago Law School',0,NULL,NULL),(1038,'Methodology Department and Mannheim Centre for Criminology, London School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1039,'Human Sciences Research Council',0,NULL,NULL),(1040,'Department of Psychology, Philipps-University Marburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1041,'Department of Experimental Psychology, University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(1042,'dDepartment of Psychology, Stellenbosch University',0,NULL,NULL),(1043,'Centre for the Study of Democratic Citizenship, Department of Political Science, McGill University',0,NULL,NULL),(1044,'School of Psychology and Neuroscience, University of St Andrews',0,NULL,NULL),(1045,'Department of Psychology, Yale-NUS College',0,NULL,NULL),(1046,'Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity',0,NULL,NULL),(1047,'Department of Methodology and Statistics, Tilburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(1048,'Université Paris-Sorbonne and Paris School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1049,'Muthén & Muthén',0,NULL,NULL),(1050,'Swedish School of Social Science, University of Helsinki',0,NULL,NULL),(1051,'Frederick University',0,NULL,NULL),(1052,'Hellenic Bank',0,NULL,NULL),(1053,'The Economic and Social Research Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(1054,'American University',0,NULL,NULL),(1055,'Department of Political Science, George Washington University',0,NULL,NULL),(1056,'Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley',0,NULL,NULL),(1057,'Institute of Governmental Studies of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley',0,NULL,NULL),(1058,'Nuffield College',0,NULL,NULL),(1059,'Social Science Research Center Berlin',0,NULL,NULL),(1060,'Duke University',0,NULL,NULL),(1061,'Department of Economics, University of Heidelberg',0,NULL,NULL),(1062,'Schumpeter School of Business and Economics, University of Wuppertal',0,NULL,NULL),(1063,'Department of Economics, University of Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(1064,'Department of Political Science and Public Management, University of Southern Denmark',0,NULL,NULL),(1065,'Department of Global Community Health and Behavioral Sciences, Tulane University School of Public Health and Tropical Medicine',0,NULL,NULL),(1066,'Department of Child and Adolescent Studies, Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences, Utrecht University',0,NULL,NULL),(1067,'Department of Maternal & Child Health, Gillings School of Global Public Health',0,NULL,NULL),(1068,'Prevention Research Branch, Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, Bethesda',0,NULL,NULL),(1069,'Department of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences, Utrecht University',0,NULL,NULL),(1070,'Research Unit on Perinatal Epidemiology and Childhood Disabilities, Adolescent Health, Université de Toulouse III',0,NULL,NULL),(1071,'Department of Health Promotion, Áras Moyola, National University of Ireland, Galway',0,NULL,NULL),(1072,'Child and Adolescent Health Research Unit, School of Medicine, North Haugh, St Andrews',0,NULL,NULL),(1073,'Department of Political Science and Public',0,NULL,NULL),(1074,'Department of Sociology, Cornell University',0,NULL,NULL),(1075,'University of Mannheim, Germany & University Institute of Lisbon, Portugal',0,NULL,NULL),(1076,'University Institute of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(1077,'Research Institute of Industrial Economics (IFN',0,NULL,NULL),(1078,'KMU',0,NULL,NULL),(1079,'Department of Politics & IR and Nuffield College, University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(1080,'School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa',0,NULL,NULL),(1081,'Department of Political Science and Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research at the University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1082,'Department of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1083,'Harvard Kennedy School',0,NULL,NULL),(1084,'Amsterdam School of Communication Research, ASCoR, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1085,'London School of Economics (LSE), Department of Media and Communications',0,NULL,NULL),(1086,'Institute for Political Science, Leuphana University Lüneburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1087,'Swansea University',0,NULL,NULL),(1088,'Free University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1089,'NIDI - the Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute/KNAW/University of Groningen and Vrije Universiteit Brussels, Interface Demography',0,NULL,NULL),(1090,'Warzaw School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1091,'Educational Research Institute (IBE)',0,NULL,NULL),(1092,'Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University',0,NULL,NULL),(1093,'Slovak Academy of Sciences · Institute of Social Sciences, Košice',0,NULL,NULL),(1094,'University of Southern Denmark',0,NULL,NULL),(1095,'Department of Social-Economic and Spatial Statistics, Statistics Netherlands',0,NULL,NULL),(1096,'Department of Sociology, Utrecht University',0,NULL,NULL),(1097,'PhD fellow, Department of Sociology, University of Copenhagen',0,NULL,NULL),(1098,'Associate Professor, Head of Department, PhD, Department of Sociology, University of Copenhagen ',0,NULL,NULL),(1099,'Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Leicester',0,NULL,NULL),(1100,'Department of History, University of Birmingham',0,NULL,NULL),(1101,'Journalism and Media Studies Centre, The University of Hong Kong',0,NULL,NULL),(1102,'Department of Paediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, Li Ka Shing Faculty of Medicine, The University of Hong Kong',0,NULL,NULL),(1103,'Political Science and Public Policy at the University of Toronto',0,NULL,NULL),(1104,'Department of Legal and Social Sciences, “G.d’Annunzio” Chieti-Pescara',0,NULL,NULL),(1105,'Department of Economics-University, “G.d’Annunzio” Chieti-Pescara',0,NULL,NULL),(1106,'Umeå University, Sociology, ',0,NULL,NULL),(1107,'Associate Member, Centre for Employment Relations, Innovation and Change, University of Leeds & Research Fellow, Central European Labour Studies Institute, University of Leeds',0,NULL,NULL),(1108,'Department of Sociology, Vrije Universiteit Brussel',0,NULL,NULL),(1109,'Health Inequalities Research Group, Employment Conditions Knowledge Network (GREDSEmconet), Universitat Pompeu Fabra',0,NULL,NULL),(1110,'Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny we Wroclawiu',0,NULL,NULL),(1111,'Department of Political Studies, Nova University of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(1112,'NatCen Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(1113,'Centre for Longitudinal Studies, IoE',0,NULL,NULL),(1114,'Universite de Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(1115,'Universität Bremen, Zentrum für Sozialpolitik',0,NULL,NULL),(1116,'WZB Berlin Social Science Center',0,NULL,NULL),(1117,'Centro de Estudos Geográficos, Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning (igot), University of',0,NULL,NULL),(1118,'Centro de Estudos Geográficos, igot, University of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(1119,'professor (MSO) in comparative political sociology at University of Southern Denmark\'s Centre for Welfare State Resear',0,NULL,NULL),(1120,'Department of Sociology, Leuven University',0,NULL,NULL),(1121,'Leuphana University Lueneburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1122,'University Mental Health Research Institute (UMHRI), Athens',0,NULL,NULL),(1123,'School of Health Sciences, Department of Mental Health and Behavioral Sciences, University of Athens, Athens',0,NULL,NULL),(1124,'Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Peloponnese, Corinth',0,NULL,NULL),(1125,'Institute of Political Science, University of Heidelberg',0,NULL,NULL),(1126,'ILO',0,NULL,NULL),(1127,'Sciences Po Bordeaux',0,NULL,NULL),(1128,'University of Cyprus',0,NULL,NULL),(1129,'Vytautas Magnus University',0,NULL,NULL),(1130,'Budapest Business School',0,NULL,NULL),(1131,'University of Malaga',0,NULL,NULL),(1132,'University Complutense of Madrid',0,NULL,NULL),(1133,'University of Zagreb',0,NULL,NULL),(1134,'Department of Economics, Ca’ Foscari University of Venice',0,NULL,NULL),(1135,'Department of Economics, Management and Quantitative Methods, Università di Milano',0,NULL,NULL),(1136,'Graz University of Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(1137,'GESIS & U. of Koblenz',0,NULL,NULL),(1138,'University of Warwick, UK; External Scientific Member, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne, Germany',0,NULL,NULL),(1139,'Department of Social Law and Social Policy, Tilburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(1140,'Department of Applied Economics, National Research University, Moscow',0,NULL,NULL),(1141,'International University College, Bulgaria',0,NULL,NULL),(1142,'University of Maastricht, The Netherlands',0,NULL,NULL),(1143,'National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies (INSEE) - National School for Statistical and Economic Administration (ENSAE)',0,NULL,NULL),(1144,'French National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS) - Research Group in Quantitative Saving (GREQAM); Aix-Marseille University',0,NULL,NULL),(1145,'Nova University of Lisbon, Portugal',0,NULL,NULL),(1146,'U.S. Census Bureau',0,NULL,NULL),(1147,'School of Social Sciences and Humanities, University of Tampere, Tampere, Finland',0,NULL,NULL),(1148,'Department of Sociology, Montclair State University, Montclair, NJ, USA',0,NULL,NULL),(1149,'University of Essex, UK',0,NULL,NULL),(1150,'Institute of Public Goods and Policies, Spanish National Research Council, Madrid, Spain ',0,NULL,NULL),(1151,'University of Aveiro, Aveiro, Portugal',0,NULL,NULL),(1152,'2Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lisbon, Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(1153,'Nova School of Business and Economics, Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(1154,'Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Geneva ',0,NULL,NULL),(1155,'Nuffield College, Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(1156,'Institute of Psychology, University of Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland',0,NULL,NULL),(1157,'Arhus University - Centre for Labour Market and Social Research (CLS); Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA)',0,NULL,NULL),(1158,'Jagiellonian University, Kraków ',0,NULL,NULL),(1159,'Institute of Sociology of the Jagiellonian University',0,NULL,NULL),(1160,'Department of Policy Analysis and Public Management, Bocconi University and Dondena Centre for Research on Social Dynamics',0,NULL,NULL),(1161,'Dondena Centre for Research on Social Dynamics, Bocconi University',0,NULL,NULL),(1162,'Department of Quantitative Social Science, University College London',0,NULL,NULL),(1163,'Centre for Journalism, University of Southeren Dennmark',0,NULL,NULL),(1164,'University of Antwerp (Belgium)',0,NULL,NULL),(1165,'Institute of International and Social Studies, Tallinn University',0,NULL,NULL),(1166,' Institute of Public Goods and Policies (IPP) in Madrid',0,NULL,NULL),(1167,'University of Edingburgh',0,NULL,NULL),(1168,'Ipsos Mori',0,NULL,NULL),(1169,'Department of Social Policy - Panteion University',0,NULL,NULL),(1170,'Bank of Italy, Trento Branch, Economic Research Unit',0,NULL,NULL),(1171,'Bank of Italy, Structural Economic Analysis Department',0,NULL,NULL),(1172,'ECARES – Université libre de Bruxelles ',0,NULL,NULL),(1173,'Department of Political Science, Central European University, Budapest',0,NULL,NULL),(1174,'Department of International Relations and European Studies, Central European University, Budapest',0,NULL,NULL),(1175,'Trinity College Dublin, College Green',0,NULL,NULL),(1176,' Ohio State University, Columbus',0,NULL,NULL),(1177,'LUISS',0,NULL,NULL),(1178,'Centre for Social Sciences, Hungarian Academy of Sciences ',0,NULL,NULL),(1179,'Center for Policy Studies, Central European University ',0,NULL,NULL),(1180,'Friedrich-Schiller University of Jena ',0,NULL,NULL),(1181,'Bangor University',0,NULL,NULL),(1182,'CIES-IUL Instituto Universitário de Lisboa',0,NULL,NULL),(1183,'Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, ISCTE-IUL',0,NULL,NULL),(1184,'CIS-IUL - Centro de Investigação e de Intervenção Social ',0,NULL,NULL),(1185,'ISTAR-IUL - Centro de Investigação em Ciências da Informação, Tecnologias e Arquitetura ',0,NULL,NULL),(1186,'LCSR, Higher School of Economics, Moscow',0,NULL,NULL),(1187,'Applied Social Studies, University College Cork, William Thompson House, Donovan\'s Road, Cork, Ireland',0,NULL,NULL),(1188,'Sociology, University of Limerick, Limerick, Ireland',0,NULL,NULL),(1189,'Faculty of Arts, Mary Immaculate College, University of Limerick, Limerick, Ireland',0,NULL,NULL),(1190,'Centre for Comparative Welfare Studies, Aalborg University',0,NULL,NULL),(1191,'Institute of Social Studies, University of Tartu',0,NULL,NULL),(1192,'Universidade Atlântica ',0,NULL,NULL),(1193,'\"Sevasti & Parashqevi QIRIAZI\" University, Tirana',0,NULL,NULL),(1194,'RECSM, Universitat Pompeu Fabra',0,NULL,NULL),(1195,'Department of Sociology, KU Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(1196,'Department of Methodology and Statistics at Tilburg University ',0,NULL,NULL),(1197,'Wroclaw University of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1198,'University of Tarti',0,NULL,NULL),(1199,'Univesrity of Tartu',0,NULL,NULL),(1200,'Estonian Environmental Research Centre',0,NULL,NULL),(1201,'Department of Sociology, Radboud University Nijmegen, Nijmegen',0,NULL,NULL),(1202,'Centre of Social and Psychological Sciences, Slovak Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1203,'National Research University Higher School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1204,'Universidad Loyola Andalucia',0,NULL,NULL),(1205,' Faculty of Health Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1206,'Institute of Social Sciences, Slovak Academy of Sciences Košice',0,NULL,NULL),(1207,'GESIS – Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1208,'College for Interdisciplinary Education Research ',0,NULL,NULL),(1209,'University of Ruse, European Studies and International Relations Department',0,NULL,NULL),(1210,' Warsaw School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1211,' Ohio State University and the Polish Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1212,'Canadian Institute for Advanced Research and Vancouver School of Economics, University of British Columbia',0,NULL,NULL),(1213,'Department of Economics, University of Alberta',0,NULL,NULL),(1214,'Université d\'Orléans',0,NULL,NULL),(1215,'Department of Statistics and Econometrics, Bucharest Academy of Economic Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(1216,'Federal University of Paraíba',0,NULL,NULL),(1217,'Victoria University of Wellington',0,NULL,NULL),(1218,'Federal University of Espírito Santo',0,NULL,NULL),(1219,'University Alexandru Ioan Cuza Iasi',0,NULL,NULL),(1220,'Departament of Sociology',0,NULL,NULL),(1221,'Department of Business and Politics, Copenhagen Business School',0,NULL,NULL),(1222,'European Trade Union Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(1223,'Department of Business-Society Management, Rotterdam School of Management, Erasmus University Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1224,'Center for Philanthropic Studies, VU University Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1225,'Department of Economics, Indiana University Purdue University Indianapolis',0,NULL,NULL),(1226,'Department of Political Science, Department of Health Science, Muskingum University',0,NULL,NULL),(1227,'Department of Economics, University of Innsbruck',0,NULL,NULL),(1228,'Department of Statistics, University of Innsbruck',0,NULL,NULL),(1229,'Umeå University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology',0,NULL,NULL),(1230,'University of Duisburg-Essen, Germany',0,NULL,NULL),(1231,'Departamento de Sociología, Public University of Navarre',0,NULL,NULL),(1232,'Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas',0,NULL,NULL),(1233,'Department of Political Science, Tulane University',0,NULL,NULL),(1234,'Radboud Univeristy Nijmegen',0,NULL,NULL),(1235,'Ben-Gurion University',0,NULL,NULL),(1236,' Faculty of Humanities, Charles University in Prague',0,NULL,NULL),(1237,' Lahti University of Applied Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1238,'1 Department of Sociology/ICS, Utrecht University',0,NULL,NULL),(1239,'FORS, Switzerland',0,NULL,NULL),(1240,'University of Queensland, Australia',0,NULL,NULL),(1241,'Faculty of Economics and Administration, University of Pardubice',0,NULL,NULL),(1242,'IUT-University of Rennes',0,NULL,NULL),(1243,'School of Social Sciences, University of Manchester',0,NULL,NULL),(1244,'CIBER de Epidemiología y Salud Pública (CIBERESP), Madrid, Spain',0,NULL,NULL),(1245,'Interface Demography, Department of Sociology, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium',0,NULL,NULL),(1246,'Department of Experimental and Health Sciences, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Spain',0,NULL,NULL),(1247,'Department of Public Health Sciences, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden',0,NULL,NULL),(1248,' Health Information Systems Unit, Agència de Salut Pública de Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain',0,NULL,NULL),(1249,'Middlesex University',0,NULL,NULL),(1250,'Department of Social Research of the University of Helsinki and the European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control',0,NULL,NULL),(1251,'University of Luxembourg',0,NULL,NULL),(1252,'Neurology, Public Health and Disability Unit, Neurological Institute Carlo Besta, IRCCS Foundation, Milan',0,NULL,NULL),(1253,'Mental Health Promotion Unit, National Institute for Health and Welfare (THL), Vaasa, Finland',0,NULL,NULL),(1254,' Department of Social Sciences, Åbo Akademi University, Vaasa, Finland',0,NULL,NULL),(1255,'University of Durham',0,NULL,NULL),(1256,'Department of Political Science, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Brussels, Belgium',0,NULL,NULL),(1257,'Institut de Sciences Politiques Louvain-Europe, Université Catholique de Louvain, Louvain-La-Neuve, Belgium',0,NULL,NULL),(1258,' Romanian Academy of Science, Research Institute for Quality of Life, Romania',0,NULL,NULL),(1259,'Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu, Department of Sociology, Romania',0,NULL,NULL),(1260,'FDV, University of Ljubljana',0,NULL,NULL),(1261,'University of Maribor Faculty of Criminal Justice and Security',0,NULL,NULL),(1262,'University of Utah',0,NULL,NULL),(1263,'Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Research, University of Turku',0,NULL,NULL),(1264,'Common Cause Network, Norway ',0,NULL,NULL),(1265,'Royal Holloway University of London, United Kingdom ',0,NULL,NULL),(1266,' Luleå University of Technology, Sweden ',0,NULL,NULL),(1267,' KTH Royal Institute of Technology, Sweden',0,NULL,NULL),(1268,'Faculty of Economics; Center for Economics and Finance, University of Porto, Portugal ',0,NULL,NULL),(1269,'Institute for Economic Analysis (CSIC) and Barcelona GSE',0,NULL,NULL),(1270,'Department of Social Stratification, Madrid',0,NULL,NULL),(1271,'Department of Political Science & Sociology, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(1272,'Centre for Sociological Research (CESO), Leuven University',0,NULL,NULL),(1273,'Department Methodology and Statistics, Tilburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(1274,'Institute for Social Research (ISF), Oslo',0,NULL,NULL),(1275,'University of Southern Maine',0,NULL,NULL),(1276,'Australian National University',0,NULL,NULL),(1277,'University of Hawaii at Manoa, Honolulu',0,NULL,NULL),(1278,'University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley',0,NULL,NULL),(1279,'Social Policy Research Centre, University of New South Wales, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia',0,NULL,NULL),(1280,' Maastricht University, Netherland',0,NULL,NULL),(1281,'National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine',0,NULL,NULL),(1282,'Institute of Sociology, University of Duisburg-Essen',0,NULL,NULL),(1283,'Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Spain',0,NULL,NULL),(1284,'Nottingham Trent University, School of Architecture, Design and the Built Environment, Burton Street, NG1 4BU Nottingham',0,NULL,NULL),(1285,'Nottingham Trent University, School of Art and Design, Burton Street, NG1 4BU Nottingham',0,NULL,NULL),(1286,'VU University Amsterdam, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology',0,NULL,NULL),(1287,'Department of Sociology and Social Work, University of Valladolid',0,NULL,NULL),(1288,'Department of Geography, University of Valladolid',0,NULL,NULL),(1289,'Department of Political Science, Åbo Akademi University, Finland',0,NULL,NULL),(1290,'Faculty of Epidemiology and Population Health, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine',0,NULL,NULL),(1291,'School of Geography & Geosciences, University of St Andrews',0,NULL,NULL),(1292,'Department of Sociology at the University of Vienna and in the Wittgenstein Centre',0,NULL,NULL),(1293,'Wittgenstein Centre (IIASA, VID/ÖAW, WU), Vienna Institute of Demography',0,NULL,NULL),(1294,'Department of Sociology, University of Oxford, Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(1295,'Department of Health Services Research and Policy, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine',0,NULL,NULL),(1296,'School of Social and Community Medicine, University of Bristol, Bristol',0,NULL,NULL),(1297,'Hong Kong Jockey Club Centre for Suicide Research and Prevention, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam',0,NULL,NULL),(1298,'School of Medicine, Stanford University, Palo Alto, California',0,NULL,NULL),(1299,' Institute of Psychology, Health, and Society, University of Liverpool',0,NULL,NULL),(1300,'Institute of Management Sciences, University of Balochistan',0,NULL,NULL),(1301,'CERGAM, IAE d’Aix-en-Provence, Université Paul Cézane',0,NULL,NULL),(1302,'Quaid-e-Azam University',0,NULL,NULL),(1303,'University of Southern Denmark, Odense',0,NULL,NULL),(1304,'Academy of Sciences of Ukraine Kyiv',0,NULL,NULL),(1305,'Department of Education, European University Cyprus',0,NULL,NULL),(1306,' Faculty of Social SciencesDepartment of Political Science, Gothenburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1307,'Ghent University, Thomas More University College',0,NULL,NULL),(1308,'Institut national de la statistique et des ´etudes ´economiques du Grand-Duch´e du Luxembourg (STATEC)',0,NULL,NULL),(1309,'Faculty of Criminal Justice and Security, University of Maribor',0,NULL,NULL),(1310,' Faculty of Criminal Justice and Security, University of Maribor',0,NULL,NULL),(1311,'Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Centre for Health Equity Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(1312,'Department of Sociology, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen',0,NULL,NULL),(1313,'University ot Tartu',0,NULL,NULL),(1314,'Department of Political Science University of Gothenburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1315,'Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL), Lisboa',0,NULL,NULL),(1316,'Tilburg School of Economics and Management, Tilburg University, Tilburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1317,'Durham University Business School, Durham University, Durham',0,NULL,NULL),(1318,'Sociology and ARC Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course, University of Melbourne',0,NULL,NULL),(1319,'Chapman University–Wilkinson College of Humanities and Social Sciences and Schmid College of Science and Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(1320,'Institute for Policies and Public Goods, CSIC, C/Albasanz',0,NULL,NULL),(1321,'Complutense University of Madrid (Sociology VI), C/Rector Royo Villanova s/n. Madrid',0,NULL,NULL),(1322,'Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas (CIDE)',0,NULL,NULL),(1323,'University of Houston, Houston',0,NULL,NULL),(1324,'University of Leuven, Belgium',0,NULL,NULL),(1325,'School of Applied Social Science University College Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(1326,'Department of Economics, University of Crete',0,NULL,NULL),(1327,' University of Giessen, Germany',0,NULL,NULL),(1328,' Perl, Germany',0,NULL,NULL),(1329,'CEPS/Instead',0,NULL,NULL),(1330,'Center for Political Studies CEPOS',0,NULL,NULL),(1331,'Department of Political Science, University of Bern',0,NULL,NULL),(1332,'Department of Economics Center for Public Finance, University of Fribourg',0,NULL,NULL),(1333,'Department of Economics and Business, Aarhus University',0,NULL,NULL),(1334,'UNIVERSITY OF CRETE, RETHYMNO',0,NULL,NULL),(1335,'Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, Nuremberg, Germany; Leuphana University Lueneburg, Germany',0,NULL,NULL),(1336,'Faculty of Law, Research Unit Social Analysis of Security, Department of Penal Law & Criminology, Ghent University',0,NULL,NULL),(1337,'Mental Health Promotion Unit, National Institute for Health and Welfare',0,NULL,NULL),(1338,'Faculty of Health and Social Sciences, Northumbria University',0,NULL,NULL),(1339,'Monitoring Society and Social Change, Leibniz Institute for Social Sciences, Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(1340,'Sociology, Rhode Island College, Providence',0,NULL,NULL),(1341,'Political Science, Bloomsburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(1342,'University of Salamanca',0,NULL,NULL),(1343,'University of Luxembourg > Faculty of Law, Economics and Finance (FDEF)',0,NULL,NULL),(1344,'NOTTINGHAM BUSINESS SCHOOL',0,NULL,NULL),(1345,'Department of Sociology, University of A Coruna, A Coruna',0,NULL,NULL),(1346,'UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES,',0,NULL,NULL),(1347,'Department of Sociology and Work science, University of Gothenburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1348,'Department of Social Research/Social Policy, Helsinki University',0,NULL,NULL),(1349,'NCCR Democracy, Centre for Democracy Studies Aarau, University of Zurich ',0,NULL,NULL),(1350,' Sociology, University Institute of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(1351,'Ohio State University, Sociology',0,NULL,NULL),(1352,'Institut für Ost- und Südosteuropaforschung ',0,NULL,NULL),(1353,'European Commission, DG Joint Research Centre, Econometrics and Applied Statistics Unit, Centre for Research on Impact Evaluation (CRIE)',0,NULL,NULL),(1354,'Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute, The Hague (NIDI/KNAW), University of Groningen & VU University Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1355,'Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute, The Hague (NIDI/KNAW), University Medical Centre Groningen & VU University Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1356,'Sociology, CIES-ISCTE-IUL',0,NULL,NULL),(1357,'ISCSP-Technical University of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(1358,'Rutgers University',0,NULL,NULL),(1359,'Political Science, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1360,'ociology, Rhode Island College',0,NULL,NULL),(1361,'School of Social Sciences and Humanities, University of Tampere',0,NULL,NULL),(1362,'University of Tartu - Faculty of Economics and Business Administration',0,NULL,NULL),(1363,' Cuza University of Iasi, Romania',0,NULL,NULL),(1364,'Department of Economics University of Essex',0,NULL,NULL),(1365,'Universidad de Malaga',0,NULL,NULL),(1366,'ociology, UNIVERSITY OF CRETE, RETHYMNO, CRETE',0,NULL,NULL),(1367,'Stockholm University Demography Unit and Statistics Norway',0,NULL,NULL),(1368,'University of Florence',0,NULL,NULL),(1369,'Tallinn University, Tallinn,',0,NULL,NULL),(1370,'NTNU, Faculty of Social Sciences and Technology Management, Department of Sociology and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(1371,'Department of Political Science University of Mainz',0,NULL,NULL),(1372,'The London School of Economics and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(1373,'Government, University of Texas at Austin',0,NULL,NULL),(1374,'ESRC Centre for Population Change, University of Southampton',0,NULL,NULL),(1375,'Demography at the University of Southampton',0,NULL,NULL),(1376,'Buskerud and Vestfold University College',0,NULL,NULL),(1377,'Erasmus University Rotterdam, Faculty of Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1378,'Queen Mary University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(1379,'Universidade Católica Portuguesa',0,NULL,NULL),(1380,'“Carlo F Dondena” Center for Research on Social Dynamics and Department of Policy Analysis and Public Management, Università Bocconi',0,NULL,NULL),(1381,'Department of Political and Social Sciences and RECSM, Universitat Pompeu Fabra',0,NULL,NULL),(1382,'Department of Sociology and Nuffield College, University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(1383,'London School of Economics & Political Science ',0,NULL,NULL),(1384,' Institute of Sociology, Darmstadt University of Technology, Residenzschloss',0,NULL,NULL),(1385,'Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of Essex, Essex',0,NULL,NULL),(1386,'Baylor University',0,NULL,NULL),(1387,' Duke University School of Medicine',0,NULL,NULL),(1388,'Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, University College London,',0,NULL,NULL),(1389,'Epoka University',0,NULL,NULL),(1390,'Centre for Longitudinal and Life-course Studies, University of Antwerp',0,NULL,NULL),(1391,'Department of Society, Human Development and Health, Harvard School of Public Health',0,NULL,NULL),(1392,'PhD student at the University of Groningen (department of Sociology)',0,NULL,NULL),(1393,'Faculty of Social Sciences (Radboud University)',0,NULL,NULL),(1394,'EADA Business School, Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(1395,'Department of Social Work and Social Policy, Universidad Loyola Andalucia, Seville ',0,NULL,NULL),(1396,'Department of Management and Quantitative Methods, Universidad Loyola Andalucia, Cordoba ',0,NULL,NULL),(1397,'Centre for Disability Research and Policy, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Sydney',0,NULL,NULL),(1398,'IZA',0,NULL,NULL),(1399,' University College Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(1400,'Universidad de Navarra, Economics, Campus Universitario',0,NULL,NULL),(1401,'Division of Economics, University of Stirling',0,NULL,NULL),(1402,'Centre for Health Equity Studies (CHESS), Stockholm University/Karolinska Institutet',0,NULL,NULL),(1403,'Political Science, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(1404,'Social Psychology, Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, Santiago de Compostela',0,NULL,NULL),(1405,'Department of Economics, University of Padova',0,NULL,NULL),(1406,'Norwich Medical School, University of East Anglia',0,NULL,NULL),(1407,'Facultad de Ciencias EconómicasUniversidad de Navarra',0,NULL,NULL),(1408,'University of Helsinki, Finland',0,NULL,NULL),(1409,'Department of Psychology, University of Helsinki',0,NULL,NULL),(1410,'Department of Social Psychology, University of Helsinki',0,NULL,NULL),(1411,'Department of Criminology, Penal Law and Social Law',0,NULL,NULL),(1412,'University of Copenhagen, Denmark and The Danish National Centre for Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(1413,'Department of Geography and EnvironmentLondon School of Economics and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(1414,'    Department of Geography and EnvironmentLondon School of Economics and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(1415,'Princeton University',0,NULL,NULL),(1416,'The Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life',0,NULL,NULL),(1417,'University of Göttingen & Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity',0,NULL,NULL),(1418,'Education and Sociology, University of California, Irvine',0,NULL,NULL),(1419,'University of Gent',0,NULL,NULL),(1420,'Department of Political Science, Karlstad University',0,NULL,NULL),(1421,'Department of Political Science McGill University',0,NULL,NULL),(1422,'Department of Political Science at McGill University, Montréal',0,NULL,NULL),(1423,'Department of Political Science, Catholic University of Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(1424,'Department of Political Science at Karlstad University',0,NULL,NULL),(1425,'McGill University Montréal ',0,NULL,NULL),(1426,'Department of Sociology, University of Stockholm',0,NULL,NULL),(1427,'GAINS-TEPP',0,NULL,NULL),(1428,'University of Mains',0,NULL,NULL),(1429,' Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, London and University of Cyprus',0,NULL,NULL),(1430,'Centre for Citizenship and Democracy, KULeuven',0,NULL,NULL),(1431,'Colgate University',0,NULL,NULL),(1432,'Amsterdam Institute for Advanced Labour Studies (AIAS), University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1433,'Department of Economics, Utrecht University, Utrech',0,NULL,NULL),(1434,'Institute for Political Science, Center for Social Sciences at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1435,'School of Government and Public Policy, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow',0,NULL,NULL),(1436,'Dipartimento di Scienze Economiche, Aziendali e Statistiche',0,NULL,NULL),(1437,'Università degli Studi di Palermo',0,NULL,NULL),(1438,'Department of Economics, University of Athens',0,NULL,NULL),(1439,'University of Tirana, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Psychology and Pedagogy',0,NULL,NULL),(1440,'Department of Sociology of Erasmus University Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1441,'Department of Sociology of Leuven University ',0,NULL,NULL),(1442,'Department of Adult Psychiatry, University College Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(1443,'Centre for Citizenship and Democracy, University of Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(1444,' Department of Political Science at the University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1445,'Social Policy at KU Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(1446,'Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam, ',0,NULL,NULL),(1447,'Department of Sociology, Umeå University.',0,NULL,NULL),(1448,'Hertie School of Governance',0,NULL,NULL),(1449,'Statistics Netherlands / Maastricht University Department of social-economic and spatial statistics ',0,NULL,NULL),(1450,'Department of Government at American University, Washington DC',0,NULL,NULL),(1451,'Department of Methodology, London School of Economic',0,NULL,NULL),(1452,'Université de Genève',0,NULL,NULL),(1453,'Joint Program in Survey Methodology, MPRC',0,NULL,NULL),(1454,'Institut für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung, Nurnberg',0,NULL,NULL),(1455,'University of Maryland',0,NULL,NULL),(1456,'University of Maryland and IAB/LMU',0,NULL,NULL),(1457,'Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin',0,NULL,NULL),(1458,'School of Social and Political Sciences, Glasgow University',0,NULL,NULL),(1459,'School of Politics and International Relations, University of Nottingham',0,NULL,NULL),(1460,'University of Florida, Marketing Department ',0,NULL,NULL),(1461,'Centre for Sociological Research, University of Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(1462,'Interface Demography, Vrije Universiteit Brussel',0,NULL,NULL),(1463,'Centre for Municipality Studies Linköping University',0,NULL,NULL),(1464,'Department of Comparative Politics University of Bergen',0,NULL,NULL),(1465,'School of Social Sciences Linnaeus University',0,NULL,NULL),(1466,'UCD Geary Institute and School of Economics, University College Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(1467,'School of Economics, University College Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(1468,'Centre for Sociological Research Leuven/Family and Population Studies Leuven, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(1469,'Department of Sociology and CIQLE, Yale University',0,NULL,NULL),(1470,'CIFAR Programme, Vancouver School of EconomicsUniversity of British Columbia',0,NULL,NULL),(1471,'Department of EconomicsUniversity of Alberta',0,NULL,NULL),(1472,'School of Public Policy and ManagementKorea Development Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(1473,'Spanish National Research Council ',0,NULL,NULL),(1474,'University of Zaragoza',0,NULL,NULL),(1475,'Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, Rostock',0,NULL,NULL),(1476,'Institute of Education , University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(1477,'Mannheim Centre for European Social Research (MZES), University of Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(1478,'London School of Economics & Political Science - Department of Methodology',0,NULL,NULL),(1479,'City University London; London School of Economics & Political Science (LSE)',0,NULL,NULL),(1480,'London School of Economics & Political Science - Methodology Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(1481,'Joint Program in Survey Methodology at the University of Maryland',0,NULL,NULL),(1482,'University of Nebraska',0,NULL,NULL),(1483,'University of Konstanz - Department of Politics and Management',0,NULL,NULL),(1484,'University of Duisburg-Essen - Institute of Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(1485,'Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest',0,NULL,NULL),(1486,'Centre d\'Economie de la Sorbonne, University Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne',0,NULL,NULL),(1487,'Sciences Po, Centre d\'études européennes',0,NULL,NULL),(1488,'University of California, Davis',0,NULL,NULL),(1489,'Ca Foscari University of Venice, Department of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1490,'University of Milan, DEMM',0,NULL,NULL),(1491,'University Mannheim, MZES',0,NULL,NULL),(1492,'University of Granada. Faculty of Political Science and Sociology',0,NULL,NULL),(1493,'The School of Geography, Politics and Sociology, Newcastle University',0,NULL,NULL),(1494,'Institute of Political Science, University of St.Gallen',0,NULL,NULL),(1495,'UCLA, Anderson School of Management',0,NULL,NULL),(1496,'University of California–Los Angeles',0,NULL,NULL),(1497,'Merton College, University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(1498,'Department of Government, University of Essex',0,NULL,NULL),(1499,'Anderson School of Management, UCLA',0,NULL,NULL),(1500,' Stockholm University',0,NULL,NULL),(1501,'Louis and Gabi Weisfeld School of Social Work',0,NULL,NULL),(1502,'Centrum voor Politicologie (OE)',0,NULL,NULL),(1503,'Centrum voor Politicologie',0,NULL,NULL),(1504,'Department of Social Policy, Faculty of Social Sciences and Law, Universidad Loyola',0,NULL,NULL),(1505,'School of Social Work, Bar-Ilan University',0,NULL,NULL),(1506,'Bar-Ilan University',0,NULL,NULL),(1507,'University of the West of England, Bristol ',0,NULL,NULL),(1508,'Louis and Gabi Weisfeld School of Social Work, Bar Ilan University',0,NULL,NULL),(1509,'National Research University Higher School of Economics, Laboratory for Comparative Studies of Mass Consciousness',0,NULL,NULL),(1510,'Health Division, Bern University of Applied Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1511,'Maastricht Economic and Social Research Institute on Innovation and Technology, United Nations University',0,NULL,NULL),(1512,'Centre for General Scientific Continuing Education, Ulm University',0,NULL,NULL),(1513,'Netherlands Institute for Health Services Research, Utrecht',0,NULL,NULL),(1514,'Department of Clinical Neuroscience, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden, Department of Public Health Sciences, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm',0,NULL,NULL),(1515,' European University Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(1516,'Department of Sociology, Lund University',0,NULL,NULL),(1517,'Department of Sociology and Work Science, Gothenburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(1518,'Universidad de Alicante',0,NULL,NULL),(1519,'Departamento de Economía',0,NULL,NULL),(1520,'Institute of Public Administration, University of Leiden',0,NULL,NULL),(1521,'Department of Socioeconomics, Universitaet Hamburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1522,'University of Würzburg and IZA ',0,NULL,NULL),(1523,'University of Cologne and IZA ',0,NULL,NULL),(1524,'University of Tallinn',0,NULL,NULL),(1525,'Department of Sociology and Social Work, University of Agder',0,NULL,NULL),(1526,'Umeå University, Sweden',0,NULL,NULL),(1527,'University of Bremen, Germany',0,NULL,NULL),(1528,' Life Course & Inequality Research Centre (LINES), University of Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(1529,' Swiss Centre of Expertise in the Social Sciences (FORS), Lausanne ',0,NULL,NULL),(1530,' NET-Metrix AG, Zürich ',0,NULL,NULL),(1531,'Wroclaw University of Economics, Department of Econometrics',0,NULL,NULL),(1532,'Political Science, Leiden University',0,NULL,NULL),(1533,'Department of Economics, Statistics, Mathematics and Sociology (DESMAS) , University of Messina ',0,NULL,NULL),(1534,'Department of Statistical Sciences , Catholic University and ‘P. Baffi’ Centre on Central Banking and Financial Regulation, Bocconi University',0,NULL,NULL),(1535,'Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1536,'University of Groningen, Faculty of Arts',0,NULL,NULL),(1537,'University of Twente – Political Science and Research Methods',0,NULL,NULL),(1538,'School of Social Welfare, University of California-Berkeley',0,NULL,NULL),(1539,' University of Hawai\'i at Manoa',0,NULL,NULL),(1540,'School of Social Sciences, University of Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(1541,'Faculty of Management and Governance',0,NULL,NULL),(1542,'Amsterdam School of Communication Research',0,NULL,NULL),(1543,' Department of Sociology and Work Science, University of Gothenburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1544,'Centre for Health Equity Studies (CHESS), Stockholm University',0,NULL,NULL),(1545,' Institute of Sociology Nas of Ukraine',0,NULL,NULL),(1546,'Sociology, Boston University',0,NULL,NULL),(1547,'Glasgow Caledonian University',0,NULL,NULL),(1548,'Department of Society and Globalisation, Roskilde University',0,NULL,NULL),(1549,'Department Sociologie, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(1550,'Department of Economics, Istanbul Bilgi University',0,NULL,NULL),(1551,'Centre for Census and Survey Research, University of Manchester',0,NULL,NULL),(1552,'University of Lisbon - Institute of Social Science',0,NULL,NULL),(1553,'Independent',0,NULL,NULL),(1554,'Victoria Business School, Victoria University of Wellington',0,NULL,NULL),(1555,'University of Zagreb, Faculty of Economics and Business',0,NULL,NULL),(1556,'Catholic University',0,NULL,NULL),(1557,'Bilkent University, Ankara',0,NULL,NULL),(1558,'Cornell University, Ithaca',0,NULL,NULL),(1559,'Center for Citizenship and Democracy',0,NULL,NULL),(1560,'Paris School of Economics (PSE)',0,NULL,NULL),(1561,'Institute for International and Social Studies, Tallinn University, Uus Sadama',0,NULL,NULL),(1562,'Political Science, University of Zurich',0,NULL,NULL),(1563,'University of Guelph',0,NULL,NULL),(1564,'Institute for Sociology, Center for Social Sciences; International Business School Budapest',0,NULL,NULL),(1565,'Economic Research Unit, Branch of Catanzaro, Bank of Italy',0,NULL,NULL),(1566,'Structural Economic Analysis Department, Bank of Italy',0,NULL,NULL),(1567,' Faculty of Criminal Justice and Security ',0,NULL,NULL),(1568,'Faculty of Social Sciences ',0,NULL,NULL),(1569,'Faculty of Criminal Justice and Security ',0,NULL,NULL),(1570,'The Bucharest Academy of Economic Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(1571,'Sociology, Umeå University',0,NULL,NULL),(1572,'Department of Sociology, Ume',0,NULL,NULL),(1573,'BIGSSS',0,NULL,NULL),(1574,'Department of Quantitative Methods, School of Business, Istanbul University',0,NULL,NULL),(1575,'Latinobarómetro, Santiago',0,NULL,NULL),(1576,'National Taiwan University, Taipei',0,NULL,NULL),(1577,'Department of Sociology of Education, Institute of Educational Science, University of Bern',0,NULL,NULL),(1578,'Institute of Education & Society, University of Luxembourg',0,NULL,NULL),(1579,'Center for Social Sciences, Hungarian Academy of Sciences and CPS, Central European University',0,NULL,NULL),(1580,'Department of Sociology, University of Innsbruck',0,NULL,NULL),(1581,'Victoria University of Wellington, Political Science and International Relations Programme',0,NULL,NULL),(1582,'Department of Political Science and Sociology, UNED',0,NULL,NULL),(1583,'Department of Political Science, University of Salamanca',0,NULL,NULL),(1584,'Netherlands Institute for Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(1585,'GESIS, Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(1586,'Department of Clinical and Counseling Psychology, Teachers CollegeColumbia University',0,NULL,NULL),(1587,'Center for Applied Developmental Science (CADS)Friedrich Schiller University Jena',0,NULL,NULL),(1588,'Polish Educational Research Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(1589,'KU Leuven, Department of Sociology',0,NULL,NULL),(1590,'ICPR, Birkbeck',0,NULL,NULL),(1591,'Boston University',0,NULL,NULL),(1592,'Department of Economics, Faculty of Business and Law, Auckland University of Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(1593,'Sociology DepartmentVrije Universiteit Brussel',0,NULL,NULL),(1594,'Center for Global Studies, Shanghai University)',0,NULL,NULL),(1595,'International University College',0,NULL,NULL),(1596,'University of Maastricht',0,NULL,NULL),(1597,'NSD - Norwegian Centre for Research Data, Bergen',0,NULL,NULL),(1598,'American University in Bulgaria',0,NULL,NULL),(1599,'Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1600,'University of Helsinki, Department of Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(1601,'Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Interface Demography, Department of Sociology',0,NULL,NULL),(1602,'National Research Council (US); Institute of Medicine',0,NULL,NULL),(1603,'Åbo Akademi University, Turku',0,NULL,NULL),(1604,'University of Hertfordshire',0,NULL,NULL),(1605,'Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA), European Commission, Brussels ',0,NULL,NULL),(1606,'Tel Aviv Univeristy',0,NULL,NULL),(1607,'Tel Aviv Univerisity',0,NULL,NULL),(1608,'University Medical Centre, Hamburg-Eppendorf',0,NULL,NULL),(1609,'Department of Medical Sociology, University Medical Center Hamburg-Eppendorf',0,NULL,NULL),(1610,'Department of Medical Sociology,  University of Duesseldorf',0,NULL,NULL),(1611,'Department of Medical Sociolog, University of Duesseldorf',0,NULL,NULL),(1612,'Department of Medical Sociology, University Medical Centre Hamburg-Eppendorf',0,NULL,NULL),(1613,'edical Sociology Unit, Hannover Medical School',0,NULL,NULL),(1614,'University Medical Center Hamburg-Eppendorf',0,NULL,NULL),(1615,'HeDeRa (Health and Demographic Research), Department of Sociology, Ghent University',0,NULL,NULL),(1616,'Department of Medical Sociology, University Medical Centre',0,NULL,NULL),(1617,'Portuguese Catholic University',0,NULL,NULL),(1618,'Department of Sociology, The University of Iowa',0,NULL,NULL),(1619,'University of Texas at Austin',0,NULL,NULL),(1620,'Wake Forest University, Wake Forest',0,NULL,NULL),(1621,'Department of Government, Christopher Newport University',0,NULL,NULL),(1622,'Institute of Sociology of The Hungarian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1623,' Corvinus University of Budapest',0,NULL,NULL),(1624,'The Department of Political Science, University of North Carolina',0,NULL,NULL),(1625,'Henry Institute for the Study of Christianity and Politics',0,NULL,NULL),(1626,'Mannheim Center for European Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(1627,'Fernuniversität Hagen',0,NULL,NULL),(1628,'Instituto de Higiene e Medicina Tropical, Nova University of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(1629,'Harvard T. H. Chan School of Public Health',0,NULL,NULL),(1630,'Department of Economic Analysis, Warsaw School of Economics, Warsaw',0,NULL,NULL),(1631,'Department of SociologyUniversity of Texas',0,NULL,NULL),(1632,'University of Maryland in the Joint Program in Survey Methodology',0,NULL,NULL),(1633,'University of Leeds',0,NULL,NULL),(1634,'Department of Political and Social Sciences, Universitat Pompeu Fabra ',0,NULL,NULL),(1635,'Institute of Public Goods and Policies',0,NULL,NULL),(1636,'University of Helsinki Faculty of Social Sciences Social Psychology',0,NULL,NULL),(1637,'Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian University of Science and Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(1638,'Health Sciences and Social Welfare, Oslo University College',0,NULL,NULL),(1639,'Department of Social Work, Child Welfare and Social Policy, Faculty of Social Sciences, Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1640,'University of Warsaw',0,NULL,NULL),(1641,'University of Leuven Center for Sociological Research (CeSO) Family and Population Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(1642,'Journal of Social Science Education',0,NULL,NULL),(1643,'Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences, Amsterdam School of Communication Research (ASCoR)',0,NULL,NULL),(1644,'Amsterdam University',0,NULL,NULL),(1645,'Amsterdam School of Communication Research (ASCoR), University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1646,'GESIS Leibniz-Institute for the Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1647,'Department of EconomicsIstanbul Bilgi University',0,NULL,NULL),(1648,'Economics and Research Department',0,NULL,NULL),(1649,'Department of Finance and Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1650,'CREIP—Departament d’EconomiaUniversitat Rovira i Virgili',0,NULL,NULL),(1651,'Department of Geography and EnvironmentLondon School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1652,'Department of Political Science, The University of Tennessee',0,NULL,NULL),(1653,'    CREIP—Departament d’EconomiaUniversitat Rovira i Virgili',0,NULL,NULL),(1654,'    Department of Geography and EnvironmentLondon School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1655,'Institut für Mittelstandsforschung (IfM) Bonn',0,NULL,NULL),(1656,'Stiftung Die Gute Hand',0,NULL,NULL),(1657,'Institute for the Study of Societies and Knowledge, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poland',0,NULL,NULL),(1658,'University of Applied Sciences and Arts Northwestern Switzerland FHNW ',0,NULL,NULL),(1659,'ETHZ',0,NULL,NULL),(1660,'Zeppelin University, Friedrichshafen',0,NULL,NULL),(1661,'Erasmus University Rotterdam, Erasmus School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1662,'University of Nevada',0,NULL,NULL),(1663,'Department of Political and Economic Studies, University of Helsinki',0,NULL,NULL),(1664,' Department of Political Science and Contemporary History, University of Turku',0,NULL,NULL),(1665,'Department of Economics, Sapienza University of Rome',0,NULL,NULL),(1666,'Loyola University Chicago',0,NULL,NULL),(1667,'Central Michigan University',0,NULL,NULL),(1668,'Luxembourg Income Study, LIS Cross-National Data Center',0,NULL,NULL),(1669,'Department of Quantitative MethodsUniversity of Granada',0,NULL,NULL),(1670,'Department of EconomicsBar-Ilan University',0,NULL,NULL),(1671,'Zeppelin University',0,NULL,NULL),(1672,'Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Institut de Govern i Polítiques Públiques (iGOP) Department',0,NULL,NULL),(1673,'University of Oviedo',0,NULL,NULL),(1674,'Department of Government University of Essex',0,NULL,NULL),(1675,'Department of Government, University of Esssex',0,NULL,NULL),(1676,'Political Science Department, Higher Institute for Social and Political Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1677,'Instituto Universita´rio de Lisboa',0,NULL,NULL),(1678,'CIES-ISCTE-IUL',0,NULL,NULL),(1679,'Linnaeus University, School of Business and Economics, Department of Economics and Statistics',0,NULL,NULL),(1680,'Max Weber Fellow',0,NULL,NULL),(1681,'Department of Economics, University of Oldenburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1682,'Universität Didorenko',0,NULL,NULL),(1683,' University of Reading in the School of Law',0,NULL,NULL),(1684,'Centre Émile-Durkheim',0,NULL,NULL),(1685,'Faculty of Social Sciences and Technology Management, Norwegian University of Science and Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(1686,'Radboud University, Department of Economics and Business Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1687,'Charles University Prague',0,NULL,NULL),(1688,'Institute of Information Theory and Automation of the CAS',0,NULL,NULL),(1689,'Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1690,' Statistics Norway',0,NULL,NULL),(1691,'Hungarian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1692,'Department of Sociology, VU University Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1693,'Sociology and Social Research Methodology at the Department of Sociology at VU University Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1694,'Political Science, University of Oradea',0,NULL,NULL),(1695,'Department of Sociology Umeå University',0,NULL,NULL),(1696,'University of Milan',0,NULL,NULL),(1697,'University of Amsterdam/Leuven University',0,NULL,NULL),(1698,'McGill University Centre for the Study of Democratic Citizenship',0,NULL,NULL),(1699,'Environment and Sustainability Institute / Politics University of Exeter Penryn',0,NULL,NULL),(1700,'Université de Nantes / LEMNA',0,NULL,NULL),(1701,'Audencia Nantes. École de management',0,NULL,NULL),(1702,'Department of Political Science , Binghamton University (SUNY)',0,NULL,NULL),(1703,'Autonomous University of Queretaro',0,NULL,NULL),(1704,'Glasgow Centre for Population Health',0,NULL,NULL),(1705,' Observatoire Régional de la Santé (ORS)',0,NULL,NULL),(1706,'German Institute for International Educational Research',0,NULL,NULL),(1707,'Goethe University Frankfurt am Main',0,NULL,NULL),(1708,' Österreichisches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung',0,NULL,NULL),(1709,'Centre for Environmental Policy, Imperial College London',0,NULL,NULL),(1710,'School of Management and Business, Aberystwyth University',0,NULL,NULL),(1711,'School of Social Sciences, Cathy Marsh Centre for Census and Survey Research (CCSR), University of Manchester',0,NULL,NULL),(1712,'Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(1713,'University of Cologne - Institute for Sociology and Social Psychology',0,NULL,NULL),(1714,'University of Cologne - Cologne Center for Comparative Politics',0,NULL,NULL),(1715,'Hedera Research Group, Department of Sociology at Ghent University',0,NULL,NULL),(1716,'Sociology, Ghent University, Belgium',0,NULL,NULL),(1717,'Educational Research Institute, Warsaw',0,NULL,NULL),(1718,'Educational Research Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(1719,'Institute for Social & Economic Research, University of Essex',0,NULL,NULL),(1720,'I-BioStat, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven and Universiteit Hasselt',0,NULL,NULL),(1721,'Zespól Studiów nad Metodami i Technikami Badan Socjologicznych',0,NULL,NULL),(1722,' Institute for Political Science, Centre for Social Sciences, Hungarian Academy of Sciences ',0,NULL,NULL),(1723,' Department of Sociology, City University London',0,NULL,NULL),(1724,' University of East Anglia',0,NULL,NULL),(1725,' Boston College',0,NULL,NULL),(1726,'Research Institute for Quality of Life (ICCV)',0,NULL,NULL),(1727,'Centre d’´etudes europ´eennes and LIEPP, Sciences Po',0,NULL,NULL),(1728,'Department of Statistics, London School of Economics and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(1729,'School of Social Sciences, University of Southampton',0,NULL,NULL),(1730,'Department of SociologyTilburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(1731,'Department Methodology and StatisticsTilburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(1732,'Katholieke Universiteit',0,NULL,NULL),(1733,'University of Athens - Economics Department',0,NULL,NULL),(1734,'University of Athens - Department of Economics, Politics and the State',0,NULL,NULL),(1735,'Department of Sociology and Social Research, University of Trento',0,NULL,NULL),(1736,'Queens College, CUNY',0,NULL,NULL),(1737,'IMDEA-Social Sciences Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(1738,'Research and Expertise Centre for Survey Methodology (RECSM), Universitat Pompeu Fabra',0,NULL,NULL),(1739,'Corvinus University',0,NULL,NULL),(1740,'Centre for Social Sciences, HAS',0,NULL,NULL),(1741,'Department of Communication, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem',0,NULL,NULL),(1742,'Faculty of Social Sciences University of Ljubljana',0,NULL,NULL),(1743,'German Youth Institute Munich',0,NULL,NULL),(1744,'Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia',0,NULL,NULL),(1745,'Political Science and Interim Department',0,NULL,NULL),(1746,'Department of Political Science, University of Kansas',0,NULL,NULL),(1747,'Department of Politics and International Relations, Pembroke College Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(1748,' Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1749,'Mary Immaculate College, Univeristy of Limerick',0,NULL,NULL),(1750,'University of Southampton',0,NULL,NULL),(1751,'Université de Fribourg',0,NULL,NULL),(1752,'Agroscope, Institute for Sustainability Sciences, Tänikon',0,NULL,NULL),(1753,'Department of Biological Psychology, Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy, Julius-Maximilians-University of Würzburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1754,'Zurich University of Applied Sciences,',0,NULL,NULL),(1755,'Oregon State University,',0,NULL,NULL),(1756,'University of Geneva,',0,NULL,NULL),(1757,'University of Berne',0,NULL,NULL),(1758,'Södertörn University, Stockholm',0,NULL,NULL),(1759,'Duke University, Durham, NC',0,NULL,NULL),(1760,'The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH',0,NULL,NULL),(1761,'University of Essex, Colchester, UK and Australian National University',0,NULL,NULL),(1762,'Faculteit Sociale Wetenschappen',0,NULL,NULL),(1763,'Delft University of Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(1764,'Institute for Social Sciences, Humboldt University, Berlin',0,NULL,NULL),(1765,'Universität Bern',0,NULL,NULL),(1766,'Institute of Political Science, University of Bern',0,NULL,NULL),(1767,'University of Iowa',0,NULL,NULL),(1768,'Management, Economics, and Quantitative Methods Department, University of Bergamo',0,NULL,NULL),(1769,'CREST-ENSAE, Ècole Polytechnique, IZA, CEPR',0,NULL,NULL),(1770,'Aix-Marseille University, CNRS & EHESS',0,NULL,NULL),(1771,'Institute of Sociology and Social Psychology, University of Cologne',0,NULL,NULL),(1772,'School of Geographical Sciences, University of Bristol',0,NULL,NULL),(1773,'School of Geographical Sciences, University of Bristol,',0,NULL,NULL),(1774,'Research Institute of Industrial Economics (IFN) and SITE',0,NULL,NULL),(1775,'Department of Social and Political Sciences, University of Milan',0,NULL,NULL),(1776,'EUI Florence',0,NULL,NULL),(1777,'Department of Economic Sociology, University of Vienna',0,NULL,NULL),(1778,'Department of Social and Political Sciences, European University Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(1779,'Faculty of Economics and Administration, Department of Public Economics, Masaryk University',0,NULL,NULL),(1780,'Amsterdam Institute for Advanced Labour Studies, AIAS, Department of Applied Economics, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1781,'Department of Political Science and Public Policies, Lisbon University Institute (ISCTEIUL)',0,NULL,NULL),(1782,'Babes-Bolyai University Cluj',0,NULL,NULL),(1783,'Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 117218 Moscow, Russia National Research University Higher School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1784,'Faculty of Social Science, University of Giessen',0,NULL,NULL),(1785,'State Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE), Moscow',0,NULL,NULL),(1786,'Justus-Liebig University Giessen',0,NULL,NULL),(1787,'University of Southern California',0,NULL,NULL),(1788,'Nottingham Business School Nottingham Trent University',0,NULL,NULL),(1789,'Cardiff Business School, Cardiff University',0,NULL,NULL),(1790,'Department of Society and Globalization, Roskilde University',0,NULL,NULL),(1791,'Philosophy Department, California State University, Sacramento',0,NULL,NULL),(1792,'Department of PsychologyKeimyung University',0,NULL,NULL),(1793,'Philosophy DepartmentCalifornia State University',0,NULL,NULL),(1794,'Department of Psychology, Sapienza University of Rome',0,NULL,NULL),(1795,'Department of Psychology, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem',0,NULL,NULL),(1796,'Department of Social Sciences, Economics, and Business Administration, University of Bamberg',0,NULL,NULL),(1797,'University of Toronto',0,NULL,NULL),(1798,'Department of Political Science at Hebrew University of Jerusalem',0,NULL,NULL),(1799,'Department of International Relations at Yasar University',0,NULL,NULL),(1800,'Department of Political Science at Stony Brook University',0,NULL,NULL),(1801,'Dynamique du Langage, University of Lyon',0,NULL,NULL),(1802,'School of Geographical Sciences at the University of Bristol',0,NULL,NULL),(1803,'Centre for Multilevel Modelling (CMM) at the University of Bristol',0,NULL,NULL),(1804,'Department of Political Science, University of Giessen',0,NULL,NULL),(1805,'University Research Priority Program “Social Networks”, University of Zürich',0,NULL,NULL),(1806,'Institute of Psychology, Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw',0,NULL,NULL),(1807,'Institute of Sociology, University of Zürich',0,NULL,NULL),(1808,'Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw, University of Zurich',0,NULL,NULL),(1809,'SYROKKO',0,NULL,NULL),(1810,'Athens Metropolitan College',0,NULL,NULL),(1811,'Department of Political Science and Government, Aarhus University',0,NULL,NULL),(1812,'Center for International Higher Education, Campion Hall, Boston College',0,NULL,NULL),(1813,'Department of International StudiesLoyola University Andalusia',0,NULL,NULL),(1814,'Centre for Research on Environment, Society and Health (CRESH), University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh',0,NULL,NULL),(1815,'Centre for Research on Environment, Society and Health (CRESH), University of Glasgow',0,NULL,NULL),(1816,'CRIE, JRC, European Commission',0,NULL,NULL),(1817,'Masaryk University, CELSI and IZA',0,NULL,NULL),(1818,'Department of International Public Health and Biostatistics, Nova University of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(1819,'Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Harvard School of Public Health',0,NULL,NULL),(1820,'Department of Social Stratification, Institute for International and Social Studies, Tallinn University',0,NULL,NULL),(1821,'Department of Political Science, Aalborg University',0,NULL,NULL),(1822,'Heinrich-Heine-University, Düsseldorf',0,NULL,NULL),(1823,'Seinäjoki University of Applied Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1824,'Laurea University of Applied Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1825,'Institute of Political Science, Justus Liebig University of Giessen',0,NULL,NULL),(1826,'Perl',0,NULL,NULL),(1827,'nstitute of Political Science, Justus Liebig University of Giessen',0,NULL,NULL),(1828,'CEPS/INSTEAD Centre d’Etudes de Populations de Pauvreté et de Politiques Socio-Economiques/International Network for Studies in Technology Environment, Alternatives, Development',0,NULL,NULL),(1829,'GESIS — Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1830,'Department of Public Health, University of Tartu',0,NULL,NULL),(1831,'Institute of Social StudiesUniversity of Tartu',0,NULL,NULL),(1832,'Department of Sociology, Macquarie University',0,NULL,NULL),(1833,'Department of Sociology at the University of Graz/Austria',0,NULL,NULL),(1834,'University of Graz',0,NULL,NULL),(1835,'Department of Sociology at the University of Graz',0,NULL,NULL),(1836,'Interface Demography, Department of Sociology',0,NULL,NULL),(1837,'Agència de Salut Pública de Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(1838,'Institut d\'Investigació Biomèdica Sant Pau (IIB Sant Pau)',0,NULL,NULL),(1839,'Health Inequalities Research Group (GREDS), Universitat Pompeu Fabra',0,NULL,NULL),(1840,'Department of Clinical Neuroscience and Department of Public Health Sciences, Karolinska Institutet',0,NULL,NULL),(1841,' EUPHAnxt, EUPHA',0,NULL,NULL),(1842,'Department of Social Policy, Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1843,'United Nations University Institute on Globalization, Culture and Mobility',0,NULL,NULL),(1844,'Department of Lifestyle and Participation, National Institute for Health and Welfare ',0,NULL,NULL),(1845,'Departement of political science, Åbo Akademi University ',0,NULL,NULL),(1846,'Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen',0,NULL,NULL),(1847,'National and Kapodistrian University of Athens',0,NULL,NULL),(1848,'Hen Goleg, Bangor University, Bangor',0,NULL,NULL),(1849,'Illinois Wesleyan University',0,NULL,NULL),(1850,'Uniwersytet Warszawski, Wydzial Nauk Ekonomicznych, Katedra Makroekonomii i Teorii Handlu Zagranicznego',0,NULL,NULL),(1851,'Szkola Glówna Handlowa w Warszawie, Kolegium Analiz Ekonomicznych, Instytut Ekonometrii',0,NULL,NULL),(1852,'Department of Human Sciences, LUMSA, University of Rome',0,NULL,NULL),(1853,'Department of Developmental and Social Psychology, University of Padua',0,NULL,NULL),(1854,'Department of Psychology, University of Turin',0,NULL,NULL),(1855,'Youth & Society, Örebro University',0,NULL,NULL),(1856,'Department of Political Science and Public Administration, VU University Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1857,'Simon Fraser University',0,NULL,NULL),(1858,'Center for Social Sciences, Hungarian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1859,'Faculdade de Motricidade Humana, Universidade de Lisboa',0,NULL,NULL),(1860,'Universidade Estadual do Ceará',0,NULL,NULL),(1861,'Universidade Nova de Lisboa',0,NULL,NULL),(1862,'Centro Interdisciplinar de Estudo da Performance Humana, Faculdade de Motricidade Humana, Universidade de Lisboa',0,NULL,NULL),(1863,'Centre for the Study of Education, Technologies and Health, CI&DETS, School of Education, Polytechnic of Viseu',0,NULL,NULL),(1864,'Faculdade de Motricidade Humana, Universidade de Lisboa, Lisboa',0,NULL,NULL),(1865,'Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública, Universidade Nova de Lisboa',0,NULL,NULL),(1866,'University of Minho - School of Economics and Management',0,NULL,NULL),(1867,'University of Sevilla',0,NULL,NULL),(1868,'Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Psychologie und Sportwissenschaft ',0,NULL,NULL),(1869,'Royal Holloway University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(1870,'Cass Business School, City University London',0,NULL,NULL),(1871,'School of Psychology, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Queensland',0,NULL,NULL),(1872,'Department of Social and Biological Communication, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava',0,NULL,NULL),(1873,'Department of Economics, Istanbul Bilgi University, Istanbul',0,NULL,NULL),(1874,'Department of Philosophy, University of Wisconsin-Platteville, Platteville, Wisconsin',0,NULL,NULL),(1875,'Department of Psychology, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago',0,NULL,NULL),(1876,'Department of Psychology, University of Athens',0,NULL,NULL),(1877,'Practical Psychology Department, Chernivtsy Yuri Fedkovych National University, Chernivtsi',0,NULL,NULL),(1878,'Institute of Psychology, University of Brasilia',0,NULL,NULL),(1879,'Institute of Behavioral Sciences, University of Helsinki',0,NULL,NULL),(1880,'Faculty of Social Sciences and Health Care, Constantine the Philosopher University of Nitra',0,NULL,NULL),(1881,'Institute of Political Science and Center for the Study of Democracy, Leuphana Universität Lüneburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1882,'Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL), Centro de Investigação e Estudos de Sociologia ',0,NULL,NULL),(1883,'Department of Business and Social Sciences (DSAS), University of Applied Sciences and Arts of Southern Switzerland (SUPSI)',0,NULL,NULL),(1884,'Istituto per lo Sviluppo della Formazione Professionale dei Lavoratori (ISFOL), Roma',0,NULL,NULL),(1885,'International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis in the World Population Program',0,NULL,NULL),(1886,'Department of Politics at Birkbeck College, University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(1887,'Vienna Institute of Demography at the Austrian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1888,'Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan',0,NULL,NULL),(1889,'Norwegian School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1890,'University of St.Gallen, Department of Economics, SIAW Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(1891,'University of Heidelberg',0,NULL,NULL),(1892,'Örebro University, Sweden',0,NULL,NULL),(1893,'Freiburger Institut für angewandte Sozialwissenschaft (FIFAS)',0,NULL,NULL),(1894,'University of Mannheim, MZES',0,NULL,NULL),(1895,'School of Political Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(1896,'HEP, Vaud',0,NULL,NULL),(1897,'Université de Genève – Faculté de psychologie et des sciences de l\'éducation (FPSE) – Section des sciences de l\'éducation',0,NULL,NULL),(1898,'Political Science Department, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1899,'Department of GovernmentNew Mexico State University',0,NULL,NULL),(1900,'Department of Psychiatry, Mater Misericordiae University Hospital, Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(1901,'Department of Psychology, University of Tartu',0,NULL,NULL),(1902,'Department of Skill Formation and Labor Markets, WZB Berlin Social Science Center',0,NULL,NULL),(1903,'Zurich University of Applied Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1904,'Department of Sociology at Tilburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(1905,'Centre for Sociological Research (CeSO) at Leuven University',0,NULL,NULL),(1906,'Regional Unit of Economic Studies, Banco de la República de Colombia',0,NULL,NULL),(1907,'ARC Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course, Institute for Social Science Research, The University of Queensland',0,NULL,NULL),(1908,'Centre for Sustainable Work and Employment Futures, University of Leicester',0,NULL,NULL),(1909,'Social and Cultural SciencesRadboud University Nijmegen',0,NULL,NULL),(1910,'WZB Berlin Social Science Centre',0,NULL,NULL),(1911,'Amsterdam Centre for Inequality Studies and Department of Sociology, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(1912,'Department of Politics & Government, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev',0,NULL,NULL),(1913,'Cornell University and London School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1914,'Institut Barcelona d\'Estudis Internacionals',0,NULL,NULL),(1915,'PBL Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency',0,NULL,NULL),(1916,'Nankai University',0,NULL,NULL),(1917,'Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB), Department of Applied Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1918,'Norwegian Business School BI, Department of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1919,'The Institute of Economics, Zagreb',0,NULL,NULL),(1920,'School of Economics, University College Cork',0,NULL,NULL),(1921,'Department of Land Economy, University of Cambridge',0,NULL,NULL),(1922,'Institute for New Economic Thinking, University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(1923,'Turkish National Police',0,NULL,NULL),(1924,'Institute of SociologyUniversity of Bern',0,NULL,NULL),(1925,'Institute of Education and SocietyUniversity of Luxembourg',0,NULL,NULL),(1926,'Department of Social and Political Sciences, Cyprus Centre, University of Cyprus',0,NULL,NULL),(1927,'University of Reading',0,NULL,NULL),(1928,' Department of Criminology, University of Melbourne',0,NULL,NULL),(1929,'Department of Sociology, University of Melbourne',0,NULL,NULL),(1930,'Department of Sociology, Istanbul Bilgi University, Istanbul',0,NULL,NULL),(1931,'I&O Research, Enschede, The Netherlands and Institute for Innovation and Governance Studies (IGS), University of Twente,',0,NULL,NULL),(1932,'Institute for Innovation and Governance Studies (IGS), University of Twente',0,NULL,NULL),(1933,'Department of Political Science, Aarhus BSS, Aarhus University',0,NULL,NULL),(1934,'Department of Sociology, Faculty of Economic SciencesUniversity of Malaga',0,NULL,NULL),(1935,'KU Leuven, Campus Brussels',0,NULL,NULL),(1936,'Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL), CIS',0,NULL,NULL),(1937,'Institute for Research on Socio-Economic Inequality, University of Luxembourg',0,NULL,NULL),(1938,'General Social Survey, National Opinion Research Center (NORC), at the University of Chicago',0,NULL,NULL),(1939,'Department of International Public Health and Biostatistics, Institute of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine',0,NULL,NULL),(1940,'South West University, Department of Sociology, Blagoevgrad',0,NULL,NULL),(1941,'University of Pécs',0,NULL,NULL),(1942,'LIVES, University of Lausanne, Bâtiment Géopolis, Quartier UNIL-Mouline',0,NULL,NULL),(1943,'Kara Harp Okulu',0,NULL,NULL),(1944,'University of Alicante',0,NULL,NULL),(1945,'University of Westminster',0,NULL,NULL),(1946,'University at Albany',0,NULL,NULL),(1947,'Nova School of Business and Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(1948,'Institute for East and Southeast European Studies (IOS)',0,NULL,NULL),(1949,'Institute of Sociology, University Bern',0,NULL,NULL),(1950,'Israeli Medical Association',0,NULL,NULL),(1951,'Rikkyo University',0,NULL,NULL),(1952,'Mary Immaculate College',0,NULL,NULL),(1953,'Maynooth University, NUIM',0,NULL,NULL),(1954,'Institute of Philosophy and Sociology Polish Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(1955,'Institute of Philosophy and Sociology Polish Academy of Science',0,NULL,NULL),(1956,'Polish Academy of Sciences/ MillwardBrown SMG/KRC',0,NULL,NULL),(1957,'Department of Sociology and Organizational Analysis, University of Barcelona, Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(1958,'Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL), CIS-IUL, Lisboa',0,NULL,NULL),(1959,'Faculty of Medicine, University of Helsinki, Helsinki',0,NULL,NULL),(1960,'Erasmus Happiness Economics Research Organization',0,NULL,NULL),(1961,'Graduate Institute for International and Development Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(1962,'University of Finance and Administration',0,NULL,NULL),(1963,'Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci',0,NULL,NULL),(1964,'University of Finance and Administratio',0,NULL,NULL),(1965,'Bremen International Graduate School of Social Sciences (BIGSSS), Universität Bremen',0,NULL,NULL),(1966,'Institut Arbeit und Qualifikation, Universität Duisburg-Essen',0,NULL,NULL),(1967,'Forschungsinstitut für Soziologie (FIS), Universität zu Köln',0,NULL,NULL),(1968,'Institut für Soziologie und Empirische Sozialforschung, Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien',0,NULL,NULL),(1969,'University of Leipzig',0,NULL,NULL),(1970,'Institut für Soziologie, Fakultät für Gesellschaftswissenschaften, Universität Duisburg-Essen',0,NULL,NULL),(1971,'Freie Universität Berlin',0,NULL,NULL),(1972,'Centre for Survey Research and Methodology (ZUMA), Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(1973,'Lehrgebiet Politikwissenschaft I: Staat und Regieren, FernUniversität in Hagen',0,NULL,NULL),(1974,'Institut für Psychologie, Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz',0,NULL,NULL),(1975,'Institut für Sozialwissenschaften, Universität Stuttgart',0,NULL,NULL),(1976,'Fachhochschule Nordwestschweiz, Basel',0,NULL,NULL),(1977,'Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung (MZES)',0,NULL,NULL),(1978,'Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz, Institut für Politikwissenschaft',0,NULL,NULL),(1979,'University of Bamberg',0,NULL,NULL),(1980,'Faculty of Language and Literature, University of Luxembourg',0,NULL,NULL),(1981,'Institut für Soziologie, Universität Bremen',0,NULL,NULL),(1982,' Institut für angewandte Sozialwissenschaft, Universität zu Köln',0,NULL,NULL),(1983,'Deutsche Gesellschaft für Psychiatrie und Psychotherapie, Psychosomatik und Nervenheilkunde (DGPPN), Berlin',0,NULL,NULL),(1984,'Bundesanstalt für Arbeitsschutz und Arbeitsmedizin, Berlin',0,NULL,NULL),(1985,'Friedrich-Alexander-Universität, Erlangen-Nürnberg',0,NULL,NULL),(1986,'Universität Lüneburg, Institut für Volkswirtschaftslehre',0,NULL,NULL),(1987,'Institute of Economics, University of Lüneburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1988,'University of Erlangen',0,NULL,NULL),(1989,'Institute of Economics, University of Erlangen-Nuremberg',0,NULL,NULL),(1990,'Institute of Economics, University of Lueneburg',0,NULL,NULL),(1991,'University of Maryland, College Park',0,NULL,NULL),(1992,'University of Nebraska, Lincoln',0,NULL,NULL),(1993,'National Opinion Research Center, Chicago',0,NULL,NULL),(1994,'Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, Rockville',0,NULL,NULL),(1995,'RTI International, Research Triangle Park',0,NULL,NULL),(1996,'Universität Mannheim Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung (MZES)',0,NULL,NULL),(1997,'Netherlands Institute for Social Research (SCP, The Hague',0,NULL,NULL),(1998,'INED',0,NULL,NULL),(1999,'Antwerp University',0,NULL,NULL),(2000,'Department of Sociology. Erasmus University Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(2001,' University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill',0,NULL,NULL),(2002,'Political Science, University of Gothenburg',0,NULL,NULL),(2003,'School of Social Policy, Sociology and Social Research, University of Kent, Canterbury',0,NULL,NULL),(2004,'Department of Political Science, Linnaeus University, Vaxjo',0,NULL,NULL),(2005,'Ruhr-Universität, Bochum',0,NULL,NULL),(2006,'Public Policy Institute, Universidad Diego Portales',0,NULL,NULL),(2007,'University of North Carolina',0,NULL,NULL),(2008,'Muskingum University',0,NULL,NULL),(2009,'Department of Sociology and Political Science, NTNU, Trondheim',0,NULL,NULL),(2010,'Institute for Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(2011,' Institute for Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(2012,'Centre for the Study of Equality, Social Organization, and Performance, University of Olso',0,NULL,NULL),(2013,'La Sapienza University of Rome',0,NULL,NULL),(2014,'Centre d’Economie de la Sorbonne, Université de Paris',0,NULL,NULL),(2015,'Wissenschaftszentrum für Sozialforschung Berlin (WZB)',0,NULL,NULL),(2016,'Institut für Politikwissenschaft, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster',0,NULL,NULL),(2017,'Amsterdam Institute for Advanced Labour Studies, University of Amsterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(2018,'Institute for Economic Analysis (CSIC), Barcelona GSE',0,NULL,NULL),(2019,'Flensburg University',0,NULL,NULL),(2020,'University of the Federal Armed Forces, Hamburg',0,NULL,NULL),(2021,'Department of Social, Political and Cognitive Sciences, University of Siena',0,NULL,NULL),(2022,'European Centre for Social Welfare Policy and Research, Vienna',0,NULL,NULL),(2023,'Health Inequality Research Group – Employment Conditions Network (GREDS-EMCONET), Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(2024,'Department of Economics, University of Thessaly',0,NULL,NULL),(2025,'Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milano',0,NULL,NULL),(2026,'Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw',0,NULL,NULL),(2027,'Social Psychology Institute, University of Social Sciences and Humanities (SWPS)',0,NULL,NULL),(2028,'Department of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania',0,NULL,NULL),(2029,'Department of Political Science, Merrimack College',0,NULL,NULL),(2030,'Deusto Business School, Madrid',0,NULL,NULL),(2031,'European Commission JRC-IPTS, Seville',0,NULL,NULL),(2032,'Institute of Education',0,NULL,NULL),(2033,'Department of Political Science, University of Southern Denmark',0,NULL,NULL),(2034,'Department of Economics Vienna University of Economics and Business',0,NULL,NULL),(2035,'Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia, Madrid',0,NULL,NULL),(2036,'Dalarna University, Falun',0,NULL,NULL),(2037,'Herzliya Interdisciplinary Center',0,NULL,NULL),(2038,'Medical University of Plovdiv',0,NULL,NULL),(2039,'Universität Bielefeld',0,NULL,NULL),(2040,'MZES Universität Mannheim',0,NULL,NULL),(2041,' -PhD candidate in Sociology and Applied Social Sciences, Department of Economics and Social Sciences “Sapienza” University of Rome.',0,NULL,NULL),(2042,'Columbia',0,NULL,NULL),(2043,'The Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(2044,'San Jose State University',0,NULL,NULL),(2045,'Vilnius Gediminas Technical University',0,NULL,NULL),(2046,'Šiauliai University',0,NULL,NULL),(2047,'Institute of Sociology and 2URPP Social Networks, University of Zurich',0,NULL,NULL),(2048,'University of Finance and Management in Warsaw, Warsaw and University of Zurich',0,NULL,NULL),(2049,'University of Giessen, Giessen, Germany',0,NULL,NULL),(2050,'University of Zurich, Institute of Sociology',0,NULL,NULL),(2051,'University of Cologne, Institute for Data Analysis and Data Archiving',0,NULL,NULL),(2052,'Institute of Political Science, University of Gießen',0,NULL,NULL),(2053,'Cardinal Stefan Wyszye´ski University, Warsaw, Poland and University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland',0,NULL,NULL),(2054,'University of Cologne, Germany and University of Zurich, Switzerland',0,NULL,NULL),(2055,'University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland',0,NULL,NULL),(2056,'University of Zurich, Switzerland',0,NULL,NULL),(2057,'University of Cologne, Germany; University of Zurich, Switzerland',0,NULL,NULL),(2058,'Tel Aviv University, Israel; University of Illinois, USA',0,NULL,NULL),(2059,'Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lausanne, Switzerland',0,NULL,NULL),(2060,'Institute of Sociology, University of Zurich, Switzerland',0,NULL,NULL),(2061,'University of Wuppertal',0,NULL,NULL),(2062,'Netherlands Institute for Social Research (SCP), The Hague',0,NULL,NULL),(2063,'Technische Universität Darmstadt',0,NULL,NULL),(2064,'University of Paderborn',0,NULL,NULL),(2065,'MCI Manegement Center Innsbruck',0,NULL,NULL),(2066,'ERR',0,NULL,NULL),(2067,'Tiziana LOMBARDI -PhD candidate in Sociology and Applied Social Sciences, Department of Economics and Social Sciences “Sapienza” University of Rome. tiziana.lombardi@uniroma1.it titti.lombardi@gmail.c',0,NULL,NULL),(2068,'Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lisbon',0,NULL,NULL),(2069,'Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw',0,NULL,NULL),(2070,'University of South Florida, Tampa',0,NULL,NULL),(2071,'Kibbutzim College of Education',0,NULL,NULL),(2072,'    Polish Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2073,'Hofstra University',0,NULL,NULL),(2074,' Interdisciplinary Research and Training program (CONSIRT) and Polish Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2075,' Interdisciplinary Research and Training program (CONSIRT) and The Ohio State University',0,NULL,NULL),(2076,' Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the Polish Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2077,'Instytut Badan Edukacyjnych',0,NULL,NULL),(2078,'Uniwersytet Lódzki',0,NULL,NULL),(2079,'Uniwersytet SWPS',0,NULL,NULL),(2080,'Instytut Studiów Politycznych PAN',0,NULL,NULL),(2081,'European University Institute, Florence,',0,NULL,NULL),(2082,'Dublin City University, Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(2083,'Irish Catholic Bishops Conference',0,NULL,NULL),(2084,'Odlisnost.cz',0,NULL,NULL),(2085,'Trinity College, Dublin',0,NULL,NULL),(2086,'Anderson School of Management UCLA',0,NULL,NULL),(2087,'British Heart Foundation Centre on Population Approaches for Non-Communicable Disease Prevention, Nuffield Department of Population Health, University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(2088,'University of Washington',0,NULL,NULL),(2089,'Technische Universtität Darmstadt',0,NULL,NULL),(2090,'Michigan State University',0,NULL,NULL),(2091,'PACTE - Sciences Po - Grenoble Alps University',0,NULL,NULL),(2092,' Insitut d\'Etudes Politiques de Grenoble',0,NULL,NULL),(2093,'Collegium Civitas',0,NULL,NULL),(2094,'Australian Catholic University',0,NULL,NULL),(2095,'Heidelberg University',0,NULL,NULL),(2096,'Departamento de Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid',0,NULL,NULL),(2097,'Departamento de Ciencias Sociales - Universidad Carlos III de Madrid',0,NULL,NULL),(2098,'Herman Deleeck Centre for Social Policy, University of Antwerp',0,NULL,NULL),(2099,'CORE, Université catholique de Louvain',0,NULL,NULL),(2100,' University of Innsbruck - Department of Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(2101,'Innsbruck University - Faculty of Political Science and Sociology - Department of Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(2102,'Department of Political Science, Innsbruck University',0,NULL,NULL),(2103,'WISDOM Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(2104,'Department of Geography, University of Durham',0,NULL,NULL),(2105,'Centre for Primary Care and Public Health, Queen Mary University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(2106,'Centre for Comparative Social Surveys, City University London',0,NULL,NULL),(2107,'University of Manchester/University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(2108,'The Centre for Applied Social,  University of Tartu Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2109,'Mannheim Centre for European Social Research',0,NULL,NULL),(2110,'Department of Sociology, Umeå University, Sweden',0,NULL,NULL),(2111,'Lithuanian Social Research Centre',0,NULL,NULL),(2112,'Universidad ORT Uruguay',0,NULL,NULL),(2113,'Department of Economics, Universidad ORT Uruguay',0,NULL,NULL),(2114,'Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis',0,NULL,NULL),(2115,'University Pompeu Fabra',0,NULL,NULL),(2116,'Autonomous University of Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(2117,'Department of Political and Social Sciences Universitat Pompeu Fabra Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(2118,'Department of Economics Columbia University',0,NULL,NULL),(2119,'Vancouver School of Economics University of British Columbia',0,NULL,NULL),(2120,'Department of Economics University of Melbourne',0,NULL,NULL),(2121,'Université d’Orléans',0,NULL,NULL),(2122,'Department of Statistics and Econometrics, Bucharest University of Economic Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(2123,'Department of Statistics, Computer Science, Applications “G. Parenti”University of Florence',0,NULL,NULL),(2124,'Department of Political SciencesUniversity of Naples Federico II',0,NULL,NULL),(2125,'University of Münster, Institute of Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(2126,'The Australian National University',0,NULL,NULL),(2127,'Department of Health Sciences, Mid Sweden University',0,NULL,NULL),(2128,'Department of Social Work, Umeå University',0,NULL,NULL),(2129,' Norwegian Police University College',0,NULL,NULL),(2130,'Police University College, Tampere',0,NULL,NULL),(2131,'University of New South Wales',0,NULL,NULL),(2132,'The University of Tampa',0,NULL,NULL),(2133,'Mary Immaculate College, UL',0,NULL,NULL),(2134,'Norwegian Institute of Public Health',0,NULL,NULL),(2135,'Dept.  of Psychology, Univ. of Oslo',0,NULL,NULL),(2136,'Institute of Work Psychology',0,NULL,NULL),(2137,'Pompeu Fabra University, Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(2138,'Department of Political and Social Sciences and Research and Expertise Centre for Survey Methodology (RECSM), Universitat Pompeu Fabra',0,NULL,NULL),(2139,'Institute of Sociology of the University of Zurich',0,NULL,NULL),(2140,'Estonian Ministry of Justice',0,NULL,NULL),(2141,'Italian Institute of Human Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2142,'Centre for Political Science, University of Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(2143,'Institute for Sociology, Centre for Social Sciences, Hungarian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2144,'Institute of Economics, Centre for Economic and Regional Studies, Hungarian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2145,'Department of Education, University of Bath ',0,NULL,NULL),(2146,'Department of Geography, University of Sheffield',0,NULL,NULL),(2147,'Sociologiska institutionen Umeå universitet ',0,NULL,NULL),(2148,'SOFI, Stockholms universitet ',0,NULL,NULL),(2149,'University of Tartu Institute of Social Studies',0,NULL,NULL),(2150,'University of Reading, School of Politics, Economics and International Relations',0,NULL,NULL),(2151,'Department of Politics, The University of York',0,NULL,NULL),(2152,'Stockholm School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(2153,'Karolinska Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(2154,'Universitetet i Bergen ',0,NULL,NULL),(2155,'School of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds',0,NULL,NULL),(2156,'Equality and Citizens\' Rights Department, European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights',0,NULL,NULL),(2157,'Centre for Research and Intervention in Education, University of Porto',0,NULL,NULL),(2158,'Centre for European Social and Economic Policy',0,NULL,NULL),(2159,'School of Law, University of Leeds',0,NULL,NULL),(2160,'Faculty of Law, Maastricht University',0,NULL,NULL),(2161,'Institute of Human Rights, University of Deusto',0,NULL,NULL),(2162,'Loyola University Andalusia, Department of International Studies, Campus de Palmas Altas, Faculty of Political Sciences and Law',0,NULL,NULL),(2163,'School of Science and the Environment, Manchester Metropolitan University',0,NULL,NULL),(2164,'Wroclaw School of Banking',0,NULL,NULL),(2165,'Centre for Integrative Innovation Management, Department of Marketing & Management University of Southern Denmark',0,NULL,NULL),(2166,'Kaunas Faculty of Humanities, Vilnius University',0,NULL,NULL),(2167,'Turku University of Applied Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2168,'Faculty of Chemical Technology, Kaunas University of Technology',0,NULL,NULL),(2169,'Department of Sociology, Tilburg School of Social and Behavioural Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2170,'Department of Sociology, University of Tübingen',0,NULL,NULL),(2171,'giCentre, Department of Computer Science, City University London',0,NULL,NULL),(2172,'Department of Sociology, University of Notre Dame',0,NULL,NULL),(2173,'Institut für Soziologie, TU Chemnitz, Technische Universität',0,NULL,NULL),(2174,'Department of Political and Social Sciences, University Pompeu Fabra',0,NULL,NULL),(2175,'OECD Directorate for Employment',0,NULL,NULL),(2176,'Bocconi University, fRDB and DONDENA Centre',0,NULL,NULL),(2177,'Eötvös Lorand University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Sociology Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(2178,'MTA-ELTE Peripato Research Group',0,NULL,NULL),(2179,'Royal Holloway, University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(2180,'University of St Andrews',0,NULL,NULL),(2181,'City, University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(2182,'Sociological Institute of FCTAS RAS',0,NULL,NULL),(2183,'GESIS - Leibniz-Institut für Sozialwissenschaften',0,NULL,NULL),(2184,'Leibniz-Zentrum für Psychologische Information  und Dokumentation (ZPID)',0,NULL,NULL),(2185,'Institute of Philosophy and Sociology at the Polish Academy of Sciences ',0,NULL,NULL),(2186,'Politics and Government, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev',0,NULL,NULL),(2187,'Department for Journalism and Communication Research, Hanover University of Music, Drama and Media,',0,NULL,NULL),(2188,'Erasmus Happiness Economics Research Organization, Erasmus University Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(2189,'Department of Public Administration, Erasmus University Rotterdam',0,NULL,NULL),(2190,'University of Catania',0,NULL,NULL),(2191,'Univesity of Limerick',0,NULL,NULL),(2192,'City University of London',0,NULL,NULL),(2193,'Erasmus University, RSM',0,NULL,NULL),(2194,'Erasmus University, Econometric Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(2195,'Erasmus MC, Department of Biostatistics',0,NULL,NULL),(2196,'Mannheim Centre for European Social Research (MZES)',0,NULL,NULL),(2197,'Centre of Social and Psychological Studies of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, Institute of Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2198,'Geography Department, London School of Economics',0,NULL,NULL),(2199,'Sociological Institute of the Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2200,'Department of Political Science, Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz',0,NULL,NULL),(2201,'OsloMet - Oslo Metropolitan University',0,NULL,NULL),(2202,'Statistics Canada',0,NULL,NULL),(2203,'FORS, University of Neuchâtel',0,NULL,NULL),(2204,'CIDE ',0,NULL,NULL),(2205,'Institute for the Study of Societies and Knowledge-BAS',0,NULL,NULL),(2206,'Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, UOC',0,NULL,NULL),(2207,'Centre for Technology, Innovation and Culture, University of Oslo, UiO',0,NULL,NULL),(2208,'Universität Zurich',0,NULL,NULL),(2209,'Department of Political Science, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(2210,'Berlin School of Economics and Law',0,NULL,NULL),(2211,'University of Oxford and Nuffield College',0,NULL,NULL),(2212,'Bocconi',0,NULL,NULL),(2213,'DINAMIA',0,NULL,NULL),(2214,'Universidad Autonoma Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(2215,'Bamberg Graduate School of Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2216,'University of Warwick',0,NULL,NULL),(2217,'Universidad de Granada',0,NULL,NULL),(2218,'Hellenic Statistical Authority',0,NULL,NULL),(2219,'University of Macedonia',0,NULL,NULL),(2220,'Presovska univerzita v Presove',0,NULL,NULL),(2221,'University of Minnesota',0,NULL,NULL),(2222,'University of Illinois',0,NULL,NULL),(2223,'University of Western Australia',0,NULL,NULL),(2224,'John J. College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York',0,NULL,NULL),(2225,'Syracuse University',0,NULL,NULL),(2226,'Old Dominion University',0,NULL,NULL),(2227,'SUNY, University at Albany',0,NULL,NULL),(2228,'Alanus University of Arts and Social Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2229,'Centre of Social and Psychological Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2230,'Leuven University',0,NULL,NULL),(2231,'EDHEC Business School',0,NULL,NULL),(2232,'University of Bath',0,NULL,NULL),(2233,'Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian University of Science and Technology,',0,NULL,NULL),(2234,'nstitute of Health and Society, Faculty of Medical Sciences, Newcastle University',0,NULL,NULL),(2235,'Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim',0,NULL,NULL),(2236,'Department of Sociology, Radboud University',0,NULL,NULL),(2237,'Institute of Health and Society, Faculty of Medical Sciences, Newcastle University',0,NULL,NULL),(2238,'University of Siegen',0,NULL,NULL),(2239,'Faculty of Business, Economics and Social Sciences, University of Hamburg',0,NULL,NULL),(2240,'Department of Social Sciences, Universität Siegen',0,NULL,NULL),(2241,'Department of Sociology, Wentworth College, University of York Heslington',0,NULL,NULL),(2242,'Institute of Health & Society, Faculty of Medical Sciences, Newcastle University',0,NULL,NULL),(2243,'Department of Sociology, Uppsala University',0,NULL,NULL),(2244,'epartment of Sociology, Wentworth College, University of York',0,NULL,NULL),(2245,'nstitute of Health & Society, Faculty of Medical Sciences, Newcastle University',0,NULL,NULL),(2246,'HIVA, KU Leuven',0,NULL,NULL),(2247,'Tohoku University, Miyagi',0,NULL,NULL),(2248,'Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun',0,NULL,NULL),(2249,'Department of Political Science, University of Zurich',0,NULL,NULL),(2250,'FORS, Swiss Centre of Expertise in Social Sciences, c/o University of Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(2251,'Life Course and Inequality Research Centre (LINES), University of Lausanne, Lausanne',0,NULL,NULL),(2252,'University of Zürich, University of Geneva',0,NULL,NULL),(2253,'Independent historian',0,NULL,NULL),(2254,'Immigration Policy Lab ETH Zurich',0,NULL,NULL),(2255,'Department of Experimental Clinical and Health Psychology, Ghent University',0,NULL,NULL),(2256,'Department of Applied Social Studies (IPSOC), KATHO University College, Kortrijk',0,NULL,NULL),(2257,'Department of Geography, Durham University, Durham',0,NULL,NULL),(2258,'TARKI Social Research Institute',0,NULL,NULL),(2259,'Estonian Public Broadcasting',0,NULL,NULL),(2260,'Università degli Studi di Udine',0,NULL,NULL),(2261,'Panteion University of Social and Political Science',0,NULL,NULL),(2262,'University of Eastern Finland',0,NULL,NULL),(2263,'FernUniversität in Hagen',0,NULL,NULL),(2264,'ESADE Business School, Ramon Llull University',0,NULL,NULL),(2265,'Oxford University',0,NULL,NULL),(2266,'Centre for Social Investigation, Nuffield College, University of Oxford',0,NULL,NULL),(2267,'University of Barcelona',0,NULL,NULL),(2268,'SciencesPo',0,NULL,NULL),(2269,'CEPREMAP',0,NULL,NULL),(2270,'École normale supérieure',0,NULL,NULL),(2271,'University of Vechta',0,NULL,NULL),(2272,'University of Bergamo',0,NULL,NULL),(2273,'Institute of Political Science of the Polish Academy of Sciences',0,NULL,NULL),(2274,'Institute of Sociology CAS',0,NULL,NULL),(2275,'Sociological Institute, Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg, Russian Federation',0,NULL,NULL),(2276,'Eesti Päevaleht',0,NULL,NULL),(2277,'NIDI',0,NULL,NULL),(2278,'Postimees',0,NULL,NULL),(2279,'Instituto de la Paz y los Conflictos, Universidad de Granada (España)',0,NULL,NULL);
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INSERT INTO `item` VALUES (1,'A','TvTot','TV watching, total time on average weekday','On a typical day, about how much time do you spend watching, reading or listening to news about politics and current affairs?  Please give your answer in hours and minutes.'),(2,'A','TvPol','TV watching, news/politics/current affairs on average weekday','On an average weekday, how much of your time watching television is spent watching news or programmes about politics and current affairs?'),(3,'A','RdTot','Radio listening, total time on average weekday','On an average weekday, how much time, in total, do you spend listening to the radio?'),(4,'A','RdPol','Radio listening, news/politics/current affairs on average weekday','On an average weekday, how much of your time listening to the radio is spent listening to news or programmes about politics and current affairs? '),(5,'A','NwspTot','Newspaper reading, total time on average weekday','On an average weekday, how much time, in total, do you spend reading the newspapers?'),(6,'A','NwspPol','Newspaper reading, politics/current affairs on average weekday','On an average weekday, how much of this time is spent reading about politics and current affairs?'),(7,'A','NetUse','Personal use of internet/e-mail/www','How often do you use the internet, the World Wide Web or e-mail – whether at home or at work – for your personal use? '),(8,'R8_A1','nwspol','News about politics and current affairs, watching, reading or listening, in minutes','On a typical day, about how much time do you spend watching, reading or listening to news about politics and current affairs?'),(9,'R8_A2','netusoft','Internet use, how often','People can use the internet on different devices such as computers, tablets and smartphones. How often do you use the internet on these or any other devices, whether for work or personal use?'),(10,'R8_A3','netustm','Internet use, how much time on typical day, in minutes','On a typical day, about how much time do you spend using the internet on a computer, tablet, smartphone or other device, whether for work or personal use?'),(11,'A','PplTrst','Most people can be trusted or you can\'t be too careful','Generally speaking, would you say that mostpeople can be trusted, or that you can’t be too careful5in dealing with people?'),(12,'A','PplFair','Most people try to take advantage of you, or try to be fair','Do you think that most people would try to take advantage of you if they got the chance, or would they try to be fair?'),(13,'A','PplHlp','Most of the time people helpful or mostly looking out for themselves','Would you say that most of the time people try to be helpful or that they are mostly looking out for themselves?'),(14,'B','PolIntr','How interested in politics','How interested would you say you are in politics?'),(15,'B','psppsgv','Political system allows people to have a say in what government does','How much would you say the political system in [country] allows people like you to have a say in what the government does?'),(16,'B','actrolg','Able to take active role in political group','How able do you think you are to take an active role in a group involved with political issues?'),(17,'B','psppipl','Political system allows people to have influence on politics','How much would you say that the political system in [country] allows people like you to have an influence on politics?'),(18,'B','cptppol','Confident in own ability to participate in politics','How confident are you in your own ability to participate in politics?'),(19,'B','ptcpplt','Politicians care what people think','How much would you say that politicians care what people like you think?'),(20,'B','etapapl','Easy to take part in politics','How easy do you personally find it to take part in politics?'),(21,'B','PolCmpl','Politics too complicated to understand','How often does politics seem so complicated that you can\'t really understand what is going on?'),(22,'B','PolActiv','Could take an active role in a group involved with political issues','Do you think that you could take an active role in a group involved with political issues?'),(23,'B','PolDcs','Making mind up about political issues','How difficult or easy do you find it to make your mind up about political issues?'),(24,'B','PltCare','Politicians in general care what people like respondent think','Do you think that politicians in general care what people like you think?'),(25,'B','PltInVt','Politicians interested in votes rather than peoples opinions','Would you say that politicians are just interested in getting people\'s votes rather than in people\'s opinions?'),(26,'B','trstprl','Trust in country\'s parliament','How much you personally trust [country\'] parliament?'),(27,'B','trstlgl','Trust in the legal system','How much you personally trust legal system?'),(28,'B','TrstPlc','Trust in the police','How much you personally trust the police?'),(29,'B','trstplt','Trust in politicians','How much you personally trust the politicians?'),(30,'B','trstprt','Trust in political parties','How much you personally trust the political parties?'),(31,'B','TrstEP','Trust in the European Parliament','How much you personally trust the European Parliament?'),(32,'B','TrstUN','Trust in the United Nations','How much you personally trust the United Nations?'),(33,'B','Vote','Voted last national election','Some people don\'t vote nowadays for one reason or another. Did you vote in the last [country] national election?'),(34,'B','PrtVtxx','Party voted for in last national election, [country]','Party voted for in last national election, [country]'),(35,'B','ContPlt','Contacted politician or government official last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you contacted a politician, government or local government official?'),(36,'B','WrkPrty','Worked in political party or action group last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you worked in a political party or action group?'),(37,'B','WrkOrg','Worked in another organisation or association last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you worked in another organisation or association?'),(38,'B','Badge','Worn or displayed campaign badge/sticker last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you worn or displayed a campaign badge/sticker?'),(39,'B','SgnPtit','Signed petition last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you signed a petition?'),(40,'B','PblDmn','Taken part in lawful public demonstration last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you taken part in a lawful public demonstration?'),(41,'B','BctPrd','Boycotted certain products last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you .boycotted certain products?'),(42,'B','BghtPrd','Bought product for political/ethical/environment reason last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you deliberately bought certain products for political, ethical or environmental reasons'),(43,'B','DntMny','Donated money to political organisation or group last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you donated money to a political organisation or group'),(44,'B','IlglPst','Participated illegal protest activities last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you participated in illegal protest activities'),(45,'B22_R8','pstplonl','Posted or shared anything about politics online last 12 months','During the last 12 months, have you posted or shared anything about politics online, for example on blogs, via email or on social media such as Facebook or Twitter?'),(46,'B','ClsPrty','Feel closer to a particular party than all other parties','Is there a particular political party you feel closer to than all the other parties?'),(47,'B','PrtClsxx','Which party feel closer to [Coutry]?','Which party feel closer to [Coutry]?'),(48,'B','PrtDgCl','How close to party','How close do you feel to this party?'),(49,'B','MmbPrty','Member of political party','Are you a member of any political party?'),(50,'B','PrtMbxx','Member of which party','Which political party are you member of?'),(51,'B','LRScale','Placement on left right scale','In politics people sometimes talk of \'left\' and \'right\'. Where would you place yourself on this scale?'),(52,'B','StfLife','During the last 12 months, have you boycotted certain products?','All things considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole nowadays?'),(53,'B','StfEco','How satisfied with present state of economy in country','On the whole how satisfied are you with the present state of the economy in [country]?'),(54,'B','StfGov','How satisfied with the national government','Thinking about the [country] government, how satisfied are you with the way it is doing its job?'),(55,'B','StfDem','How satisfied with the way democracy works in country','On the whole, how satisfied are you with the way democracy works in [country]?'),(56,'B','StfEdu','State of education in country nowadays','Please say what you think overall about the state of education in [country] nowadays?'),(57,'B','StfHlth','State of health services in country nowadays','Please say what you think overall about the state of health services in [country] nowadays?'),(58,'B','EUFtF','European Union: European unification go further or gone too far','Thinking about the European Union, some say European unification should go further. Others say it has already gone too far. Using this card, what number on the scale best describes your position?'),(59,'B','ImSmEtn','Allow many/few immigrants of same race/ethnic group as majority','To what extent do you think [country] should allow people of the same race or ethnic group as most [country] people to come and live here?'),(60,'B','ImDfEtn','Allow many/few immigrants of different race/ethnic group from majority','How about people of a different race or ethnic group from most [country] people?'),(61,'B','ImPcntr','Allow many/few immigrants from poorer countries outside Europe','How about people from the poorer countries outside Europe?'),(62,'B','ImBGEco','Immigration bad or good for country\'s economy','Would you say it is generally bad or good for [country]\'s economy that people come to live here from other Countries?'),(63,'B','ImUEClt','Country\'s cultural life undermined or enriched by immigrants','Would you say that [country]\'s cultural life is generally undermined or enriched by people coming to live here from other countries?'),(64,'B','ImWBCnt','Immigrants make country worse or better place to live','Is [country] made a worse or a better place to live by people coming to live here from other countries?'),(65,'B','GinvEco','The less government intervenes in economy, the better for country','The less that government intervenes in the economy, the better it is for [country]'),(66,'B','GincDif','Government should reduce differences in income levels','Please say to what extent you agree or disagree with each of the following statements. The government should take measures to reduce differences in income levels'),(67,'B','NeedTrU','Employees need strong trade unions to protect work conditions/wages','Employees need strong trade unions to protect their working conditions and wages'),(68,'B','FreeHms','Gays and lesbians free to live life as they wish','Please say to what extent you agree or disagree with each of the following statements. Gay men and lesbians should be free to live their own life as they wish'),(69,'B35_R8','hmsfmlsh','Ashamed if close family member gay or lesbian','If a close family member was a gay man or a lesbian, I would feel ashamed.'),(70,'B36_R8','hmsacld','Gay and lesbian couples right to adopt children','Gay male and lesbian couples should have the same rights to adopt children as straight couples.'),(71,'B','PrtyBan','Ban political parties that wish overthrow democracy','To what extent you agree or disagree: statements Political parties that wish to overthrow democracy should be banned'),(72,'B','EcoHEnv','Economic growth always ends up harming environment','Economic growth always ends up harming the environment'),(73,'B','SciSEnv','Modern science can be relied on to solve environmental problems','Modern science can be relied on to solve our environmental problems'),(74,'E41_R8','vteurmmb','Would vote for [country] to remain member of European Union or leave','Would you vote for [country] to remain a member of the European Union or to leave the European Union?'),(75,'E42_R8','vteubcmb','Would vote for [country] to become member of European Union or remain outside','Would you vote for [country] to become a member of the European Union or to remain outside the European Union?'),(76,'C','Happy','How happy are you','Taking all things together, how happy would you say you are?'),(77,'C','SclMeet','How often socially meet with friends, relatives or colleagues','How often do you meet socially with friends, relatives or work colleagues?'),(78,'C','InmDisc','Anyone to discuss intimate and personal matters with','Do you have anyone with whom you can discuss intimate and personal matters?'),(79,'C','SclAct','Take part in social activities compared to others of same age','Compared to other people of your age, how often would you say you take part in social activities?'),(80,'C','CrmVct','Respondent or household member victim of burglary/assault last 5 years','Have you or a member of your household been the victim of a burglary or assault in the last 5 years?'),(81,'C','AeSfDrk','Feeling of safety of walking alone in local area after dark','How safe do you - or would you - feel walking alone in this area after dark? Do - or would - you feel...'),(82,'C','Brghmwr','How often worry about your home being burgled','How often, if at all, do you worry about your home being burgled?'),(83,'C','Brghmef','Worry about home burgled has effect on quality of life','Does this worry about your home being burgled have a...'),(84,'C','Crvctwr','How often worry about becoming a victim of violent crime','How often, if at all, do you worry about becoming a victim of violent crime?'),(85,'C','crvctef','Worry about becoming victim of violent crime has effect on quality of life','Does this worry about becoming a victim of violent crime have a...'),(86,'C','trrenyr','How likely terrorist attack in Europe during next twelve months','Do you think that a terrorist attack somewhere in Europe during the next twelve months is?'),(87,'C','trrcnyr','How likely terrorist attack in country during next twelve months','Do you think that a terrorist attack somewhere in [COUNTRY] during the next twelve months is?'),(88,'C','trrprsn','Terrorist suspect in prison until police satisfied','If a man is suspected of planning a terrorist attack in [COUNTRY], the police should have the power to keep him in prison until they are satisfied he was not involved.'),(89,'C','trrtort','Torture in country never justified even to prevent terrorist attack','Torturing a prisoner in a [COUNTRY] prison is never justified, even if it might provide information that could prevent a terrorist attack.'),(90,'C','Health','Subjective general health','How is your health in general?'),(91,'C','HlthHmp','Hampered in daily activities by illness/disability/infirmity/mental problem','Are you hampered in your daily activities in any way by any longstanding illness, or disability, infirmity or mental health problem? If yes, is that a lot or to some extent?'),(92,'C9_R8','atchctr','How emotionally attached to [country]','How emotionally attached do you feel to [country]?'),(93,'C10_R8','atcherp','How emotionally attached to Europe','And how emotionally attached do you feel to Europe?'),(94,'C','RlgBlg','Belonging to particular religion or denomination','Do you consider yourself as belonging to any particular religion or denomination?'),(95,'C','RlgDnm','Religion or denomination belonging to at present','Religion or denomination belonging to at present'),(96,'C','RlgBlgE','Ever belonging to particular religion or denomination','Have you ever considered yourself as belonging to any particular religion or denomination?'),(97,'C','RlgDnmE','Religion or denomination belonging to in the past','Religion or denomination belonging to in the past'),(98,'C','RlgDgr','How religious are you','Regardless of whether you belong to a particular religion, how religious would you say you are?'),(99,'C','RlgAtnd','How often attend religious services apart from special occasions','Apart from special occasions such as weddings and funerals, about how often do you attend religious services nowadays?'),(100,'C','Pray','How often pray apart from at religious services','Apart from when you are at religious services, how often, if at all, do you pray?'),(101,'C','DscGrp','Member of a group discriminated against in this country','Would you describe yourself as being a member of a group that is discriminated against in this country?'),(102,'C','DscrRce','Discrimination of respondent\'s group: colour or race','On what grounds is your group discriminated against? Colour or race'),(103,'C','CtzCntr','Citizen of country','Are you a citizen of [country]?'),(104,'C','Ctzship','Citizenship','What citizenship do you hold?'),(105,'C','BrnCntr','Born in country','Were you born in [country]?'),(106,'C','CntBrth','Country of birth','In which country were you born?'),(107,'C','LiveCntr','How long ago first came to live in country','How long ago did you first come to live in [country]?'),(108,'C','LngHom','Language most often spoken at home','What language or languages do you speak most often at home?'),(109,'C','BlgEtMG','Belong to minority ethnic group in country','Do you belong to a minority ethnic group in [country]?'),(110,'C','FaCntr','Father born in country','Was your father born in [country]?'),(111,'C','FaCntn','Country of birth, father','In which country was your father born?'),(112,'C','MoCntr','Mother born in country','Was your mother born in [country]?'),(113,'C','MoCntn','Country of birth, mother','In which country was your mother born?');
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INSERT INTO `journal` VALUES (1,'International Journal of Social Research Methodology',NULL),(2,'Research in Official Statistics',NULL),(3,'Irish Political Studies',NULL),(4,'Social Policy and Society',NULL),(5,'European Journal of Ageing',NULL),(6,'Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research',NULL),(7,'Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans',NULL),(8,'International Social Science Journal',NULL),(9,'Sociological Methodology',NULL),(10,'Polish Sociological Review',NULL),(11,'British Journal of Industrial Relations',NULL),(12,'GMS Psycho-Social Medicine',NULL),(13,'Ageing and Society',NULL),(14,'International Political Science Review/ Revue Internationale De Science Politique',NULL),(15,'Information Polity',NULL),(16,'Irish Political Studies',NULL),(17,'Annual Review of Political Science',NULL),(18,'International Review of Administrative Sciences',NULL),(19,'Journal of Personality and Social Psychology',NULL),(20,'International Journal of Electronic Government Research',NULL),(21,'Journal of Civil Society',NULL),(22,'Environmental Politics',NULL),(23,'Patterns of Prejudice',NULL),(24,'West European Politics',NULL),(25,'Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties',NULL),(26,'Survey Methodology',NULL),(27,'Journal of Official Statistics',NULL),(28,'European Journal of Social Quality',NULL),(29,'West European Politics',NULL),(30,'West European Politics',NULL),(31,'Journal of Obnoxious Statistics',NULL),(32,'Oxford Review of Economic Policy',NULL),(33,'Ageing Horizons',NULL),(34,'IRPP Choices',NULL),(35,'Revista De Metodología De Ciencias Sociales EMP',NULL),(36,'Applied Economics',NULL),(37,'Portuguese Journal of Social Science',NULL),(38,'Social Science & Medicine',NULL),(39,'Social Science & Medicine',NULL),(40,'Metodološki Zvezki',NULL),(41,'European Sociological Review',NULL),(42,'Social Indicators Research',NULL),(43,'European Societies',NULL),(44,'Economics of Innovation and New Technology',NULL),(45,'International Journal of Public Opinion Research',NULL),(46,'The Journal of Socio-Economics',NULL),(47,'West European Politics',NULL),(48,'Comparative Sociology',NULL),(49,'Social Indicators Research',NULL),(50,'Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies',NULL),(51,'Portuguese Journal of Social Science',NULL),(52,'Parliamentary Affairs',NULL),(53,'The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics',NULL),(54,'Survey Methodology',NULL),(55,'Portuguese Journal of Social Science',NULL),(56,'The Political Quarterly',NULL),(57,'Problems of Post-Communism',NULL),(58,'Portuguese Journal of Social Sciences',NULL),(59,'Scandinavian Political Studies',NULL),(60,'West European Politics',NULL),(61,'Journal of Public Mental Health',NULL),(62,'Public Integrity',NULL),(63,'Young',NULL),(64,'Portuguese Journal of Social Sciences',NULL),(65,'Portugese Journal of Social Sciences',NULL),(66,'Comparative Political Studies',NULL),(67,'Eurohealth',NULL),(68,'Social Work & Society',NULL),(69,'Acta Physica Polonica',NULL),(70,'Twenty-First Century Society',NULL),(71,'Information Polity',NULL),(72,'CONfines',NULL),(73,'Portuguese Journal of Social Sciences',NULL),(74,'Journal of Official Statistics',NULL),(75,'Journal of Official Statistics',NULL),(76,'Irish Medical Journal',NULL),(77,'European Societies',NULL),(78,'British Journal of Political Science',NULL),(79,'Journal of European Social Policy',NULL),(80,'Journal of Economic Psychology',NULL),(81,'Social Science & Medicine',NULL),(82,'BMC Public Health',NULL),(83,'American Journal of Political Science',NULL),(84,'International Journal of Sociology',NULL),(85,'Public Opinion Quarterly',NULL),(86,'Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology',NULL),(87,'Information, Communication & Society',NULL),(88,'Journal of Civil Society',NULL),(89,'Research and Methods',NULL),(90,'Journal of Industrial Relations',NULL),(91,'Comparative European Politics',NULL),(92,'Acta Politica',NULL),(93,'Journal of Identity and Migration Studies',NULL),(94,'New Media & Society',NULL),(95,'Journal of 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E.',NULL,'Raghunathan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2146,'Jürgen',NULL,'Schupp',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2147,'Bernardo',NULL,'Pena',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2148,'Vera',NULL,'Skalická',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2149,'Susan E.',NULL,'Scarrow',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2150,'Anthony F.',NULL,'Heath',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2151,'James R.',NULL,'Tilley',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2152,'Ankica',NULL,'Kosic',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2153,'Peter',NULL,'Taylor-Gooby',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2154,'Béatrice',NULL,'D’Hombres',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2155,'Joann',NULL,'Campbell  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2156,'Nathalie',NULL,'Sonck',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2157,'Geert',NULL,'Bouckaert',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2158,'Jarl K.',NULL,'Kampen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2159,'Dina',NULL,'Hummelsheim',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2160,'Helmut',NULL,'Hirtenlehner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2161,'Dietrich',NULL,'Oberwittler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2162,'Sylvia E.',NULL,'Peacock',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2163,'Harald',NULL,'Künemund',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2164,'Timothy',NULL,'Hellwig',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2165,'Isabel',NULL,'Neira',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2166,'Marta',NULL,'Portela',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2167,'Elvira',NULL,'Vieira',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2168,'Elisa',NULL,'Rustenbach',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2169,'Nicole',NULL,'von Steinbüchel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2170,'Filippo',NULL,'Barbera',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2173,'Adriaan',NULL,'Kalwij',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2174,'Manfred',NULL,'te Grotenhuis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2175,'Peter',NULL,'Mair',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2176,'Thomas',NULL,'Poguntke',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2177,'Kadri',NULL,'Lühiste',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2178,'J. 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J.',NULL,'Verhagen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2469,'J. P. 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10:02:13'),(2484,'Kata',NULL,'Füge',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2485,'Mária',NULL,'Figler ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2486,'Kinga',NULL,'Lampek ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2487,'Hazel',NULL,'Easthope',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2488,'Nicole',NULL,'McNamara',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2489,'Sian',NULL,'Thompson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2490,'Caroline',NULL,'Vandenplas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2491,'Caroline',NULL,'Roberts',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2492,'Jan',NULL,'Tomášek',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2493,'Petra',NULL,'Anýžová',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2494,'Mariana F.',NULL,'Almeida',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2496,'Jana',NULL,'Tomková',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2497,'Miroslava',NULL,'Bozogáňová',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2499,'Martina',NULL,'Štípková',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2500,'Alexander W.',NULL,'Schmidt-Catran',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2502,'Philip',NULL,'Brenner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2504,'Owen',NULL,'Barrett',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2506,'Barrett',NULL,'Owen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2507,'Vera',NULL,'van de Straat',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2511,'Kevin',NULL,'Denny',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2512,'Cormac',NULL,'O Gráda ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2513,'Andrew',NULL,'Wroe',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2514,'Richard John',NULL,'Shaw',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2515,'Michaela',NULL,'Benzeval',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2516,'Frank',NULL,'Popham',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2517,'Mark',NULL,'Beatson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2520,'David',NULL,'Bartram',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2521,'Kjetil',NULL,'van der Wel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2522,'Knut',NULL,'Halvorsen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2523,'Marco',NULL,'Marozzi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2524,'Marek',NULL,'Dobeš',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2526,'Celine',NULL,'Wuyts',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2527,'Jana',NULL,'Feckova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2528,'Flavia',NULL,'Tsang',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2529,'James',NULL,'Derbyshire',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2530,'Laura',NULL,'Kohle',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2531,'Celine',NULL,'Miani',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2532,'Stijn',NULL,'Hoorens',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2533,'Ana Cristina',NULL,'Fernandes Simões',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2534,'Kai',NULL,'Arzheimer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2535,'Boris',NULL,'Heizmann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2536,'Maureen A.',NULL,'Eger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2537,'Sarah',NULL,'Valdez',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2538,'Zbigniew',NULL,'Sawiński',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2539,'Veronika',NULL,'Paksi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2540,'Ivett',NULL,'Szalma',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2541,'Ivett',NULL,'',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2542,'Judit',NULL,'Takàcs',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2546,'Bernadett',NULL,'Szél',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2547,'Kolbeinn',NULL,'Stefánsson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2548,'Guðmundur',NULL,'Jónsson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2549,'Veronique',NULL,'Siegler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2550,'Dirk',NULL,'Hofäcker',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2551,'Amy',NULL,'Healy',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2552,'Michael J.',NULL,'Breen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2553,'Siobhán',NULL,'O\'Sullivan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2555,'Pedro',NULL,'Abrantes',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2556,'Manuel',NULL,'Abrantes',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2557,'Maria',NULL,'Abranches',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2558,'Laetitia',NULL,'Hauret',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2559,'Donald',NULL,'Williams',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2560,'Katre',NULL,'Tatrik',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2561,'Virge',NULL,'Tamme',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2562,'Merike',NULL,'Tamm',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2564,'Marju',NULL,'Himma',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2565,'Toomas',NULL,'Randlo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2568,'Mai',NULL,'Beilmann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2569,'Reigo',NULL,'Hendrikson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2570,'Sirle',NULL,'Sommer-Kalda',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2571,'Villu',NULL,'Päärt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2573,'Eveliis',NULL,'Kurs',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2575,'Mariann',NULL,'Joonas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2576,'Merike',NULL,'Teder',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2577,'Jaan-Juhan',NULL,'Oidermaa',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2578,'Johan',NULL,'Lindell',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2579,'Sibila',NULL,'Marques',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2582,'Christopher',NULL,'Bratt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2588,'Hannah J.',NULL,'Swift',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2589,'Maria Luísa',NULL,'Lima',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2590,'Mirko',NULL,'Ojakivi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2591,'Merili',NULL,'Nael',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2592,'Helen',NULL,'Mihelson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2593,'Aive',NULL,'Mõttus',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2594,'Lea',NULL,'Altnurme',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2595,'Laura',NULL,'Aaben',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2596,'Karin',NULL,'Sakowski',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2597,'Jaanika',NULL,'Meriküll',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2599,'Hans',NULL,'Dsiss',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2600,'Olga',NULL,'Demidova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2602,'Aire',NULL,'Schütz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2603,'Ülle-Marike',NULL,'Papp',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2604,'Riina',NULL,'Kütt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2606,'Kadri',NULL,'Seeder',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2607,'Berk',NULL,'Vaher',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2608,'Marre',NULL,'Karu',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2609,'Tairi',NULL,'Rõõm',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2610,'Karsten',NULL,'Staehr',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2611,'Anu',NULL,'Laas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2612,'Eda',NULL,'Merisalu',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2613,'Maciej',NULL,'Pietrzykowski',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2614,'Timo',NULL,'Toikko',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2615,'Kandela',NULL,'Õun',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2616,'Anne',NULL,'Rähn',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2617,'Ringo',NULL,'Ringvee',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2618,'Lyudmyla',NULL,'Yur\'yeva',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2619,'Nele',NULL,'Taba',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 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10:02:13'),(2820,'Hans',NULL,'Schmeets',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2821,'Saskia T.',NULL,'Riele',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2822,'Marii',NULL,'Paskov ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2824,'Reto',NULL,'Bürgin',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2825,'Gilbert',NULL,'Ritschard',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2826,'Marcel',NULL,'Lubbers',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2828,'Eva',NULL,'Jaspers',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2829,'Jonas',NULL,'Toubol',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2830,'Carsten S.',NULL,'Jensen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2831,'Elaine',NULL,'Levine',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2832,'Monica',NULL,'Verea',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2833,'Maria Lucinda',NULL,'Fonseca',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2834,'Jennifer ',NULL,'McGarrigle',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2835,'Ben',NULL,'Clements',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2836,'Clive D.',NULL,'Field',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2837,'Isabelle',NULL,'Stadelmann-Steffen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2838,'Georg',NULL,'Picot',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2839,'Nechama S.',NULL,'Horwitz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2840,'Philippe',NULL,'Blanchard',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2841,'Jacques',NULL,'Gauthier',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2842,'Isabelle',NULL,'Stadelmann-Steffen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2843,'Staffan',NULL,'Kumlin   ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2845,'King-wa ',NULL,'Fu',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2846,'Chung-hong',NULL,'Chan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2847,'Patrick',NULL,'Ip',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2848,'Michael J.',NULL,'Donnelly',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2853,'Lara',NULL,'Fontanella',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2854,'Annalina',NULL,'Sarra',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2855,'Simone',NULL,'Di Zio',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2856,'Pasquale',NULL,'Valentini',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2857,'Michael',NULL,'Freedman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2858,'Celine',NULL,'Teney',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2859,'Marc',NULL,'Helbling',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2860,'Gerry',NULL,'Nicolaas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2861,'Lisa',NULL,'Calderwood',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2862,'Peter',NULL,'Lynn',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2864,'Marco',NULL,'Lisi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2865,'Kingsley',NULL,'Purdam',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2866,'Alicja',NULL,'Grześkowiak',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2867,'Deborah',NULL,'De Moortel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2868,'Hadejwich',NULL,'Vandenheede',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2872,'Jana',NULL,'Javornik',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2873,'Willem',NULL,'Huijnk',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2874,'Anita',NULL,'Boele',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2875,'Benedikt',NULL,'Goderis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2876,'Iris',NULL,'Andriessen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2877,'Audronė',NULL,'Telešienė',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2878,'Marina',NULL,'Economou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2879,'Michael',NULL,'Madianos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2880,'Lily E.',NULL,'Peppou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2881,'Kyriakos',NULL,'Souliotis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2882,'Athanasios',NULL,'Patelakis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2883,'Costas',NULL,'Stefanis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2884,'Jennifer',NULL,'Shore',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2885,'Theo',NULL,'Sparreboom',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2887,'Brady T.',NULL,'West',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2888,'Frauke',NULL,'Kreuter',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2889,'Mark',NULL,'Trappmann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2890,'Jan',NULL,'Keijser',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2891,'Evianne',NULL,'Lange',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2892,'Johan',NULL,'Wilsem',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2893,'Laurent',NULL,'Lesnard',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2894,'Anne-Sophie',NULL,'Cousteaux',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2895,'Flora',NULL,'Chanvril',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2896,'Viviane',NULL,'Le Hay',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2897,'Antonis A.',NULL,'Ellinas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2898,'Iasonas',NULL,'Lamprianou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2899,'Jan',NULL,'Zielonka',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2900,'Auksė ',NULL,'Balčytienė',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2901,'Bogusława',NULL,'Dobek-Ostrowska',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2902,'Michał',NULL,'Głowacki',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2903,'Auksė',NULL,'Balčytienė',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2904,'Péter',NULL,'Bajomi-Lazar',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2905,'Václav',NULL,'Štětka',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2906,'Barbara ',NULL,'Thomass ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2907,'Josef',NULL,'Trappel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2908,'Jeanette ',NULL,'Steemers ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2909,'Auksė',NULL,'Balčytienė',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2910,'Kristina',NULL,'Juraitė',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2911,'Rozemarijn van',NULL,'Dijk',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2912,'Wouter',NULL,'Mensink',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2913,'Yvette',NULL,'Sol',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2914,'Jessica',NULL,'Morgan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2915,'Trevor',NULL,'Thompson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2916,'Antonio M.',NULL,'Jaime-Castillo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2917,'Ildefonso',NULL,'Marqués-Perales',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2918,'Javier',NULL,'Álvarez-Gálvez',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2919,'Ivan',NULL,'Čipin',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2920,'Šime',NULL,'Smolić',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2922,'Elena',NULL,'Meschi ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2923,'Francesco',NULL,'Scervini',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2924,'Paul',NULL,'Laufer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2925,'Claudia',NULL,'Wagner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2926,'Fabian',NULL,'Flöck',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2927,'Markus',NULL,'Strohmaier',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2928,'Ruud',NULL,'Muffels',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2929,'Colin',NULL,'Crouch',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2930,'Ton',NULL,'Wilthagen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2931,'Michael',NULL,'Minkov',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2932,'Sunnee',NULL,'Billingsley',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2933,'Yann',NULL,'Algan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2934,'Pierre',NULL,'Cahuc',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2935,'Marc',NULL,'Sangnier',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2936,'Marco',NULL,'Lisi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2937,'Kristen',NULL,'Harknett',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2938,'Carla',NULL,'Medalia',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2939,'Aurelie A.',NULL,'Mary',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2940,'Benjamin',NULL,'Hadis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2941,'Paul',NULL,'Whiteley',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2942,'Ines',NULL,'Calzada',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2943,'Maria',NULL,'Gomez-Garrido',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2945,'Francisco',NULL,'Moreno-Fuentes',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2946,'Luis',NULL,'Sousa',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2948,'Luciano',NULL,'Amaral',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2949,'Johannes ',NULL,'Buggle',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2950,'Ruben',NULL,'Durante',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2952,'Geoffrey',NULL,'Evans',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2953,'Tiina',NULL,'Likki',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2954,'Christian',NULL,'Staerkle',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2955,'Peder',NULL,'Pedersen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2956,'Torben',NULL,'Schmidt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2957,'Giovanni',NULL,'Lamura ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2958,'Andrea',NULL,'Jensen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2959,'Per',NULL,'Jensen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2960,'Konrad ',NULL,'Turek',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2961,'Jolanta',NULL,'Perek-Białas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2962,'Miro',NULL,'Haček',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2963,'Marjan',NULL,'Brezovšek',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2964,'Arnstein',NULL,'Aassve',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2965,'Letizia',NULL,'Mencarini',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2966,'Maria',NULL,'Sironi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2967,'Tamás',NULL,'Hajdu',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2968,'Gábor',NULL,'Hajdu',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2969,'Arjen',NULL,'Van Dalen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2970,'Peter',NULL,'Van Aelst',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2971,'Fons',NULL,'Van de Vijver',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2972,'Michael',NULL,'Bender',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2973,'Radosveta',NULL,'Dimitrova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2974,'Larissa',NULL,'Kus',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2975,'Marta',NULL,'Fraile',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2976,'Sergi',NULL,'Pardos-Prado',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2977,'Lindsay',NULL,'Paterson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2978,'Monica',NULL,'Ferrin',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2979,'Hanspeter',NULL,'Kriesi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2980,'Ana',NULL,'Bravo-Moreno ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2981,'Eleni ',NULL,'Prokou ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2982,'Catherine',NULL,'Michalopoulou ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2983,'Aliki',NULL,'Antonopoulou ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2984,'Enrique',NULL,'Hernández',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2985,'Macarena',NULL,'Ares',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2986,'Antonio',NULL,'Accetturo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2987,'Guido',NULL,'de Blasio',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2988,'Lorenzo',NULL,'Ricci',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2989,'Carsten',NULL,'Schneider',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2990,'Kristin',NULL,'Makszin',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2991,'Anne',NULL,'Wren',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2993,'Hulda',NULL,'Thórisdóttir',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2994,'Karen Erla',NULL,'Karólínudóttir',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2995,'Leonardo',NULL,'Morlino',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2996,'Mario',NULL,'Quaranta',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2997,'Zsolt',NULL,'Boda',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2998,'Gabriella',NULL,'Szabo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(2999,'Attila',NULL,'Bartha',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3001,'Zsuzsanna',NULL,'Vidra',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3002,'Olga',NULL,'Stavrova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3003,'Detlef',NULL,'Fetchenhauer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3004,'Yannis',NULL,'Tsirbas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3006,'Maria Luisa',NULL,'Lima',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3007,'Natalya',NULL,'Soboleva',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3008,'Natalja',NULL,'Menold',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3009,'Sara',NULL,'Paralta',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3010,'Eneida',NULL,'Hoxhallari',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3011,'John',NULL,'Gelissen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3012,'Alicja',NULL,'Grześkowiak',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3014,'Hans',NULL,'Orru',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3015,'Marek',NULL,'Maasikmets',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3016,'Antti',NULL,'Roose',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3018,'Ronald',NULL,'Gutman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3019,'Martin',NULL,'Gauk',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3020,'Hans',NULL,'Orru',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3021,'Lucia',NULL,'Ištoňová',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3023,'Carlos',NULL,'García-Alonso',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3024,'Luis',NULL,'Salvador-Carulla',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3025,'Philipp',NULL,'Kroeger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3026,'Beatrice',NULL,'Rammstedt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3027,'Débora',NULL,'Maehler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3028,'Hristina',NULL,'Sokolova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3029,'Monika',NULL,'Bazyl',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3031,'Maria',NULL,'Homišinová',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3032,'Remi',NULL,'Bazillier',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3033,'Cristina',NULL,'Boboc',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3034,'Oana',NULL,'Calavrezo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3035,'Valdiney',NULL,'Gouveia',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3036,'Taciano',NULL,'Milfont',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3037,'Valeschka',NULL,'Guerra',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3038,'Agnieszka',NULL,'Stanimir',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3039,'Patricea',NULL,'Zait',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3040,'Adriana',NULL,'Bertea',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3042,'Janine',NULL,'Leschke',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3043,'Maria',NULL,'Jepsen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3045,'Pamala',NULL,'Wiepking',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3046,'Rene',NULL,'Bekkers',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3047,'Una',NULL,'Osili',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3048,'Jason',NULL,'Kehrberg',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3049,'',NULL,'Puntscher',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3050,'',NULL,'Hauser',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3051,'',NULL,'Walde',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3052,'',NULL,'Tappeiner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3053,'Stefano',NULL,'Bartolini',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3054,'Francesco',NULL,'Sarracino',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3055,'Rainer',NULL,'Schnell',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3056,'Jan W de',NULL,'Keijser',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3057,'Evianne GM de',NULL,'Lange',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3058,'Johan A van',NULL,'Wilsem',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3059,'',NULL,'',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3061,'Laia',NULL,'Palència',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3062,'Davide',NULL,'Malmusi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3064,'Lucia',NULL,'Artazcoz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3065,'Mona',NULL,'Backhans',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3068,'Christiane',NULL,'Lubke',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3069,'Marcel',NULL,'Erlinghagen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3070,'Vidal Diaz',NULL,'Rada',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3071,'Valentin Martinez',NULL,'Martín',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3072,'Józef',NULL,'Dziechciarz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3073,'Alicja',NULL,'Grześkowiak',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3074,'Agnieszka',NULL,'Stanimir',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3075,'Jan',NULL,'Reitsma',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3076,'Ben ',NULL,'Pelzer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3077,'Peer',NULL,'Schilderman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3078,'Hans',NULL,'Scheepers',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3079,'Luís de',NULL,'Sousa',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3080,'Pedro C.',NULL,'Magalhães',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3081,'Johannes C.',NULL,'Buggle',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3082,'Peder J.',NULL,'Pedersen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3083,'Torben D.',NULL,'Schmidt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3084,'Ylenio',NULL,'Longo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3085,'Arjen van',NULL,'Dalen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3086,'Peter van',NULL,'Aelst',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3087,'Gabriella',NULL,'Szabó',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3088,'Gergő',NULL,'Medve-Bálint',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3090,'Jennifer',NULL,'Oser',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3092,'Judith',NULL,'Treas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3093,'Zuzana',NULL,'Havrdova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3094,'Paivi',NULL,'Huotari',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3095,'Marieke',NULL,'Voorpostel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3096,'Belinda',NULL,'Hewitt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3097,'Veronica',NULL,'Hájková',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3098,'Petr',NULL,'Hájek',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3099,'Frederic',NULL,'Salladarré',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3100,'Stephane',NULL,'Hlaimi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3101,'Akos',NULL,'Bodor',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3102,'Zoltan',NULL,'Grünhut',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3103,'Reka',NULL,'Horeczki',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3104,'Konstantinos G.',NULL,'Kougias',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3106,'Kristen',NULL,'Harknett',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3107,'Caroline Sten',NULL,'Hartnett',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3109,'Markku',NULL,'Heiskanen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3110,'Javier',NULL,'Olivera',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3111,'James H',NULL,'Stock',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3112,'Saskia',NULL,'Aerts',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3113,'Alex',NULL,'Dewaele',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3114,'Nele',NULL,'Cox',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3116,'Conrad',NULL,'Ziller',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3118,'Fredrica',NULL,'Nyqvist',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3119,'Mikael',NULL,'Nygård',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3122,'Alberto',NULL,'Raggi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3123,'Matilde',NULL,'Leonardi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3124,'Didier',NULL,'Caluwaerts',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3126,'Silvia',NULL,'Erzeel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3128,'Ionela',NULL,'Vlase',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3129,'Hajdeja',NULL,'Iglič',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3131,'Rok',NULL,'Hacin',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3132,'Katja',NULL,'Eman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3133,'Clare',NULL,'Saunders',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3134,'Wouter De',NULL,'Tavernier',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3135,'Sirpa',NULL,'Weckström',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3136,'Eivind ',NULL,'Hoff-Elimari',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3138,'Simon ',NULL,'Matti',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3139,'Kristina',NULL,'Östman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3140,'Silva Augusto',NULL,'Silva',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3144,'Michael',NULL,'Savelkoul',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3145,'Jochem',NULL,'Tolsma',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3146,'',NULL,'',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3147,'Yvonni',NULL,'Markaki',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3149,'Hector',NULL,'Cebolla-Boado',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3150,'Luis',NULL,'Ortiz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3151,'Ilse ',NULL,'Cornelis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3154,'Axel West',NULL,'Pedersen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3155,'Ann-Helén',NULL,'Bay',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3156,'Helena',NULL,'Lopes',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3157,'Teresa',NULL,'Calapez',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3158,'Carla',NULL,'Porto',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3159,'Melody',NULL,'Barlage',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3160,'Arjan',NULL,'Born',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3161,'Arjen',NULL,'Witteloostuijn',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3162,'Les',NULL,'Graham',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3163,'Daniel',NULL,'Braun',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3164,'Swen',NULL,'Hutter',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3165,'Andrej',NULL,'Kokkonen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3166,'Peter',NULL,'Esaiasson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3167,'Mikael',NULL,'Gilljam',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3168,'Francesca',NULL,'Vassallo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3169,'Pauline',NULL,'Ding',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3170,'Maria Luisa',NULL,'Rodero-Cosano',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3171,'Michal',NULL,'Novy',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3172,'Leah',NULL,'Ruppanner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3173,'Georgianna',NULL,'Bostean',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3176,'Maria',NULL,'Fleischmann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3178,'Pearl',NULL,'Dykstra',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3179,'Joop',NULL,'Schippers',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3180,'Jing',NULL,'Guo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3181,'Neil',NULL,'Gilbert',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3182,'Laura',NULL,'Fónadová',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3183,'Peter',NULL,'Saunders',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3184,'',NULL,'',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3185,'Sviatoslav',NULL,'Sviatnenko',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3186,'Alexander',NULL,'Vinogradov',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3187,'Takis',NULL,'Pappas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3189,'Christiane',NULL,'Lübke',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3190,'Laura',NULL,'Piscicelli',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3191,'Tim',NULL,'Cooper',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3192,'Tom',NULL,'Fisher',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3193,'Sarah',NULL,'Velde',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3195,'Koen',NULL,'Bracht',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3197,'Arieke',NULL,'Rijken',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3198,'Eva',NULL,'Merz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3199,'Jose',NULL,'Fernández-Albertos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3200,'Dulce',NULL,'Manzano',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3201,'Almudena',NULL,'Moreno-Mínguez',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3202,'Luis',NULL,'Martínez-Fernández',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3203,'Angel',NULL,'Carrasco-Campos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3204,'Kristel',NULL,'Lundell',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3205,'Benedetta',NULL,'Pongiglione',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3206,'Albert',NULL,'Sabater',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3207,'Caroline',NULL,'Berghammer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3208,'Katrin',NULL,'Fliegenschnee',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3209,'Ali Dehghanpour',NULL,'Farashah',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3210,'Hooman',NULL,'Estelami',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3211,'Aaron',NULL,'Reeves',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3212,'Martin',NULL,'Mckee',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3213,'David',NULL,'Gunnell',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3214,'Shu-Sen',NULL,'Chang',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3215,'Sanjay',NULL,'Basu',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3216,'Benjamin',NULL,'Barr',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3217,'David',NULL,'Stuckler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3218,'Jahanvash',NULL,'Karim',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3219,'Robert',NULL,'Weisz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3220,'Zainab',NULL,'Bibi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3221,'Shafiq',NULL,'Rehman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3224,'Oleksandr',NULL,'Reznik',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3225,'Marios',NULL,'Vryonides',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3226,'Christina ',NULL,'Eder',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3227,'Ingvill',NULL,'Mochmann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3228,'Markus',NULL,'Quandt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3229,'Maria',NULL,'Oskarson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3230,'Markus',NULL,'Quandt ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3231,'Christina',NULL,'Eder',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3232,'Ingvill',NULL,'Mochmann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3233,'Rik',NULL,'Linssen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3236,'Hans',NULL,'Grotenhuis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3237,'Richard',NULL,'Niemi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3238,'Pippa',NULL,'Norris ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3239,'Lawrence',NULL,'LeDuc',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3241,'Katerina',NULL,'Iliou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3242,'Charles Henri',NULL,'DiMaria',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3243,'Chiara',NULL,'Peroni',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3244,'Francesco',NULL,'Sarracino',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3245,'Justice',NULL,'Tankebe',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3246,'Gorazd',NULL,'Meško',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3247,'Benjamin',NULL,'Flander',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3248,'Aleš',NULL,'Bučar Ručman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3253,'Jernej',NULL,'Šifrer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3254,'',NULL,'',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3255,'Matevž',NULL,'Bren',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3256,'Branko',NULL,'Lobnikar',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3257,'Andrej',NULL,'Sotlar',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3258,'Maja',NULL,'Modic',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3259,'Ive',NULL,'Marx',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3260,'Abigail',NULL,'McKnight',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3261,'Daniele',NULL,'Checchi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3262,'Weimer',NULL,'Salverda',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3263,'Istvan',NULL,'Toth ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3264,'Brian',NULL,'Nolan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3265,'Herman',NULL,'van de Werfhorst ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3266,'Jenni',NULL,'Blomgren',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3267,'Hekki',NULL,'Hiilamo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3268,'Olli',NULL,'Kangas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3269,'Mikko',NULL,'Niemelä',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3270,'Monica',NULL,'Poletti',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3271,'Martha',NULL,'Regalia',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 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10:02:13'),(3748,'Vera',NULL,'Kallenberg',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3749,'Jennifer',NULL,'Meyer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3750,'Johanna',NULL,'Müller ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3751,'Steven',NULL,'Pirutinsky',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3752,'Maria',NULL,'Pavlova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3753,'Rainer',NULL,'Silbereisen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3754,'Kamil',NULL,'Sijko',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3758,'Paul',NULL,'Statham',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3759,'Howard',NULL,'Tumber',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3760,'Sofia',NULL,'Perez',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3761,'Mark',NULL,'Elchardus',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3765,'Håvard ',NULL,'Bakkmoen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 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H.',NULL,'Woolf ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3773,'L.',NULL,'Aron ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3774,'Hanne',NULL,'Narud ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3775,'Peter',NULL,'Esaiasson ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3776,'',NULL,' Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3779,'Cedric',NULL,'Herring',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3782,'Patricia',NULL,'Kennett',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3783,'',NULL,'',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3786,'Michael ',NULL,'Jones-Correa ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3787,'Claudine',NULL,'Gay',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3788,'Jennifer',NULL,'Hochschild',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3789,'Jacqueline ',NULL,'Chattopadhyay',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3790,'Pieter',NULL,'Vanhuysse ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3791,'Marloes',NULL,'Lange',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3793,'Christian',NULL,'Stecker',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3795,'Ilya',NULL,'Zelenev',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3796,'Pieter-Jan',NULL,'De Vlieger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3797,'Michal',NULL,'Nový',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3798,'Aldo F.',NULL,'Ponce',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3799,'Ines',NULL,'Campos-Matos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3800,'Maria',NULL,'Lissowska',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3801,'Mitja',NULL,'Hafner-Fink',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3802,'Samo',NULL,'Uhan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3803,'Klara',NULL,'Kerezsi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3804,'Rene',NULL,'Lévy',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3805,'Sonja',NULL,'Snacken',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3806,'Mike',NULL,'Hough',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3810,'Matthias',NULL,'Koenig',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3811,'Anne',NULL,'McDaniel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3812,'Vassilis T.',NULL,'Rapanos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3813,'Jeroen',NULL,'van der Waal',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3814,'Willem',NULL,'de Koster',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3816,'Myrsini',NULL,'Katsikatsou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3817,'Irini',NULL,'Moustaki',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3818,'Lauren M.',NULL,'McLaren',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3819,'Ronald',NULL,'Angel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3820,'Mike',NULL,'Hough ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3821,'Klara',NULL,'Kerezsi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3822,'Sonja',NULL,'Snacken ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3823,'Susanne ',NULL,'Karstedt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3824,'Mariona',NULL,'Ferrer-Fons',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3826,'Patrick',NULL,'Emmenegger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3827,'Robert',NULL,'Klemmensen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3828,'Amanda',NULL,'Rodriguez',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3829,'Therese',NULL,'Saltkjel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3830,'Espen',NULL,'Dahl',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3832,'Adam',NULL,'Gendzwill',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3833,'Maira',NULL,'Covre-Sussai',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3835,'Monika',NULL,'Méndez',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3836,'Joan',NULL,'Font',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3837,'Monika',NULL,'Méndez',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3838,'Joan',NULL,'Font',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3839,'J. E.',NULL,'Möller',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3840,'Marijn',NULL,'van Klingeren',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3841,'Rens',NULL,'Vliegenthart',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3843,'Valeria',NULL,'Camia',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3844,'Jaanika ',NULL,'Meriküll',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3845,'Karsten ',NULL,'Staehr',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3846,'Luis',NULL,'Diaz-Serranoa',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3848,'Siobhan',NULL,'Mcandrew',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3850,'Tobias',NULL,'Gollan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3852,'Felix',NULL,'Ritchie',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3853,'Iñigo',NULL,'Iturbe-Ormaetxe Kortajarene',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3854,'Vassil',NULL,'Kirov',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3855,'Violaine',NULL,'Delteil',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3856,'H.M.',NULL,'van den Akker',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3857,'J.',NULL,'Blaauw',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3858,'R.',NULL,'van der Ploeg',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3859,'C.M.C.',NULL,'Verbakel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3860,'Mor Kandlik',NULL,'Eltanani',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3861,'Kaya',NULL,'Cansarp',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3862,'Larysa ',NULL,'Tamilina',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3863,'Natalya ',NULL,'Tamilina',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3864,'Valerie',NULL,'Lykes',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3865,'Marcus',NULL,'Kemmelmeier',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3866,'Anastasia',NULL,'Dubova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3867,'Leonid',NULL,'Kosal\'s',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3868,'Mikko',NULL,'Mattila',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3869,'Hanna',NULL,'Wass',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3870,'Lauri',NULL,'Rapeli',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3871,'Maria',NULL,'Karamessini ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3872,'Jill',NULL,'Rubery ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3873,'Francesca',NULL,'Bettio',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3874,'Martin Bisgaard',NULL,'Christiansen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3875,'Kristi',NULL,'Asser',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3876,'Sonja',NULL,'Drobnič',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3877,'Margarita',NULL,'León ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3878,'Siim',NULL,'Krusell',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3879,'Conceição Pequito ',NULL,'Teixeira',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3880,'Thatee',NULL,'Diawpanich',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3881,'Thunhavich',NULL,'Thitiratsakul',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3882,'Gindo',NULL,'Tampubolon',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3883,'Žilvinas',NULL,'Martinaitis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3884,'Edward A.',NULL,'Koning',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3885,'Michele',NULL,'Vecchione',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3886,'Shalom H.',NULL,'Schwartz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3887,'Caprara',NULL,'Caprara',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3888,'Harald',NULL,'Schoen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3889,'Jo',NULL,'Silvester',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3890,'Paul',NULL,'Bain',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3891,'Gabriel',NULL,'Bianchi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3892,'Catalin',NULL,'Mamali',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3893,'Jorge',NULL,'Manzi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3894,'Vassilis',NULL,'Pavlopoulos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3895,'Tetyana',NULL,'Posnova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3896,'Claudio',NULL,'Torres',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3897,'Markku',NULL,'Verkasalo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3898,'Jan-Erik',NULL,'Lönnqvist',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3899,'Eva',NULL,'Vondráková',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3900,'Guido',NULL,'Alessandri',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3901,'Philipp',NULL,'Biermann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3902,'Silas',NULL,'Harrebye',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3903,'Margarita',NULL,'Gómez-Reino',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3904,'Iván',NULL,'Llamazares',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3905,'Iaan',NULL,'Durnescu ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3906,'Fergus',NULL,'McNeill ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3907,'Helmut',NULL,'Kury',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3908,'Mai',NULL,'Sato',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3909,'Vincent',NULL,'Tiberj',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3910,'Erich',NULL,'Kerrouche',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3911,'Kobe',NULL,'De Keere',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3912,'Veronica Fagerland',NULL,'Kroknes',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3913,'Caroline',NULL,'Zorell',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3914,'Guo',NULL,'Changgang',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3915,'Zhang',NULL,'Fengmei',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3916,'Vladimíra',NULL,'Sečkárová',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3917,'Anna',NULL,'Horvath',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3918,'Giulia',NULL,'Paolini',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3919,'Olaf',NULL,'von dem Knesebeck',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3920,'Tatiana P.',NULL,'Rizova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3921,'Rickard',NULL,'Ulmestig ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3922,'Ivan',NULL,'Harsløf 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10:02:13'),(3947,'Fons',NULL,'Vijver',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3948,'Yannis',NULL,'Kountouris',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3949,'Kyriaki',NULL,'Remoundou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3950,'Necla',NULL,'Acik',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3951,'Gordon',NULL,'Daniels',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3953,'Andras',NULL,'Körösényi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3954,'Jorre T. A.',NULL,'Vannieuwenhuyze',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3955,'Monica',NULL,'Şerban',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3956,'Audun',NULL,'Fladmoe',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3957,'Chris',NULL,'Skinner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3958,'Ben',NULL,'Mason',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3959,'Patrick',NULL,'Simon',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3960,'Giorgio',NULL,'Cutuli',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3961,'Raffaele',NULL,'Guetto',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3962,'Francesc',NULL,'Ortega',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3964,'Dora',NULL,'Bari',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3965,'Thomas P.',NULL,'Boje',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3966,'Metka',NULL,'Kuhar',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3967,'Herwig',NULL,'Reiter',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3968,'Rusinova',NULL,'Nina',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3969,'Safronov',NULL,'Viacheslav',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3970,'Francisco Jose',NULL,'Leon',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3971,'Neovi',NULL,'Karakatsanis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3972,'Fabrizio',NULL,'Bernardi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3973,'Robert',NULL,'Rohrschneider',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3974,'Stephen',NULL,'Whitefield',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3975,'Joakim',NULL,'Ruist',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3977,'Mathieu',NULL,'Deflem',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3978,'Ivo',NULL,'Baur',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3979,'Martin',NULL,'Dobricki',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3980,'Markus',NULL,'Lips',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3981,'Véronique',NULL,'Eicher',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3982,'Stephanie',NULL,'Glaeser',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3983,'Aude',NULL,'Martenot',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3984,'Thomas',NULL,'Kurer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3985,'Jan',NULL,'Rosset',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3986,'Julian',NULL,'Bernauer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3987,'Flavia',NULL,'Fossati',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3988,'Matthias',NULL,'Gross',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3989,'Eglė',NULL,'Butkevičienė',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3991,'Gabrielle',NULL,'Ballarino',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3992,'Fabrizio',NULL,'Bernardi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3993,'Kevin',NULL,'Deegan-Krause',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3994,'Joakim',NULL,'Ekman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3995,'Sten',NULL,'Berglund',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3996,'Terje',NULL,'Knutsen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3997,'Kjetil ',NULL,'Duvold',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3998,'Mindaugas',NULL,'Jurkynas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(3999,'Pablo',NULL,'Beramendi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4000,'Charlotte',NULL,'Cavaillé',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4001,'Kris-Stella',NULL,'Trump',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4002,'Joanne',NULL,'Evans',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4003,'Ian',NULL,'Macrory',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4004,'Chris',NULL,'Randall',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4005,'Merle',NULL,'Zwiers',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4006,'Bernhard',NULL,'Weßels',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4007,'Jane',NULL,'Gingrich',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4008,'Frederick',NULL,'Solt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4009,'Maria R.',NULL,'Battaggion',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4010,'Alessandro',NULL,'Vaglio',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4011,'Joost',NULL,'Fledderus',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4012,'Marlies',NULL,'Honingh',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4013,'Cristiano',NULL,'Vezzoni',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4014,'Ferruccio',NULL,'Biolcati-Rinaldi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4015,'Pablo de Pedraza',NULL,'García',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4016,'Florin N.',NULL,'Fesnic',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4017,'Jennifer L.',NULL,'Hook',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4018,'Alexander ',NULL,'Ruser',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4019,'Malcom',NULL,'Beynon',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4020,'Stefanie',NULL,'Walter',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4021,'Angela',NULL,'Bourne',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4022,'Gianni V.',NULL,'Caprara',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4023,'Harald',NULL,'Schoen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4024,'Andrew',NULL,'Miles',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4025,'Andre',NULL,'Grow',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4026,'Pascal',NULL,'Boyer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4027,'Christoper',NULL,'Deeming',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4028,'Kelvyn',NULL,'Jones',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4029,'Fillipe',NULL,'Afonso',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4031,'Anna',NULL,'Anastasopoulou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4032,'Anthony',NULL,'Kevins',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4033,'Gerda',NULL,'Hooijer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4034,'Gaele',NULL,'Goastellec ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4035,'C. L.',NULL,'Niedzwiedz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4036,'R.',NULL,'Mitchell',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4037,'J.',NULL,'Pearce',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4038,'Beatrice',NULL,'d\'Hombres',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4039,'Luca',NULL,'Nunziata',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4040,'Alexander',NULL,'Horn',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4041,'Kees',NULL,'van Kersbergen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4042,'Florian',NULL,'Grötsch',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4043,'Teemu',NULL,'Rantanen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4044,'Jørgen Goul',NULL,'Andersen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4045,'Verena',NULL,'Ortmanns',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4046,'Marcus',NULL,'Hadler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4047,'Anja',NULL,'Eder',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4048,'Max',NULL,'Haller',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4049,'Franz',NULL,'Höllinger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4050,'Adilson',NULL,'Marques',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4051,'Hugo',NULL,'Sarmento',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4054,'Valeria',NULL,'Bello',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4055,'Anna, K.',NULL,'Forsman ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4056,'Olli',NULL,'Nummela',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4057,'Frederik',NULL,'Hjorth',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4058,'Panagiotis E.',NULL,'Petrakis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4059,'Pantelis',NULL,'Kostis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4060,'Dionysis D.',NULL,'Valsamis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4061,'Danica',NULL,'Fink-Hafner ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4062,'Danica',NULL,'Fink-Hafner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4063,'Sara',NULL,'Parry',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4064,'Kathleen',NULL,'Montgomery',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4065,'Ryan',NULL,'Winter',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4066,'Łukasz',NULL,'Goczek',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4067,'Bartosz',NULL,'Witkowski',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4068,'Daniela',NULL,'Barni',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4069,'Alessio',NULL,'Vieno',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4070,'Michele',NULL,'Roccato',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4071,'Silvia',NULL,'Russo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4072,'Elina',NULL,'Kestilä-Kekkonen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4073,'Paul',NULL,'Pennings',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4074,'Markus',NULL,'Vogelbacher',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4075,'Tim',NULL,'Immerzeel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4076,'Mark',NULL,'Pickup',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4077,'Romana',NULL,'Careja',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4082,'João',NULL,'Martins',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4084,'Margarida',NULL,'Gaspar de Matos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4087,'Miguel',NULL,'Peralta',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4088,'Ricardo',NULL,'Catunda',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4089,'Luís',NULL,'Saboga Nunes',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4090,'Tânia',NULL,'Menezes Montenegro',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4092,'Caroline',NULL,'Dewilde',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4093,'Ingwer',NULL,'Borg',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4094,'Ana',NULL,'Caetano',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4095,'Jenny',NULL,'Assi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4096,'Mario',NULL,'Lucchini',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4097,'Mario',NULL,'Spagnolo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4098,'Martin',NULL,'Stonawski',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4099,'Ting',NULL,'Yan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4100,'Florian',NULL,'Keusch',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4101,'Ole-Petter Moe',NULL,'Hansen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4102,'Stefan',NULL,'Legge',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4103,'Magnus',NULL,'Jonsson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4104,'Jens Peter',NULL,'Thomsen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4105,'Amadeo',NULL,'Spagnolo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4107,'Matthias',NULL,'Pollmann-Schult',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4108,'Crispin',NULL,'Girinshuti',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4109,'Georges',NULL,'Felouzis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4110,'Gaële',NULL,'Goastellec',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4111,'Gaële',NULL,'Goastellec',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4112,'Crispin',NULL,'Girinshuti',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4113,'Frank',NULL,'Walsh',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4116,'Luz Adriana',NULL,'Flórez',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4117,'Francisco',NULL,'Perales',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4118,'Shireen',NULL,'Kanji',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4119,'Robin',NULL,'Samuel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4120,'Niels',NULL,'Blom',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4122,'Moniek',NULL,'Buijzen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4124,'Thomas',NULL,'Leopold',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4125,'Jan',NULL,'Skopek',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4127,'Gal',NULL,'Ariely',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4128,'Mateusz',NULL,'Barański',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4129,'Ixchel Pérez ',NULL,'Durán',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4130,'Piet',NULL,'Lagas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4131,'Frank',NULL,'van Dongen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4132,'Frank',NULL,'van Rijn',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4133,'Hans',NULL,'Visser',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4134,'Jennifer',NULL,'Glanville',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4135,'Yan',NULL,'Wang',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4136,'Robert',NULL,'Grimm',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4137,'Hilary',NULL,'Pilkington',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4138,'Gianmarco',NULL,'Daniele',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4140,'Valerija',NULL,'Botric',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4141,'Justin',NULL,'Doran',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4142,'Bernard',NULL,'Fingleton',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4143,'Katherine',NULL,'Edwards',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4144,'Richard M.',NULL,'Duffy',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4145,'Reneé',NULL,'van der Zanden',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4146,'Valentina',NULL,'Di Stasio',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4147,'Bekir',NULL,'Çakar',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4148,'Giorgos',NULL,'Charalambous',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4149,'Daphne',NULL,'Halikiopoulou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4150,'Tim',NULL,'Vlandas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4151,'Natalia',NULL,'Hanley',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4152,'Tugba',NULL,'Maran',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4153,'Wouter',NULL,'Andringa',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4154,'Rense',NULL,'Nieuwenhuis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4155,'Minna',NULL,'van Gerven',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4156,'Anders E.',NULL,'Birkmose',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4157,'Felix',NULL,'Requena',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4158,'Tom W.',NULL,'Smith',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4159,'Gina',NULL,'Potârcă',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4160,'Filip',NULL,'Fors',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4161,'Aleksei',NULL,'Shestakovskii',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4162,'',NULL,'Gurbuz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4163,'Suheyl',NULL,'Gurbuz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4164,'Jan',NULL,'Kühling',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4165,'T.',NULL,'Brosch',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4166,'D.',NULL,'Sander',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4169,'B',NULL,'Breyer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4171,'Liberto',NULL,'Carratalá',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4172,'Francisco',NULL,'Francés',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4173,'Anna K.',NULL,'Döring',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4174,'Elena',NULL,'Makarova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4175,'Walter',NULL,'Herzog',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4176,'Anat',NULL,'Bardi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4177,'Anna K.',NULL,'Döring',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4178,'Joscha',NULL,'Kärtner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4179,'Wolfgang',NULL,'Bilsky',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4180,'Andreas',NULL,'Hövermann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4181,'Eva Maria',NULL,'Groß',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4182,'Steven F.',NULL,'Messner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4183,'Eerik',NULL,'Jõks',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4184,'Vladimir',NULL,'Otrachshenko',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4185,'Olga',NULL,'Popova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4186,'José',NULL,'Tavares ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4187,'Simon',NULL,'Seiler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4188,'Baruch',NULL,'Levi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4189,'Michael J.',NULL,'Breen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4190,'Ryo',NULL,'Nakai',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4191,'Seán',NULL,'Ó Riain',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4192,'Raül',NULL,'Tormos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4193,'Vauclair',NULL,'Christin-Melanie',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4194,'Dobewall',NULL,'Henrik',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4195,'Christopher',NULL,'Rauh',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4196,'Tineke',NULL,'De Jonge',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4197,'Ruut',NULL,'Veenhoven',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4198,'Wim',NULL,'Kalmijn',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4199,'Melanie',NULL,'Kolbe',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4202,'František',NULL,'Zich',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4205,'Helena',NULL,'Kubátová',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4206,'František',NULL,'Znebejánek',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4207,'Ondřej',NULL,'Roubal',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4208,'Eike-Christian',NULL,'Horning',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4209,'Simon R.',NULL,'Bauer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4211,'Sara',NULL,'Schmidt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4212,'Andreas',NULL,'Jansen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4213,'Nina',NULL,'Rother',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4216,'Ina',NULL,'Berninger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4218,'Marianne ',NULL,'Kneuer ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4219,'Carlo ',NULL,'Massala ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4220,'Sylvia',NULL,'Kämpfer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4221,'Michael',NULL,'Mutz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4222,'Frank',NULL,'Faulbaum',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4223,'Matthias',NULL,'Stahl',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4224,'Erich',NULL,'Wiegand',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4225,'Peter',NULL,'Mohler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4226,'Martin',NULL,'Fritz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4227,'Tuuli-Marja',NULL,'Kleiner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4228,'Michael',NULL,'Hainz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4229,'Detlef',NULL,'Pollack',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4230,'Maria',NULL,'Libiszowska-Żółtkowska',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4231,'Elżbieta ',NULL,'Firlit',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4232,'Elmar',NULL,'Brähler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4233,'Johannes',NULL,'Kiess',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4234,'Charlotte',NULL,'Schubert',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4235,'Wieland ',NULL,'Kiess',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4236,'Andreas',NULL,'Fink',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4237,'Human Friedrich ',NULL,'Unterrainer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4238,'Christof',NULL,'Wolf',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4239,'Jürgen',NULL,'Schupp',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4240,'Jani',NULL,'Erola',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4241,'Elina',NULL,'Kilpi-Jakonen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4242,'Heta',NULL,'Pöyliö',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4243,'Johanna',NULL,'Kallio',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4244,'Roland',NULL,'Habich',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4245,'Roland',NULL,'Habich',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4246,'Dieter',NULL,'Fuchs',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4247,'Edeltraud',NULL,'Roller',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4248,'Brigitte ',NULL,'Gisart',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4249,'Martina',NULL,'Gille',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4250,'Ursula',NULL,'Hoffmann-Lange',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4251,'Christian ',NULL,'Palentien ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4252,'Aydin',NULL,'Gürlevik',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4253,'Klaus',NULL,'Hurrelmann ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4254,'Johann de',NULL,'Rijke',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4255,'Jean Philippe',NULL,'Décieux',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4256,'Helmut',NULL,'Willems',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4257,'',NULL,'Breuer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4258,'Ansgar ',NULL,'Schmitz - Veltin ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4259,'Baldo',NULL,'Blinkert',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4260,'Nadine M.',NULL,'Schöneck',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4261,'Steffen',NULL,'Mau',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4262,'Heiner',NULL,'Meulemann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4263,'R.',NULL,'Zeidler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4264,'H.',NULL,'Burr',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4265,'A.',NULL,'Pohrt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4266,'H.M.',NULL,'Hasselhorn',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4267,'Claus',NULL,'Schnabel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4268,'Joachim',NULL,'Wagner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4270,'Jelke',NULL,'Bethlehem',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4271,'Reg',NULL,'Baker',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4272,'Jon A.',NULL,'Krosnick',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4273,'Anja S.',NULL,'Göritz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4274,'Mario',NULL,'Callegaro',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4275,'Paul J.',NULL,'Lavrakas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4277,'Ariane',NULL,'Pailhé',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4278,'Dimitri',NULL,'Mortelmans',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4279,'Teresa',NULL,'Castro',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4280,'Clara Cortina',NULL,'Trilla',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4281,'Marie',NULL,'Digoix',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4282,'Patrick ',NULL,'Festy',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4283,'Mihails ',NULL,'Hazans',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4284,'Adrian',NULL,'Favell',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4285,'Ettore ',NULL,'Recchi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4286,'Magnus',NULL,'Hagevi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4287,'Ariana Saskia',NULL,'Schmidt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4288,'G.',NULL,'Heller',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4289,'A.',NULL,'Reil-Held',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4290,'Rubén ',NULL,'Castro',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4291,'Alberto',NULL,'Bisin',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4292,'Eleonora',NULL,'Patacchini',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4293,'Thierry',NULL,'Verdier',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4294,'Yves ',NULL,'Zenou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4295,'Edith',NULL,'Archambault',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4296,'Eckhart',NULL,'Priller',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4297,'Annette ',NULL,'Zimmer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4298,'Gerd',NULL,'Grozinger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4299,'Wenzel ',NULL,'Matiaske',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4300,'András',NULL,'Gábos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4301,'Marianna ',NULL,'Kopasz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4302,'Jürgen',NULL,'Bauknecht',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4303,'Stefan',NULL,'Weick',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4306,'Mireia',NULL,'Julià',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4307,'Gemma',NULL,'Tarafa',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4308,'Jorge',NULL,'Galindo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4309,'Melike ',NULL,'Wulfgramm',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4310,'Rebecca ',NULL,'Welge',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4311,'Wolfgang',NULL,'Jagodzinski',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4313,'Nadja',NULL,'Mosimann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4315,'Silvia',NULL,'Bartoletti',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4316,'Mirosław',NULL,'Filiciak',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4317,'Paweł',NULL,'Mazurek',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4318,'Katarzyna ',NULL,'Growiec',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4319,'Julia',NULL,'Lynch',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4320,'Gavril',NULL,'Bilev',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4321,'Mikel',NULL,'Navarro',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4322,'Juan José',NULL,'Gibaja',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4323,'Susana',NULL,'Franco',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4324,'Asier',NULL,'Murciego',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4325,'Carlo',NULL,'Gianelle',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4326,'Fatime Barbara',NULL,'Hegyi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4327,'Alexander ',NULL,'Kleibrink',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4328,'John',NULL,'Jerrim',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4329,'Gema M. Garcia ',NULL,'Albacete',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4330,'Alysaa',NULL,'Schneebaum',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4331,'Bernhard',NULL,'Rumplmaier',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4332,'Wilfried ',NULL,'Altzinger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4333,'Ingrid ',NULL,'Grosse',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4334,'Charlotta ',NULL,'Magnusson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4335,'Raanan',NULL,'Sulitzeanu-Kenan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4336,'Andrew ',NULL,'Markus',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4337,'Tatjana',NULL,'Rudi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4338,'Melanie',NULL,'Walter-Rogg',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4341,'Angel',NULL,'Dzhambov',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4342,'Donka',NULL,'Dimitrova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4343,'Tiziana',NULL,'Lombardi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4344,'Chiara',NULL,'Superti',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4345,'Regina',NULL,'Berger-Schmitt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4347,'Charlotte',NULL,'Wittenkamp',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4349,'Mindaugas',NULL,'Butkus',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4350,'Alma',NULL,'Mačiulytė-Šniukienė',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4351,'Vida ',NULL,'Davidavičienė',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4352,'Kristina',NULL,'Matuzevičiūtė',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4360,'Rui',NULL,'Alberto',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4361,'Mare',NULL,'Ainsaar',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4362,'m',NULL,'Breen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4365,'Raphaela',NULL,'Stadelmann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4366,'Nils',NULL,'Mevenkamp',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4367,'Ann-Kristin',NULL,'Kölln',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4368,'Laura',NULL,'Kalda',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4369,'Johanna',NULL,'Mäekivi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4370,'Marit',NULL,'Sukk',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4371,'Merlin',NULL,'Nuiamäe',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4372,'Robert',NULL,'Zeidler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4373,'Hermann',NULL,'Burr',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4374,'Anne',NULL,'Pohrt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4375,'Hans Martin',NULL,'Hasselhorn',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4376,'James',NULL,'Wagner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4378,'Sandra',NULL,'Krapf',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4379,'Vicky',NULL,'Lyssens-Danneboom',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4380,'Wilfried',NULL,'Rault',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4381,'Olivier',NULL,'Thévenon',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4382,'Olivier',NULL,'Toulemon',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4383,'Allison E.',NULL,'Rovny',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4384,'Gabriel',NULL,'Heller',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4385,'Anette',NULL,'Reil-Held',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4386,'Ann-Marie',NULL,'Creaven',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4387,'Siobhan',NULL,'Howard',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4388,'Tiziana',NULL,'Lombardi',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4389,'Bas',NULL,'Denters',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4390,'Henk',NULL,'van der Kolk',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4391,'Pierangelo',NULL,'Isernia',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4392,'Francesco',NULL,'Olmastroni',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4393,'Athina',NULL,'Economou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4394,'Iacovos N.',NULL,'Psarianos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4395,'Christos',NULL,'Kollias',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4396,'Fiona',NULL,'Gisler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4397,'Zbigniew',NULL,'Karpiński',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4398,'John',NULL,'Skvoretz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4399,'Przemysław',NULL,'Powałko',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4400,'Tadeusz',NULL,'Krauze',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4401,'J. Craig',NULL,'Jenkins',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4402,'Ilona',NULL,'Wysmułek',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4403,'Olena',NULL,'Oleksiyenko',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4404,'Marcin W.',NULL,'Zieliński',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4405,'Magdalena',NULL,'Rokicka',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4406,'Małgorzata ',NULL,'Kłobuszewska',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4407,'Marta',NULL,'Palczyńska',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4408,'Nataliia ',NULL,'Shapoval',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4409,'Jędrzej',NULL,'Stasiowski',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4410,'Ewa',NULL,'Ambroziak',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4411,'Paweł',NULL,'Starosta',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4412,'Jan Jacek ',NULL,'Sztaudynger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4413,'Michał',NULL,'Kotnarowski',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4414,'Radosław',NULL,'Markowski',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4415,'Robert',NULL,'Rowthorn',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4416,'David',NULL,'Ruzicka',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4417,'Anne',NULL,'Balz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4419,'Nick',NULL,'Townsend ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4420,'Lauren',NULL,'Wilson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4421,'Prachi',NULL,'Bhatnagar',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4422,'Kremlin',NULL,'Wickramasinghe',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4423,'Mike',NULL,'Rayner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4424,'Melanie',NULL,'Nichols',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4425,'Beatrice',NULL,'Magistro',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4426,'Daniela',NULL,'Bellani',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4427,'Gösta',NULL,'Esping-Andersen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4428,'Lesia',NULL,'Nedoluzhko',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4429,'Patrick',NULL,'Weber',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4430,'Nicolas',NULL,'Weber',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4431,'Michael',NULL,'Goesele',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4432,'Rüdiger',NULL,'Kabst',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4433,'Aaron',NULL,'Ponce',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4434,'Paul H.P.',NULL,'Hanel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4435,'Justyna',NULL,'Stypińska',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4436,'Jean-Paul',NULL,'Bozonnet',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4437,'Pieter',NULL,'Dudal ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4441,'Clemens',NULL,'Lechner',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4444,'A. T.',NULL,'Church',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4446,'Bettina',NULL,'Schuck',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4448,'Guillermo',NULL,'Cordero',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4449,'Pablo',NULL,'Simón',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4450,'Koen',NULL,'Decancq',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4451,'Erik',NULL,'Schokkaert',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4452,'Arno',NULL,'Tausch',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4457,'James',NULL,'Laurence',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4458,'Maie',NULL,'Kiisel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4459,'Marianne',NULL,'Leppik',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4460,'Külliki',NULL,'Seppel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4461,'Daiva',NULL,'Skučiene',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4462,'Julija',NULL,'Moskvina',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4463,'María Laura',NULL,'Arrosa',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4464,'Néstor',NULL,'Gandelman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4465,'Toni',NULL,'Rodon',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4466,' María José',NULL,'Hierro',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4467,'Shaun',NULL,'Bowler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4468,'Matthias',NULL,'Gross ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4469,'Leonard',NULL,'Goff',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4470,'Laur',NULL,'Lilleoja',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4471,'Anna',NULL,'Gottard',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4472,'Maria',NULL,'Iannario',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4473,'Domenico',NULL,'Piccolo',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4474,'Elisabeth',NULL,'Alofs ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4475,'Koenraad',NULL,'Matthijs',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4476,'Barbara',NULL,'Segaert ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4477,'Tine',NULL,'Kil',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4478,'Jorik',NULL,'Vergauwen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4479,'Bernd',NULL,'Schlipphak',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4480,'Oliver',NULL,'Treib',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4481,'Susan',NULL,'Phillips ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4482,'Tobias',NULL,'Jung',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4483,'Jenny',NULL,'Harrow ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4484,'Ingemar Johansson',NULL,'Sevä',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4485,'Stig',NULL,'Vinberg',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4486,'Mikael',NULL,'Nordenmark',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4487,'Mattias',NULL,'Strandh',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4489,'Ryan T.',NULL,'Cragun',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4490,'Ann-Marie',NULL,'Creaven',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4492,'Siobhán',NULL,'Howard',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4493,'Jocelyne',NULL,'Clench-Aas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4494,'Arne',NULL,'Holte',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4495,'Barry',NULL,'Eichengreen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4496,'André',NULL,'Sapir',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4497,'Guido',NULL,'Tabellini',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4498,'Gylfi',NULL,'Zoega',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4499,'Peter',NULL,'Warr',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4500,'Anastassia',NULL,'Obydenkova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4502,'Thomas',NULL,'Denk',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4503,'Mark',NULL,'Schweda',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4504,'Kai',NULL,'Brauer',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4505,'Frank',NULL,'Adloff',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4506,'Larissa',NULL,'Pfaller',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4507,'Silke',NULL,'Schicktanz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4508,'François',NULL,'Höpflinger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4509,'Elżbieta',NULL,'Korolczuk',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4510,'Kerstin',NULL,'Jacobsson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4511,'Anna',NULL,'Kiersztyn',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4514,'Simona',NULL,'Weidnerová',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4516,'Mari-Liis',NULL,'Sööt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4517,'Geidi',NULL,'Raud',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4518,'Weber',NULL,'Patrick',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4519,'Steinmetz',NULL,'Holger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4520,'Kabst',NULL,'Rüdiger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4521,'Patrick',NULL,'Weber',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4522,'Michael',NULL,'Goesele',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4523,'Rüdiger',NULL,'Kabst',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4524,'Aggeliki',NULL,'Yfanti',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4526,'Andrea',NULL,'Filetti',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4527,'Manuel',NULL,'Souto-Otero',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4528,'Adam',NULL,'Whitworth',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4529,'Sofia',NULL,'Vasilopoulou',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4530,'Erica',NULL,'Elsas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4533,'Patrik K. E.',NULL,'Magnusson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4534,'Mark',NULL,'Priestley',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4535,'Martha',NULL,'Stickings',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4536,'Ema',NULL,'Loja',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4537,'Stefanos',NULL,'Grammenos',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4538,'Anna',NULL,'Lawson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4539,'Lisa',NULL,'Waddington',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4540,'Bjarney',NULL,'Fridriksdottir',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4541,'Walter L',NULL,'Filho',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4542,'Joost',NULL,'Platje',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4543,'Wolfgang',NULL,'Gerstlberger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4544,'Remigijus',NULL,'Ciegis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4545,'Juha',NULL,'Kääriä',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4546,'Maris',NULL,'Klavins',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4547,'Linas',NULL,'Kliucininkas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4548,'Sebastian',NULL,'Schief',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4549,'Ivo',NULL,'Staub',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4550,'Cagatay',NULL,'Turkay',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4551,'Aidan',NULL,'Slingsby',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4552,'Kaisa',NULL,'Lahtinen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4553,'Jason',NULL,'Dykes',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4554,'Paschalis ',NULL,'Arvanitidis',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4555,'Richard',NULL,'Williams',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4556,'Antje',NULL,'Ro Der',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4557,'Fu',NULL,'Yang-chih ',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4558,'Diana',NULL,'Zavala Rojas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4560,'Kmetty',NULL,'Zoltan',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4562,'Federico',NULL,'Cingano',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4563,'Paolo',NULL,'Pinotti',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4564,'Marcus',NULL,'Österman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4565,'Boyka',NULL,'Bratanova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4566,'Ellen',NULL,'Verbakel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4567,'Stian',NULL,'Tamlagsrønning',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4569,'Erlend',NULL,'Fjær',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4570,'Holger',NULL,'Steinmetz',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4571,'Lisanne 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Ryan',NULL,'Lamare',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4654,'Andrew R.',NULL,'Timming',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4655,'Teresa',NULL,'Oliveira',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4656,'Christos H.',NULL,'Skiadas',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4657,'James R.',NULL,'Bozeman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4659,'Alexander',NULL,'Jedinger',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4660,'Anja',NULL,'Perry',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4661,'Liza G.',NULL,'Steele',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4662,'Lamis',NULL,'Abdelaaty',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4664,'Sylwia J.',NULL,'Piatkowska',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4665,'Evelien',NULL,'Boonstoppel',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4667,'Natalia',NULL,'Zarzeczna',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4668,'Geoff',NULL,'Haddock',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4669,'Lars',NULL,'Petersen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4670,'Steffen',NULL,'Koolmann',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4671,'Petra',NULL,'Erhler',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4672,'Lars',NULL,'Petersen',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4673,'Jens',NULL,'Detollenaere',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4674,'Sara',NULL,'Willems',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4675,'Stijn',NULL,'Baert',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4676,'Stijn',NULL,'Baert',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4677,'Eddy',NULL,'Omey',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4678,'Stijn',NULL,'Baert',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4679,'Sunčica ',NULL,'Vujić',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4680,'Eva',NULL,'Van Belle',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4681,'Ralf',NULL,'Caers',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4682,'Marijke',NULL,'De Couck',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4683,'Stijn',NULL,'Baert',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4684,'Jens',NULL,'Detollenaere',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4685,'Stijn',NULL,'Baert',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4686,'Sara',NULL,'Willems',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4687,'Ivana',NULL,'Piterová',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4693,'Anne',NULL,'Witte',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4694,'Roza',NULL,'Meuleman',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4695,'Philippe',NULL,'Joly',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4696,'Gregory R',NULL,'Maio',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4697,'Antony S. R.',NULL,'Manstead',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4698,'Courtney L.',NULL,'Mcnamara',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4699,'Mirza',NULL,'Balaj',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4700,'Katie',NULL,'Thomson',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4702,'Erling F.',NULL,'Solheim',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4705,'Per',NULL,'Stornes',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4706,'Erlend L.',NULL,'Fjær',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4708,'Liubov',NULL,'Borisova',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4710,'Marlen',NULL,'Toch-Marquardt',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4711,'Nadine',NULL,'Reibling',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4712,'Ann-Christin',NULL,'Renneberg',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 10:02:13'),(4713,'Nasima',NULL,'Akhter',NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,NULL,'2021-04-29 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INSERT INTO `publication` VALUES (2,'Public Management and Politics: Senior Bureaucrats in France','Public Management and Politics: Senior Bureaucrats in France',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political cultures as well as political values within the public service have to be taken into account in order to understand to what extent market-oriented reforms of European national governments may succeed. Public management and politics are not disconnected. The case of France shows that most civil servants share a leftwing political ideology as compared to civil servants in countries where new public management reforms have been implemented successfully. As a consequence, market-oriented reforms are rejected. The ESS data offer the opportunity to compare political values as well as professional values in European public services and to demonstrate on the basis of empirical evidence that there is a correlation between the political orientation and the acceptability of management reforms.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 12:28:07','','Waiting'),(3,'Measuring Well-Being Across Europe: The Case for Subjective Social Indicators','Measuring Well-Being Across Europe: The Case for Subjective Social Indicators',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social indicators, a concept developed in the USA in the 1960s, can be defined as statistics that are used to measure societal conditions at a given time, in a given place. They can be objective, or concerned with a physical, concrete state, or subjective, so characterised by the way individuals perceive their surroundings. Many indicator systems that are currently in use both nationally and world-wide focus largely on objective indicators. This study asks whether both types are necessary to make up such social indicator systems that measure well-being, either regionally, nationally or supranationally, whilst concentrating on such systems across Europe. A reliance on objective indicators might only provide a partial picture of societal well-being, and with a lack of understanding of the subjective dimension, policies implemented as a result of the information yielded by these indicators may overlook the areas most in need of improvement.The results of this study demonstrated that it is indeed necessary to combine objective and subjective indicators in order to measure social conditions and well-being, and the contribution made by subjective social indicators to our understanding of well-being is a highly important one. The European Social Survey (ESS) is considered as a potential source of both types of indicators.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(4,'Does the \'Monitorial Citizen\' Exist? An Empirical Investigation into the Occurrence of Postmodern Forms of Citizenship in the Nordic Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Various authors have claimed that in contemporary Western societies postmodern concepts of citizenship are becoming more prevalent. A new generation of ?critical citizens? are said to be more critical of the political system and less likely to participate in conventional politics, but they remain strongly interested in politics and social life. Michael Schudson has developed the concept of a \'monitorial citizen\', who is interested in politics, has high levels of political efficacy and turns to political action if needed, but stays outside the traditional political organizations. Based on the European Social Survey (2004), this article investigates whether this type of citizenship actually occurs in Scandinavia. While the authors find that this form of citizenship is present in the Nordic countries, the characteristics of this group do not fit the theoretical expectations. In Scandinavia, \'monitorial citizens\' do not have exceptionally high education levels and their trust in traditional political institutions remains quite elevated. The authors discuss the reasons why the concept of \'monitorial citizens\' does not seem to flourish all that well in the Nordic countries, and what this implies for the theoretical debate about the political consequences of this postmodernization process.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 12:30:01','','Waiting'),(6,'The Effects of Social and Labour Market Policies of EU-countries on the Socio-Economic Integration of First and Second Generation Immigrants from Different Countries of Origin','The Effects of Social and Labour Market Policies of EU-countries on the Socio-Economic Integration of First and Second Generation Immigrants from Different Countries of Origin',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, we analyse four different dimensions of socio-economic integration of 1st and 2nd generation immigrants into the labour markets of 13 EU countries and we assess, taking into account a number of individual characteristics, the effects of the countries of origin and the countries of destination on this integration. We find that participation in the labour market, unemployment, occupational status and the chances of reaching the upper middle-class are different, although inter-related, dimensions of the socio-economic integration of immigrants and they work differently for men and women. In the countries of destination, the level of employment protection legislation and the conservative welfare regime affect this integration negatively. Most indicators of national policies aimed at the integration of immigrants have no effects on the socio-economic integration of immigrants. Furthermore, we find a number of origin effects which continue to have an impact on 2nd generation immigrants. Political stability and political freedom in origin countries have positive and negative effects on socio-economic integration. The emigration rate of the origin countries has a negative effect. The higher levels of socio-economic integration amongst immigrants from other EU-countries demonstrates the functioning of the European Union as an integrated labour market .Controlling for individual religious affiliation turns out to be very useful, since we find a number of negative effects of being a Muslim, among both men and women. While individual education is an important predictor of immigrants? labour market outcomes, our findings indicate lower returns on this education in terms of occupational status, indicating a ceiling effect for highly-educated 2nd generation immigrants who cannot translate their qualifications into high-status jobs to the same extent as their native peers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaap.dronkers@eui.eu',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(7,'Work-Family Conflict and Care-Career Values: Subjective Well-Being of Employed Lone Mothers in Europe','Work-Family Conflict and Care-Career Values: Subjective Well-Being of Employed Lone Mothers in Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Introduction.  This study investigated main and interaction effects of work-family conflict and values on the subjective well-being of employed lone mothers. Methods.  Sample was 484 employed lone mothers from 17 European nations.  Data were provided by the European Social Survey 2 (NSD/ESS 2005). Work-family conflict was measured bi-directionally.  Subjective well-being was measured as life satisfaction and level of positive mood.  Value variable was a calculated score for the relative importance of care values versus career values.  Main analyses were done by ANOVAs.  Results.  Both directions of work-family conflict were found to have main effects on positive mood and on life satisfaction.  After controlling for financial hardship and social capital, the effect of work-family conflict on life satisfaction lost significance.  Career-oriented mothers reported lower life satisfaction than care-oriented mothers. Value orientation did not moderate the effect of work-family conflict on subjective well-being.  Precursors to work-family conflict were time shortness and childcare adequacy.Discussion.  The independent variables had different impacts on the cognitive and mood elements of well-being.  Work-family conflict influenced mood, while values influenced the cognitive element.  The finding that care-oriented lone mothers reported higher life satisfaction might be explained by the great care load of lone mothers.  Financial hardship was the strongest predictor of subjective well-being. This study thus supported previous research reporting that lone mothers in Europe are under an economic pressure that might compromise their subjective well-being.  The study also suggested large differences in positive mood and life satisfaction means between lone mothers in different European nations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','torillbull@hotmail.com',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(8,'Job Insecurity in Europe','Beschäftigungsunsicherheit in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During the last decades people have faced an increasing globalisation of financial markets, a trend of tertiarisation, and tendencies of individualisation all over Europe. Despite these analogies it is a priori impossible to say how employees have responded to these changes. Because of historically developed institutional and cultural traditions employees should show a country-specific perception of these changes and particularly of their own employment situation. Therefore, the paper investigates especially on  self-perceived job insecurity in Europe as an indicator of individual response on current employment situations. The paper shows significant country-specific differences in job insecurity. It becomes clear that these result is not only caused by social-structural or institutional differences. Obviously job insecurity is strongly affected by cultural characteristics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'hungary not listed as ess-member','ole.voldsater@nsd.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(11,'Destination Europe. Immigration and Integration in the European Union. European Outlook 2. Annex to the State of the European Union 2005','Bestemming Europa. Immigratie en Integratie in de Europese Unie. Europese Verkenning 2. Bijlage bij De staat van de Europese Unie 2005',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Immigration and integration have been important topics in Dutch society and politicsin recent years. Problems and experiences abroad have been looked at on a few occasions,but generally this went no further than the neighbouring countries, and theEuropean dimensions of the phenomena received little or no attention. As far as possible,this European Outlook describes the situation throughout the European Union,in both old and new member states, and also examines the policy perspectives at Europeanlevel.Demographic, economic and sociological aspects of migration and the activity rate ofimmigrants in the member states of the European Union (and occasionally also Australia,Canada and the United States) are examined in this European Outlook. On theone hand this helps put into perspective what in recent years has often been seen inthe Netherlands as a specifically national problem, while at the same time sheddinglight on developments that could be relevant for policy in the Netherlands. As in EuropeanOutlook 1 (cpb/scp, 2003), the need for and desirability of more common Europeanpolicy is analysed, this time in relation to immigration, asylum and integration. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','voorlichting@scp.nl',NULL,NULL,'Y','Waiting'),(14,'Social classes and values in Europe','Social classes and values in Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Exploiting the analytical potential of the European Social Survey data, this paper presents a set of theoretical assumptions and empirical findings concerning class structure, patterns of values and attitudes and the relationship between them. In the first section, a model os analysis is outlined, which relates social dimensions (in this casa, classes) with cultural dimensions (in this case, values), both at the individual level and structural level. The second section compares the class composition of the various participating countries and pinpoints common trends and regional specifications. In the third and largest section, several indicators of ideological and political attitudes and electoral practices, as well as Shalom Schwartz\'s scale of human values, are analysed in their relationship with the class position of the interviewees.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ferreira.almeida@iscte.pt','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 13:15:41','','Waiting'),(15,'Globalization and national identity: Monitoring Greek culture today','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Among the ESS countries, Greece occupies a particular place, as it is characterized by a marked orientation towards conservative values, which are weaved around the concept of national and religious homogeneity. This article, firstly, substantiates this particularity through the use of quantitative tools. Then, it focuses on the apparent contradiction between an increasingly open and democratic society on one hand, and the retreat to the primordial elements of national identity, on the other. Trying to interpret this issue, the article examines some of the actual social, political and cultural processes. With regard to the later, the article proposes the idea of a \'cultural conservatism\' which is rooted in the core of the Greek national identity as a by-product of the historical process of its formation during the \'long XIX century\'. This core \'cultural conservatism\' is materializing from time to time depending on the historical context. Today, this context is provided by the dialectic between the globalization and the national identity, as well as the \'disjunction\' between State and Nation that this dialectic produces.     ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ivoul@panteion.gr','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 12:43:31','','Waiting'),(16,'Racial prejudice, threat perception and opposition to immigration: A comparative analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses the opposition to immigration, comparing the European Union as a whole and Portugal, United Kingdom, France and Germany. The first hypothesis that was examined posits that the perception of economic, security and cultural threats are significant predictors of the orientation towards immigration. The second hypothesis states that racial prejudice is an important predictor of threat perception. Results show that, globally, attitudes towards immigration in EU are more close to openness than to closure. As predicted, cultural, economic and security threats are significantly associated with the opposition to immigration. These results are stable across compared countries. Moreover results show that in the EU as a whole political conservatism and racial prejudice are the main predictors of the perception of threat in the economic, security and cultural domains. These same results were obtained in France, Germany and United Kingdom. Except in the case of security threat, also in Portugal prejudice is an important predictor of threat perception. These results are discussed in the context of the immigration integration policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jorge.vala@ics.ul.pt','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 12:46:19','','Waiting'),(17,'Social values dynamics and socio-economic development','Social values dynamics and socio-economic development',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on data from nineteen countries participating in the European Social Survey 2002, the Schwartz model of social values is analysed in three perspectives: structure, importance and consensus. Results show the equivalence of Schwartz\'s values structure in the countries analysed. A multi-level analysis was performed in order to test the impact of both individual (family income) and contextual (Gross Domestic Product ? purchasing power parity ? GDP ppp) factors on value priorities. Differences in the importance people attribute to values were identified between countries, but results from the multi-level analysis showed that GDP ppp as well as family income were not good predictors of value priorities. In what concerns value consensus, and contrary to some previous results reported in the literature, a negative correlation between socio-economic development and consensus was found, suggesting that the higher the socio-economic development, the higher the social heterogeneity and complexity of social values. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 12:47:23','','Waiting'),(18,'So far so good? Subjective and social well-being in Portugal and Europe','So far so good? Subjective and social well-being in Portugal and Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on the results of the European Social Survey (ESS), this study characterizes the levels of subjective well-being (SWB) and social well-being (SoWB) in 20 European countries. The relationships between well-being, socio-demographic and behavioural variables (sociability and social participation) were also explored. Results show extremely low levels of well-being in Portugal as compared to the other European countries, but similar to other less-developed countries. Wealth of the country was, as usual, associated with SWB and also with SoWB. Overall, for developed countries, our results replicate the associations of SWB with age, marital status and income. However, in less-developed countries these associations with SWB are different: it is positively associated with income and negatively associated with age; it is higher in individuals that were never married and is more strongly related to sociability. These results challenge a universal model of well-being and stress its contextual and social determinants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','luisa.lima@iscte.pt','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 12:48:43','','Waiting'),(19,'Social capital in contemporary Europe: evidence from the European Social Survey','Social capital in contemporary Europe: evidence from the European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social capital is an increasingly popular concept among scientists, politicians and the media. It is regarded as a remedy for many of the failures of modern society and seen as wonder glue conducive to feelings of happiness and to better performing economies and democracies. In this article we are not so much concerned with the consequences of social capital for society, but we focus on why some people have higher levels of social capital than others. We argue that this is not only due to a number of personal characteristics but also to contextual or country features. We therefore formulate hypotheses about the effects of individual and macro or country characteristics that were tested using the survey data from the European Social Survey (2002). The results demonstrate that the impact of macro characteristics is rather modest compared to the effects of individual attributes. It also seems that social capital is a multifaceted phenomenon that cannot be captured by one single measure.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','loek.halman@uvt.nl','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 12:50:02','','Waiting'),(20,'Preferences for immigration restriction and opinions about immigrants\' economic impacts','Preferences for immigration restriction and opinions about immigrants\' economic impacts',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Our analysis of survey data from 7 EU countries during the period 2002-2003 suggests that personal opinions about how immigrants would affect the national labor market and the domestic public finance in the destination countries do not explain citizens\' preferences for restricting immigration.  We find somewhat unexpectedly that employers were more likely to prefer immigration restriction than the rest.  Those who relied on unemployment benefits were less likely to prefer immigration restriction than the others, although they were more likely to anticipate a negative labor market impact of immigration.  The higher the relative income position, the lower the probability of preferring immigration restriction and also thinking that immigrants would negatively affect the national labor market.  However, those whose income was relatively high were more likely to expect a negative net fiscal impact of immigration than low-income citizens.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','yuji.tamura@tcd.ie',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(21,'Why earn immigrants less? Effects of immigration policies and labour market characteristics','Waarom verdienen immigranten minder? Effecten van immigratiebeleid en arbeidsmarktkenmerken',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The average household income of first generation immigrants in Europe and North-America is lower than that of natives, and this difference can not be explained by their amount of human capital (education, age, gender, residence). This is above all true for immigrants, coming from the second- or third world, who have also a lower return of their education. These arrears in income of immigrants vary between countries of destination, also after control for the individual characteristics of immigrants and natives. Only one characteristic of immigration policy has a significant effect on the variance of income arrears of immigrants across the countries of destination: the inflow ratio of asylum seekers. The higher this inflow ratio of asylum seekers in a country of destination, the larger the income differences between comparable immigrants and natives in that country of destination. Also only one characteristic of the labour market for foreigners has a significant effect on income arrears of immigrants in various countries of destination and from different countries of origin. A larger labour market participation by foreigners increases their income arrear with comparable natives, but this larger labour market participation by decreases that income arrear of the higher educated immigrant and does that extra for the higher educated immigrant from the second and third world.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaap.dronkers@eui.eu',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(22,'Gender and Minorities - Ethnic minorities, gender and discrimination in the European Social Survey ','Gender and Minorities - Ethnic minorities, gender and discrimination in the European Social Survey ',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Discrimination experienced by ethnic minorities women in different European countries is the main subject of this paper. The data of the European Social Survey (ESS) are used to find answers to several related questions. Firstly, how many women belong to the group of  ethnic minorities according to various criteria? Secondly, in which degree do these ethnic minorities women experience discrimination as measured in the ESS? Thirdly, do they  experience multiple discrimination which is partly caused by gender discrimination? Although the analysis of the  ESS-data provides promising results, its sample characteristics and the measurement of perceived discrimination do not allow to give final answers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kodf@cbs.nl','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2008-11-26 15:45:08','','Waiting'),(23,'What facilitates Europeans to use medicines that were prescribed for someone else?','What facilitates Europeans to use medicines that were prescribed for someone else?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Use of medicines that were originally prescribed for someone else occurs in different degrees over different cultural settings. The behaviour is to be discouraged as there are some serious risks and drawbacks attached to it. Side effects as well as interaction effects with other (prescribed) medicines may occur while proper surveillance by a doctor or pharmacist is lacking. However, little seems to be known about the people who show this conduct and their underlying motives. This study therefore aims to find out to what extent this behaviour occurs in various European countries and what factors are facilitating this behaviour.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','m.den.draak@scp.nl','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2013-05-21 10:02:35','','Waiting'),(24,'Facets of the digital divide in Europe: Determination and extent of internet use','Facets of the digital divide in Europe: Determination and extent of internet use',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The primary objective of this article is to identify, given Internet accessibility, the factors that shape the decisions of individuals for personal Internet usage and its extent. Cross-sectional data from the European Social Survey database were utilized and an ordered probit model with selectivity was employed. The hypothesized link between the decision to use the Internet and the extent of usagewas confirmed by the data. Household income, cost of access, demographics, media use, regional characteristics and general skill acquisition by individuals appear to correlate with Internet use and the extent of usage. In addition, a non-linear decomposition analysis was applied in order to identify the causes of the observed south/north divide. The results indicate that the observed differences in the probability of Internet use constitute a structural problem.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','micdem@upatras.gr','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:02:06','','Waiting'),(25,'Basic human values: Theory, measurement, and applications','Les valeurs de base de la personne: Théorie, mesures et applications',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Applying the values construct in the social sciences has suffered from the absence of an agreed-upon conception of basic values, of the content and structure of relations among these values, and of reliable methods to measure them. This article presents data from over 70 countries, using two different instruments, to validate a theory intended to fill part of this gap. It concerns the basic values that individuals in all cultures recognize. The theory identifies 10 motivationally distinct values and specifies the dynamics of conflict and congruence among them. These dynamics yield a structure of relations among values common to culturally diverse groups, suggesting a universal organization of human motivations. Individuals and groups differ in the priorities they assign to these values. The article examines sources of individual differences in value priorities and behavioral and attitudinal consequences that follow from holding particular value priorities. In doing so, it considers processes through which values are influenced and through which they influence action.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:07:05','','Waiting'),(26,'An introduction to SPSS and SAS','Kennismaken met SPSS en SAS',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The first volume of the new series \"Start with statistics and social research\" gives a general overview of two basic statistical programs, dominant in the social scientific research: SPSS and SAS. The reader not only learns the program-interface or the basic use of the program. Special attention goes to the underlying framework of the programmers and the way they look at social research and research data. The volume focuses on the use of the program-specific syntax, in combination with the Windows interface of SPSS and SAS. \n\nUsing the European Social Survey, the first basic steps of a research project are treated: input of data and first exploration of new data. Next to the focus on data files, special attention goes to the proper definition of variables. A good basic lay-out of the data file saves time in later, more sophisticated phases of a research project when multivariate techniques are used. Thirdly, the reader gets an extensive overview of possibilities to export their data from SPSS and SAS to other formats being used by other statisistical programs (comma separated files, correlation matrices or frequency tables).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dimitri.mortelmans@ua.ac.be',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(27,'Bringing Values Back In: The Adequacy of the European Social Survey to Measure Values in 20 countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Values are prominent in public discourse today. Theorists have long considered values central to understanding attitudes and behaviour. The Scwartz (1992) theory of basic human values has promoted a revival of empirical research on values. The semi-annual European Social Survey (ESS) includes a new 21-item instrument to measure the importance of the ten  basic values of the theory. Representative national samples in 20 countries responded to the instrument in 2002-3. We briefly describe the theory and the ESS instrument and assess its adequacy for measuring values across countries. Using multiple group confirmatory factor analyses, augmented with mean-structure information, we assess the configural and measurement (metric) invariance - a precondition for comparing value means across countries. Only if such equivalence is established can reasearchers make meaningful and clearly interpretable cross-national comparisons of value priorities and their correlates. The ESS values scale demonstrates configural and metrice invariance, allowing researchers to us it to study relationships among values, attitudes, behaviour and socio-demographic characteristics across countries. Comparing the mean importance of values across countries is possible only for subsets of countries where scalar invariance holds.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:08:30','','Waiting'),(28,'Global Governance ant the Global MArshall Plan. Strategies, Review and Analysis','Global Governance und der Global Marshall Plan. Strategien, Kritik und Analyse',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The concept of Global Governance could be a possible solution for the problems, which are caused by the globalisation. Beside of states, United Nations and the world economy, also the civil society should be involved in this process. The Global Marshall Plan tries to establish a global ecosocial economy through a Global Governance Model. Is the organisation behinf the Global Marshall Plan strong enough for this task? What are the general results of interventions by the civil society? What is the opinion of the polulation? The author gives an overview of strategies and reviews of the Global Governance concept, illustrates the goals of the Global Marshall Plan, analyzes the organisation and the opinion of the Austrian population (Data: ESS 2002/03, method: Factoranalyses).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(29,'European Social Survey Codebook: Round 1 and Round 2','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey Codebook is one of the means of making the findings from the survey as widely accessible as possible. In addition to online access via the ESS website (www.europeansocialsurvey.org.uk), analysts are now able to browse through the data from the first two rounds of the survey on paper, spot differences between countries and get a feel for interesting avenues of enquiry, which they may wish to pursue further. The data from 26 European countries are included in this book.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2016-04-20 13:21:48','','Waiting'),(30,'Politics in France and Europe','La politique en France et en Europe',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book is based upon a systematic use of the ESS two first waves. It addresses three questions from a comparative perspective: to which extent the French political and social system is specifc? To which extent is there any kind of sociopolitical convergence in Europe? How can be studied interrelations between social structures and political behaviour? In order to assess the French sociopolitical specificity in a context of deep democratic crisis, 14 chapters are dedicated to four major questions: political values, political actors, electoral choices and ideological trends. The book will serve as a basic reading for the international program of political science given at Sciences Po Paris.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-06-18 13:49:16','','Waiting'),(31,'The Effects of Immigration Policies and Labor Market Structures on the Income of Immigrants to the More Developed Countries of Europe and North America','The Effects of Immigration Policies and Labor Market Structures on the Income of Immigrants to the More Developed Countries of Europe and North America',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The average household income of first generation immigrants in Europe and North-America is lower than that of natives, and this difference can not be explained by their amount of human capital (education, age, gender, residence). This is above all true for immigrants, coming from the second- or third world, who have also a lower return of their education. These arrears in income of immigrants vary between countries of destination, also after control for the individual characteristics of immigrants and natives. Only one characteristic of immigration policy has a significant effect on the variance of income arrears of immigrants across the countries of destination: the inflow ratio of asylum seekers. The higher this inflow ratio of asylum seekers in a country of destination, the larger the income differences between comparable immigrants and natives in that country of destination. Also only one characteristic of the labour market for foreigners has a significant effect on income arrears of immigrants in various countries of destination and from different countries of origin. A larger labour market participation by foreigners increases their income arrear with comparable natives, but this larger labour market participation by decreases that income arrear of the higher educated immigrant and does that extra for the higher educated immigrant from the second and third world.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaap.dronkers@eui.eu',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(34,'Data management in SPSS and SAS','Databeheer met SPSS en SAS',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The second volume of the new series \"Start with statistics and social research\" focuses on data management. After the input of the research data, the researcher needs to prepare his data for analysis. Statistical techniques often require variables in specific formats. Or the researcher wants to concentrate on certain subpopulations in his data. Based on easy accesible examples from the European Social Survey, this volume presents the reader with the most common data management procedures on data files. Three main topics are covered: working with data files, working with variables, and working with cases.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dimitri.mortelmans@ua.ac.be',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(35,'Determinants of legitimization in Europe: an empirical analysis for 21 countries','Determinants of legitimization in Europe: an empirical analysis for 21 countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This is an empirical study which examines determinants of subjective legitimization of government and social system in 23 European societies. Data come from European Social Survey carried out on national random samples in 2002. Legitimization is defined in terms of support for government, democracy, and economic policy of state given by respondents in answering research questions. My analyses aim, first, to assess relative \"level\" of legitimization throughout analysed societies. Second, various sets of individual measures of social characteristics and attitudes are employed in order to establish some universal rules of requirements of legitimacy. Third, an attempt is made to disclose macro-structural determinants of the inter-country variation in legitimacy related to economic development, political system, degree of corruption and social structure measures. Finally, these findings are discussed in reference to most recent hypothes concerning effect on legitimization of the welfare state and decreasing confidence and trust. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:12:54','','Waiting'),(36,'A Theory of Cultural Value Orientations: Explication and Applications ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article presents a theory of 7 cultural value orientations that form 3 cultural value dimensions. This theory permits more finely tuned characterization of cultures than other theories. It is distinctive in deriving the cultural orientations from a priori theorizing . It also specifies a coherent, integrated system of relations among the orientations, postulating that they are interdependent rather than orthogonal. Analyses of data from 73 countries, using two different instruments, validate the 7 cultural orientations and the structure of  interrelations among them. Conceptual and empirical comparisons of these orientations with Inglehart?s two dimensions clarify similarities and differences. Using the cultural orientations, I generate a worldwide empirical mapping of 76 national cultures that identifies 7 transnational cultural groupings: West European, English-speaking, Latin American, East European, South Asian, Confucian influenced, and African and Middle Eastern. I briefly discuss distinctive cultural characteristics of these groupings. I then examine examples of socioeconomic, political, and demographic factors that give rise to national differences on the cultural value dimensions, factors that are themselves reciprocally influenced by culture. Finally, I examine consequences of prevailing cultural value orientations for attitudes and behavior (e.g., conventional morality, opposition to immigration, political activism) and argue that culture mediates the effects of major social structural variables on them.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:15:46','','Waiting'),(37,'Immigration and asylum. Opinions of the Belgians, Germans, Dutch and British in ESS','Immigratie en asiel. opvattitnen en houdingen van de Belgen, Duitsers, Nederlanders en Britten in het Europees Sociaal Onderzoek',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How different are Belgians, Germans, the Dutch, and the British concerning their attitude towards immigrants? Four aspects of this general attitude are investigated: contact with immigrants, the acceptance of immigrants in the country, feeling threatened by immigrants, and the attitude towards asylum seekers.  Separate items as well as latent variables are analysed. Tests for factorial invariance of the latend variables over the four countries are reported. Although the four countries are characterized by a large immigrant population, contacts and especially friendships are rather sparse. The Germans have somewhat more friends among immigrants, and the Durch have more contacts on the workfloor. In each country, the majority population is less open for immigrants of a different ethnic origine than theirs, and also when the immigrants come from poorer countries. The Dutch are most of all open for the latter. Rather large numbers in each of the populations feel threatened by immigrants. One of the possible reasons is the association of immigrants with crime. However, at the other hand receive the consequences of immigration a ratehr positive appraisal. In Belgium, Germany, and the Netherlands, the majority in the population has the impression that there are already too many immigrants in their country.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-01-22 10:38:47','','Waiting'),(38,'Social Capital and Political Consumerism: A Multilevel Analysis','Social Capital and Political Consumerism: A Multilevel Analysis',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For some consumers, political consumerism is a form of civic engagement. With both consumption behavior and civic engagement embedded in social relations, I propose that social capital is a predictor of the link between the two?political consumerism. I hypothesize that: 1) individuals with greater social capital are more likely to politically consume than those with less social capital, and 2) individuals in regions whose members are socially integrated and trusting of each other and their institutions are more likely to politically consume than individuals in regions with lower social capital. The underlying rationale is that numerous, positive social interactions provide motivation, information, and skills for influencing social change. Using data from the 2002/2003 European Social Survey, I test the effects of individual and regional characteristics on political consumerism using multilevel modeling. My final dataset represents 23,746 individuals nested in 209 within-country regions. I find support for my hypothesis that individuals with greater social capital are more likely to be political consumers than those with less social capital. Support for my second hypothesis is less clear, with two of the four region-level social capital variables showing a positive but possibly mediated effect on political consumerism, and the other two showing no effect. While individual-level effects are more important in predicting political consumerism, region-level effects are not inconsequential.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','neilson.10@osu.edu','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-12-20 15:38:52','','Waiting'),(39,'Monitoring and evaluating non-response issues and fieldwork efforts in the European Social Survey','Monitoring and evaluating non-response issues and fieldwork efforts in the European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey (ESS) is a high-profile academically-driven multi-country survey covering over 20 nations. Given that large country-variation in nonresponse rates can have detrimental effects on the comparability of survey estimates, the ESS has tried to strive for the achievement of a target response rate of 70% in all countries. In order to reach this goal, the ESS insisted that all countries would adopt a minimum set of fieldwork standards. In addition, countries were recommended to use a range of response-enhancing measures such as respondent incentives and refusal conversion procedures. Setting appropriate standards and recommending increased efforts will however not guarantee that these are actually implemented by the appointed survey organisations. This requires a further stage of monitoring, evaluating and giving feedback. The ESS has tried to facilitate these three steps by building the gathering of nonresponse and fieldwork data into the design phase of the survey. This was done by developing a uniform contact description form that resulted in a standardized call record dataset in each of the participating countries. In addition, a short questionnaire on fieldwork procedures was administered from each of the national coordinators. The collection of nonresponse and fieldwork data in the ESS will shortly be discussed in the first section of the paper. In a second part of the paper we will exemplify how these call record data can be used to monitor fieldwork efforts ànd to assess whether these efforts were effective in increasing response rates and reducing nonresponse bias. In our examples we will focus on monitoring and evaluating contact patterns and refusal conversion strategies. Based on the results of our analysis we will try to formulate some suggestions that are designed to maintain and improve fieldwork standards where appropriate. Key words: Tools for the assessment of data quality, quality reporting and quality indicators, improving process quality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(40,'Using text mining tools in event data analysis','Using text mining tools in event data analysis',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper concerns itself with the analysis of event data with text mining tools. The methodological approaches to event data analysis are presented, and an analysis is performed using SPAD Software and SAS Text Miner. Finally, some conclusions are drawn concerning the use of text mining tools for event data analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','theosta@ekke.gr','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2012-08-13 13:51:16','','Waiting'),(41,'Why Europe has to offer a better deal towards its Muslim communities.A quantitative analysis of open international data','Why Europe has to offer a better deal towards its Muslim communities.A quantitative analysis of open international data',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While there is a never-ending debate on Islamism, Islamist terrorism and the identity of Europe vis-à-vis growing Muslim communities in Europe, there are hardly any solid cross-national data being presented on the real extent of the Islamist threat facing Europe, and on the social conditions that lead to Islamist radicalism. By and large, our rigorous quantitative results, based on the first systematic use of the Muslim community data contained in the \"European Social Survey\" (ESS) all support a socio-liberal view of \"migration\" and \"integration\", compatible with much of the rest of current European political economic thinking regarding the future alternatives for the European Union, and contradict the very extended current alarmist political discourse in Western Europe. First we show with new data that the much hailed \"European social model\" is a myth, when you compare poverty rates in OECD countries and in Europe on the basis of absolute income data, and not just poverty lines in terms of national means. The more that absolute poverty grows in Western Europe, largely due to failed integration policies, and due to the fact that the European Union expands and takes in new members characterized by low average incomes and large scale poverty rates of their own, the old national and relative poverty lines (in terms of 60 % of the national median) become obsolete.\nAs large scale poverty of Europe?s Muslim communities threatens to grow, political radicalism might fall on a fertile ground. But we present materials, based on the ESS that give strong support to the hypothesis that passive support for Islamist radicalism in Europe and the complete distrust in democracy does not exceed 400.000 persons. We also compare our research results with the recent PEW data. By and large, the two datasets yield the same results. Regrettable as Islamist extremism in Europe might be, it is a far way from alarmist views that present \"Islam\" in Europe as such as being incompatible with the future of democracy. \nWe also find strong evidence that Muslim communities in Europe are not different from other religious communities in their tendency towards secularism. We also find that Muslim economic and social alienation in Europe very much corresponds to deficiencies of the implementation of the \"Lisbon\" process. Using the ESS cross-national and quantitative data, we first estimate a new UNDP-type index of \"Muslim development\" in Europe, based on\n* the percentage of the Muslim community living above poverty \n* the percentage of the Muslim community expressing trust in democracy \n* the percentage of the Muslim community expressing trust in the legal system \n* the percentage of the Muslim community expressing trust in parliament \n* the percentage of the Muslim community expressing trust in the police \nLikewise, we construct another UNDP type index, which we call \"Muslim empowerment index\", which measures \n* a small difference in the percentage of the non-Muslim communities and the Muslim community of a European country living above poverty \n* a small difference in the percentage of the non-Muslim communities and the Muslim community of a European country expressing trust in democracy \n* a small difference in the percentage of the non-Muslim communities and the Muslim community of a European country expressing trust in the legal system *	a small difference in the percentage of the non-Muslim communities and the Muslim community of a European country expressing trust in parliament \n* a small difference in the percentage of the non-Muslim communities and the Muslim community of a European country expressing trust in the police\nAlso, indices of growth over time between the ESS surveys 2002 and 2004 for these two basic indices are being constructed. Indicator performance closely correlates with a combined European Union Lisbon strategy index, which was already presented elsewhere in the literature (Tausch, 2006; Tausch and Heshmati, 2006). The performances of the ESS countries are also compared with indicators of economic growth and gender empowerment, and ESS data are used to construct also a Muslim Human Development Index for several European countries.\nIn this publication, we then draw some optimistic, socio-liberal conclusions about Islam in the world system. Countering some alarmist voices in the West, neither migration nor Muslim culture are to be blamed for the contemporary crisis, but the very nature of unequal capitalist accumulation and dependency that is at the core of the world capitalist system.\nFor one, our analysis is based on current thinking on Kondratiev waves of world political development inherent in recent work by IIASA and the NATO Institute for Advanced Studies. We also present analyses in the framework of the debate on cross-national determinants of human well-being in the world system. While we are cautiously optimistic about a socio-liberal, non-interventionist policy alternative, we come to the conclusion that present patterns of global governance, modeled around the neo-liberal Washington Consensus and American hyperpower, are doomed to failure.\nIn the second part of our analysis, we first present a rigorous re-analysis of United States Department of State data on acts of global terrorism in the framework of Kondratiev cycle waves. We then proceed to an analysis of the determinants of economic growth and ecological and social development in 140 nations with complete data.The data presented show that before the present war in Iraq the global war on terrorism already showed very positive effects, and that the strong linear downward trend in global terrorism, to be observed during the last two decades, coincided with rising globalization in both the centers and the peripheries of the world system, and that the percentage of people with less than 2 $ a day even declined in the Middle East and North Africa. We also found no systematic interaction between the differentials of growth in the center and the periphery or inequality differentials in the center and the periphery and patterns of global terrorism. I.e.a western socio-liberal, multi-lateral and non-interventionist policy could have won the fight against international terrorism. We then refute empirically the Huntington hypothesis about the incompatibility of Islam and successful socio-economic development.\nOur publication re-establishes the notion that capitalist development is of cyclical nature, with strong fluctuations every 50 years. For us 1756, 1832, 1885, 1932 and 1975 are the beginnings of new Kondratiev waves, while 1756, 1774, 1793, 1812, 1832, 1862, 1885, 1908, 1932, 1958, 1975, and 1992 are the turning points (troughs) of the Kuznets cycles. Vigorous upswings of the capitalist world economy need to be supported by a tightly organized new world political hegemonic order, while the strength of the downswings and the severity of the depressions always are a function of the waning world political order. We show the fatal interconnection between these world political and world economic \"tsunami waves\" in a more systematic fashion. In the most recent phase of capitalism, its \"Casino\" character becomes ever more apparent, with a sharp distinction between the winners and losers of the system.\nWinning the war against global terrorism would imply arriving at more inclusive and less unilateralist structures of global governance. While our analysis on world development 1990 ? 2003 shows the detrimental effects of dependency and globalization on the social and ecological balances of the world, data on membership in the Organization of the Islamic Conference or Muslims per cent of total population were compared in their effects on a number of dependent variables of socio-economic development in 140 countries of the world with complete data: \n* economic growth, 1990-2003\n* eco-social market economy (GDP output per kg energy use);\n* female economic activity rate as % of male economic activity rate\n* freedom from % people not expected to survive age 60\n* freedom from a high quintile ratio (share of income/consumption richest 20% to poorest 20%);\n* freedom from civil liberty violations, 1998\n* freedom from high CO2 emissions per capita\n* freedom from political rights violations,1998*	human development Index \n* life expectancy, 1995-2000\nCeteris paribus, Muslim culture (measured by the percentage of Muslims in the respective population of a given country) significantly and positively affects the human rights record, human development, and the ecological balances.\nFurther dispelling irrational immigration-phobias and Islamophobia in general, the present work also shows that, by and large, pretty much the same functions of key (positive or negative) UNDP development indicators (y-axis) hold in comparison with purchasing power per capita (x-axis) in the Muslim world and the non-Muslim countries.\nIt is shown furthermore that the analysis of the new UN data on migration balances per total population in over 100 countries also supports the socio-liberal view that ceteris paribus, not only Islam, but also inward migration are very much compatible with successful and egalitarian patterns of development. While neo-liberal globalization, ceteris paribus, contributes to the social polarization of the host countries of transnational capital penetration, Muslim communities or membership in the Organization of the Islamic Conference are to be regarded as socially stabilizing and growth enhancing factors. \nThus a new, socio-liberal global consensus on global migration, global order and global governance could emerge.\nJEL Classification Numbers: C43, J70, F15, O10, O57, C21, D31, E30, F02. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','arno.tausch@gmx.at','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2018-02-02 11:05:36','','Waiting'),(42,'Data Quality Assessment in ESS Round I','Data Quality Assessment in ESS Round I',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The quality assessment of the obtained data from first round of ESS is based on a conceptual framework of a pragmatic approach to data quality assessment. It combines aspects of the total survey error approach that are focused on output evaluation, and the total quality management approach, which is concentrated on process evaluation. It was intended to cover the process and output aspects of both the sample obtained, and the registered responses. For practical reasons, not all elements of the full pragmatic approach could be addressed in the first round of ESS, but the most important ones are covered. The utilisation of extensive uniform contact forms was crucial. Most of the countries performed well on this. Documenting the process of contacting the sample units within several sampling designs and contacting strategies, obtaining information about the reasons of non-contacts and refusal, constructing comparable non-response rates over countries, and obtaining information about co-operative respondents, reluctant respondents, and non-respondents were the main functions of the contact forms. The paper evaluates the performance of the participating agencies, and discusses the possibilities of improvement. The study is mainly based on the analysis of contact forms data, but also on substantial data from the main questionnaires.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(43,'The attitude towards ethnic minorities in Flanders: evolution between 1989 and 2003, and a comparison with the Netherlands','De houding tegenover etnische minderheden in Vlaanderen: evolutie tussen 1989 en 2003 en een vergelijking met Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Comparative research, e.g. comparisons in time or between countries, shows how sensitive the findings are for differences in measurement error. The cumulative research projects on the attitudes towards immigrants of the Institute for Political and Social Surveys (K.U. Leuven, sociology) revail that for each substantial conclusion, an alternative explanation is possible because of differences in response rates, differences in questions wording, or response tendensies. Answers to questions as \"are the attitudes towards immigrants of the Belgians changes in last decade?\" or \"how different are the Flemish from the Dutch?\" are only possible within a constant evaluation of the findings at the basis of both methodological, and statistical criteria. The ESS data of Round 1 are used in the actual comparison between the Netherlands, and Flanders (Belgium). ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:22:55','','Waiting'),(44,'Assessing cross-national construct equivalence in the ESS: the case of religious involvement','Assessing cross-national construct equivalence in the ESS: the case of religious involvement',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One of the prime objectives of cross-national survey research is to compare concepts across countries or cultures. It is therefore important that these concepts are measured adequately in all of the countries involved in the survey. Moreover; in order that country-scores on items or scales can be compared in a valid way, concepts have to be measured in a sufficiently equivalent way. This paper tries to assess this equivalence by checking whether the indicators of a number of latent traits such as social trust, ethnocentrism and political efficacy measure the same construct or trait in all of the countries. This will be done by testing for the factorial invariance of factor loadings across countries.  Whenever possible, response style effects are taken into account in this analysis.  Different methods are compared. The analysis shows that it is possible to obtain comparable measurement elements for a number of concepts that are measured in ESS round 1. In this paper, the four indicators measuring religious involvement are considerd.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(45,'Assessing cross-national construct equivalence in the ESS: the case of six immigration items','Assessing cross-national construct equivalence in the ESS: the case of six immigration items',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One of the prime objectives of cross-national survey research is to compare concepts across countries or cultures. It is therefore important that these concepts are measured adequately in all of the countries involved in the survey. Moreover; in order that country-scores on items or scales can be compared in a valid way, concepts have to be measured in a sufficiently equivalent way. This paper tries to assess this equivalence by checking whether six indicators dealing with the acceptance of immigrants, measure the same construct or trait in all of twenty countries that are included in the first round of the European Social Survey. This will be done by two methods of testing for the factorial invariance of factor loadings across countries: multi-group structural equation modelling and the proportional odds model. Both methods lead to different conclusions. The reasons and the implication for this are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(46,'Estimation of Response bias in Round 1: using information from reluctant respondents','Estimation of Response bias in Round 1: using information from reluctant respondents',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Conclusions in international comparative survey research are sensitive for non-response bias when the fieldwork in the participating countries is characterized by substantial differences in non-response rates. For that reason, in round 1 of the ESS, the National Coordinators in each of the 22 participating countries were urged to reach a target response rate of 70%. Although it was clear from the beginning of the survey that the 70% response rate was impossible to reach for some countries and would be a challenge for others, the aim was to motivate NC?s to obtain results they would not normally achieve in their country. To help fieldwork organisations to reach this target rate, they were encouraged or recommended to implement a set of current best methods concerning the type, number and time of calls, refusal conversion attempts, and an extensive contact form for each sample unit.  This paper analyses the efforts made in order to increase response rates and evaluates the results.  Strategies for refusal conversion led to a substantial improvement of response rates in certain countries while in other countries they had little impact.  Even so, large differences in response rates between countries were observed (ten countries achieving response rates close to 70% or even higher and four falling below the 45% level). These large differences in response rates are likely to produce bias in some substantive variables. The second part of the paper analyses \"traces of bias\" by combining contact form information with substantive data from the ESS.  Countries with large numbers of converted refusals are used to analyse the relationships between the type of respondent (cooperative, soft refusal, or hard refusal) and relevant substantive variables such as trust in politics, trust in other people, political participation, interest in politics, and ethnic prejudice. The purpose was to discover if the converted respondents were indeed closer to actual non-respondents than to other respondents. The paper ends with a discussion about the pros and cons of refusal conversion in the context of survey burden and survey costs.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(47,'Through the Global Marshall Plan towards a new World Order? An Analysis of the Organisation','Durch den Global Marshall Plan zu einer neuen Weltordnung? Eine Organisationsanalyse',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In der Diplomarbeit wurde untersucht, inwieweit die relativ junge zivilgesellschaftliche Organisation Global Marshall Plan Initiative dazu imstande ist, einen Beitrag in Richtung einer Global Governance Architek-tur zu leisten. Somit wird in dieser Arbeit sowohl ein organisationssoziologischer Ansatz verfolgt, als auch auf das Thema der zivilgesellschaftlichen Bewegungen, die ein Motor für gesellschaftliche Veränderung sein können, eingegangen. Es wurde danach gefragt, ob die Global Marshall Plan Initiative, in Bezug auf ihre Organisations-struktur, die Funktionalität und die Möglichkeiten besitzt, um die Umsetzung des Global Governance Kon-zepts erfolgreich vorantreiben zu können. Zusätzlich wurde erforscht, inwieweit Druck und Engagement aus der Zivilgesellschaft eine Veränderung innerhalb der großen Institutionen bewirken kann.Als Drittes wurde untersucht, ob der Global Marshall Plan, wie er von der Initiative propagiert wird, und die Global Go-vernance Idee in ihren Konzeptionen identisch sind oder ob es zumindest gewisse Ähnlichkeiten gibt. Als letzter Punkt sollten zudem die Einstellung der befragten Personen des European Social Survey 2002/03 zu einem Global Governance System geklärt werden.\nIm ersten Teil wurde das Global Governance Konzept (inkl. Kritik) theoretisch dargestellt. Im zweiten Teil erfolgte eine Übersicht über die Global Marshall Plan Initiative und anschließend eine Organisationsanalyse (nach G. Endruweit). Hier flossen die Ergebnisse des Experteninterviews sowie eigenen (teilnehmenden) Beobachtungen, die während einiger Treffen der Initiative gemacht wurden, ein. Zusätzlich wurde mit dem Koordinator der Initiative in Österreich eine SWOT Analyse durchgeführt, um die Stärken, Schwächen, Chancen und Risiken noch einmal in komprimierter Form darzustellen.\nUm die Einstellung der Bevölkerung von Österreich zu den Themen Level für politische Entscheidungen, Soziales Engagement, Politikinteresse zu untersuchen, wurden die österreichischen Daten des European Social Survey 2002/03 herangezogen und zuerst anhand der sozialen Merkmale Alter, Geschlecht und Bildung mit Hilfe von Kreuztabellen analysiert. Anschließend wurden diese Variablen in eine Faktorenanalyse eingebracht, um etwaige latente Einstellungskonstrukte heraus zu filtern. Zum Schluss erfolgte eine Darstellung der Ergebnisse sowie eine abschließende Betrachtung.\n- Derzeit besitzt die Initiative, neben einigen Aspekten, die sich positiv auf die Funktionalität der Organisation auswirken, nicht die Möglichkeit, die Umsetzung einer Global Governance Architektur erfolgreich vorantreiben zu können. Zum einen liegt das an der losen Organisationsstruktur (kein Personal, unklare Rollenaufteilung, fehlende Einbindung von Personen und Organisationen außerhalb Österreichs und Deutschland usw.), zum anderen an der zu geringen Medienaufmerksamkeit und den teils negativen Einschätzungen anderer zivilgesellschaftlicher Organisationen (aufgrund der verwendeten Begrifflichkeiten und Problemen mit dem Gesamtkonzept, das zum Teil auch interne inhaltliche Konflikte auslöst). \n- Durch Druck aus der Zivilgesellschaft können Veränderungen innerhalb der globalen Institutionen durchgesetzt werden (wie anhand von Beispielen gezeigt wurde), auch wenn dies ein langsamer und schwieriger Prozess ist. \n- Die Idee eines Global Marshall Plans (wie sie von der Initiative verfolgt wird) weist in den wesentlichen Punkten (wie etwa Implementierung von globalen Rahmenbedingungen bzw. Standards und Reformprozesse innerhalb der globalen Institutionen) Ähnlichkeiten mit dem Global Governance Konzept auf.\n- Die Auswertung der Daten ergab, dass die Bevölkerung vor allem Themen wie Entwicklungszusammenarbeit oder Umweltschutz auf der globalen Ebene behandelt wissen will.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','husbert@servus.at',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(48,'Between acceptance and resistance. Sociological research on attitudes towards asylum, and migration','Tussen aanvaarding en weerstand.  Een sociologisch onderzoek naar houdingen tegenover asiel, opvang en migratie',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This is the report of a survey among Belgians on the attitudes towards \'old\' and \'new\' immigrants. One of the chapters deals with that attitudes of the Belgium towards asylum seekers and asylum centers. For comparison between the Walloon and Flemish population in Belgium, the ESS Round 1 data are used. The study shows that there are differences between the Flemish and Walloon respondents. Both, Flemish and Walloons feel threatened by immigrants, however the cultural threat  is somewhat more expressed among the Flemish, and the Walloons are somewhat more open to asylum seekers. In a multiple regression model with the latent variable \'acceptance of immigrants\' as de dependent variable, 17% of the variance has been explained by the social background variables (age, gender, languate, education level, religious involvement, membership in voluntary organisations, and tv-watching). After introducing attitudinal explanatory variables as social and political trust, traditionalism, and benevolence, the explained variance raised to 26%. Relations between variables are all as were expected at basis of theory, and previous research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2008-06-25 09:40:13','','Waiting'),(49,'The second round of the European Social Survey (ESS) 2004/2005','Die zweite Welle des European Social Survey (ESS) 2004/2005',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article gives some basic information on the data set for the second round of the ESS 2004/2005.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katja.neller@sowi.uni-stuttgart.de',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(50,'Political Commitment in Europe','Politisches Engagement in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political commitment is considered to be one of the prerequisites of the functioning of every democracy. It is a crucial factor for democratic stability and viability. Looking at political commitment in Europe results in a picture of partially large differences. The differences revealed by the analysis presented do not only separate established and post-communist democracies - dividing lines can also be found within the group of established democracies. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katja.neller@sowi.uni-stuttgart.de',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(51,'Religiosity: Still the persistency of a special case','Religiosität: Immer noch die Persistenz eines Sonderfalls',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Zwei Fragen werden untersucht: Bleibt der innerdeutsche Vorsprung des Westens vor dem Osten an Religiosität bis 2004 bestehen? Und ist die innerdeutsche 2002 und 2004 größer als die innereuropäische Differenz? Für die Kirchenmitgliedschaft, die Kirchgangshäufigkeit und die religiöse Selbsteinstufung werden beide Fragen bejaht.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemannqwiso@uni-koeln.de',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(52,'Empowerment at the work place - An Analysis of the measurement instrument use in the Europeansocial Surveye','Empowerment at the work place - An Analysis of the measurement instrument use in the Europeansocial Surveye',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Empowerment at the work place is defined as the range of discretion a worker has in order to decide about work. It comprises two dimensions: the leeway within the daily routine and the impact over the general regime how work is organized within the firm. Empowerment as to the daily routine should be more easily obtained than empowerment as to the general regime. Moreover, empowerment in social-democratic and corporatist regimes should be higher than in liberal regimes and in the Eastern bloc. The ESS 2002 contains three Likert type questions for each of the two dimensions. The paper examines (1) if the means of these variables form a rank order according to the increasing difficulty to allow empowerment, (2) if they are distributed normally and (3) if the pattern of their correlations forms the suggested two-dimensional structure. The results are: (1) The means follow mostly the increasing difficulty; and empowerment in social-democratic regimes and in liberal ones is higher than in corporatist one and in the Eastern bloc. (2) The distributions of the variables are not normal, rather they have two or even three peaks. (3) The correlations do not reveal the two assumed dimensions, rather they are similarly high and must be represented by a single factor.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemannqwiso@uni-koeln.de',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(53,'Education and Health in 22 European Countries','Education and Health in 22 European Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study investigates educational health inequalities in 22 European countries. Moreover, age and gender differences in the association between education and health are analysed. The study uses data from the European Social Survey 2003. Probability sampling from all private residents aged 15 years and older was applied in all countries. The European Social Survey includes 42,359 cases. Persons under age 25 were excluded to minimise the number of respondents whose education was not complete. Education was coded according to the International Standard Classification of Education. Self-rated health and functional limitations were used as health indicators. Results of multiple logistic regression analyses show that people with low education (lower secondary or less) have elevated risks of poor self-rated health and functional limitations. Inequalities are relatively small in Austria, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, large inequalities were found for Hungary, Poland, and Portugal. Analyses of age differences reveal that health effects of education are stronger at ages 25 to 55 than in the higher age groups. However, age differences in the education-health association vary between countries, sexes, and health indicators. In conclusion, our results confirm that educational inequalities in health are a generalised though not invariant phenomenon. Variations between countries, sexes and health indicators might be one explanation for the inconsistent results of other studies on age differences in the association between socioeconomic position and health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','o.knesebeck@uke.uni-hamburg.de','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-05 10:45:49','','Waiting'),(54,'Social Capital and Self-Rated Health in 21 European Countries','Social Capital and Self-Rated Health in 21 European Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Study objective: The aim of this paper is to explore the association between social capital and self-rated health in different European countries.\nMethods: For the cross sectional, comparative analyses data from 21 European countries were used. 40,856 people aged 15 years and older were personally interviewed in 2003 (European Social Survey). Perceptions of social trust, and membership, participation and voluntary work in civic organisations were used as social capital indicators. Analyses are conducted on an aggregate level (country) and on an individual level.\nMain results: Results indicate comparatively low levels of social capital in East and South European countries. Countries with low levels of social capital have a high percentage of residents reporting poor health. Social capital is significantly associated with self-rated health in most of the European countries on the individual level after accounting for gender and age. However, additional adjustment for socio-economic status results in a decrease of the associations between activities in voluntary organisations and health. Further adjustment for social contacts and emotional support results in only minor changes of the associations.\nConclusions: Analyses reveal strong correlations between social capital and self-rated health in a number of European countries on the aggregate level. Associations on the individual level are weaker in East and South European countries. Moreover, association of self-rated health with perceptions of social trust seems to be more consistent than with activities in voluntary organisations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','o.knesebeck@uke.uni-hamburg.de','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2016-09-01 15:47:21','','Waiting'),(55,'Political confidence and support','Politisches Vertrauen und Unterstützung',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter examines the dimensionality of political confidence, the extent of political confidence in European societies and the determinants of political confidence in an East/West European comparative perspective.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','zmerli@pg.tu-darmstadt.de','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2013-11-07 13:56:28','','Waiting'),(56,'Political confidence in Europe','Political confidence in Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter examines the dimensionality of political confidence, the extent of political confidence in European societies and the determinants of political confidence in an East/West European comparative perspective.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','zmerli@pg.tu-darmstadt.de','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2013-11-07 13:56:49','','Waiting'),(57,'Mobilized or demobilized? A quantitative study of media use and political engagement','Stimulert eller demobilisert? En kvantitativ undersøkelse av mediebruk og politisk engasjement',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article studies the relationship between TV-viewing /newspaper reading and political engagement. It is shown that the more time we spend watching television in general, the less likely it is that we will be politically engaged. The opposite pattern is found for newspaper readers, i.e. the more time we spend reading newspapers - particularly articles on news, politics and current affairs - the more likely we are to be politically engaged.  The empirical analyses demonstrate a significant effect of the media on political participation and internal efficacy, but no significant effect on political trust and confidence. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','toril.aalberg@svt.ntnu.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:34:23','','Waiting'),(58,'Role of Consensus and Social Homogeneity in the Process of Building Capitalism in Postcommunist Countries','Konsens i jednorodnosc spoleczna w procesie budowania kapitalizmu w krajach postkomunistycznych',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The focus of this article is on interpretation of progress of post-communist transformations. Classical approaches, particularrly those of Max Weber and Karl Polanyi, rather than modern ones are used as basis for the empirical analysis. I argue that the success of capitalist project, both now and in the past, stems from the ability to work out a general consensus about the preceding economic order. I also claim that ethnic homogeneity can be a favorable factor for the post-communist transformation, especially in its initial phase. Moreover, unlike in fully developed market systems which are more stable and socialy diverse, the success of market reforms in post-communist countries negatively correlates with their diversification.One of the main goals of this analysis is to describe empirically what this consensus refers to. Survey research shows that market reforms in former socialist block run more smoothly if the level of social consensus about key values, not necessarily liberal, is high. I analysed values and attitudes defining the consensus and also the degree of their popularity among economic elites and non-elites. Data used in the analysis comes from the first edition of European Social Survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bielinski@collegium.edu.pl','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 15:06:38','','Waiting'),(59,'De-institutionalising environmentalism. The shift from civil institutions to a fake state institutionalisation','De-institutionalising environmentalism. The shift from civil institutions to a fake state institutionalisation',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Institutionalisation of environmentalist movements is nowadays a commonplace, if not established fact. These changes have been well surveyed in sociological literature, but mainly from the point of view of activists, leaders of organisations or from public policies. But little has been told about ordinary members, simple sympathizers who are the main part of population. How these people perceive and make up their own mind about this institutionalisation process? How they place themselves in relation to it? In this paper, we study opinions, attitudes and practices of common citizens in Europe and the world, thanks to a large international survey, the ESS and ISSP surveys. Actually, we find that the move towards institutionalisation is not as inexorable as sometimes described or feared. Europeans citizens more and more appeal to State to finance and carry out nature and environment protection, and above all to hand over the chore. However the State at issue is a maternal State, who helps individuals, but spares them personal responsibilities and laws strictness. In the same time, citizens are increasingly reluctant to finance environmental taxes, and more and more refuse government pass restricting laws to the detriment of individual liberties. In other terms, they challenge State legitimacy to take action, even rejecting its fundamental kingly attributes as taxes and laws.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Jean-Paul.Bozonnet@iep.upmf-grenoble.fr','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2018-02-01 14:16:03','','Waiting'),(60,'Deliver Us From Evil: Religion As Insurance','Deliver Us From Evil: Religion As Insurance',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper focusses on the insurance role of religion in buffering the well-being impact of stressful life events, and the ensuing economic and social implications. Using two large-scale European data sets, we show that the religious enjoy higher levels of life satisfaction, and that religion does insure against some adverse life events. All denominations suffer less psychological harm from unemployment than do the non-religious; equally both Catholics and Protestants are less hurt by marital separation. However, while Protestants are protected against divorce, Catholics are punished for it. These results do not seem to come about from the endogeneity of religion. These patterns in subjective well-being correspond to data on both attitudes (the religious are both anti-divorce and anti-job creation for the unemployed) and behaviour (the religious unemployed are less likely to be actively looking for work). In panel data, as implied by insurance, the religious have less variation in life satisfaction. Last, we suggest that religion?s insurance role might be reflected in support for different economic and social systems: consistent with this, unemployment replacement rates across Europe are lower in more religious countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Andrew.Clark@ens.fr',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(61,'Majorities\' attitudes towards minorities, findings from the Eurobarometer and the European Social Survey','Majorities\' attitudes towards minorities, findings from the Eurobarometer and the European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As a first aspect of ethnic exclusionism, we discovered resistance to immigrants that prevails among approximately half of the general public. Secondly, we distinguished resistance to asylum seekers that is somewhat less widespread, supported by approximately one out of three people. We found resistance to diversity was shared by nearly half of the people living in these European societies. A minority of one out of five people indicated that they wish to avoid social interaction with migrants and minorities living in their country, i.e. admitted to their desire to keep them at (ethnic) distance. Next, we found a vast majority of approximately two out of three people to be in favour of repatriation policies for migrants who had committed (serious) crimes. Many of these exclusionist stances are determined by the perception of collective ethnic threat that appeared to be prevalent among somewhat less than two out of three people.\nWe found large differences between the countries that we took into account. Many of these exclusionist stances turn out to be widely supported by people living in Mediterranean countries among which Greece often comes out on top, just as we found in previous reports. Many of these exclusionist stances are also rather strongly supported by people living in Eastern European societies. People living in Nordic countries appear to disassociate themselves from these exclusionist stances more often, whereas people living in Western European countries often take a position in between.\nNext, let us turn to our second general question, i.e. on differences between social categories regarding these different exclusionist stances. We would like to emphasize that we found very consistent differences across the distinguished dimensions of exclusionism. We generally found that the higher the educational level that people have reached, the less they support exclusionist stances. The lower people?s educational attainment, the more they support exclusionist stances holds for most stances except for resistance to asylum seekers in which case we found that differences between educational categories were quite minor. In terms of occupational categories, we found that self-employed people and people performing manual labour support most if not all exclusionist stances considered in this report, followed by people who depend on social security and people running the household. People in the lowest income quartile also quite generally support exclusionist stances. Older age categories, those over 50, turn out to support most exclusionist stances. This does not hold for resistance to asylum seekers which is supported somewhat more by younger age categories. Most dimensions of exclusionism were supported somewhat more by people living in rural villages or in the countryside. With regard to religious attendance, we found that generally people who frequently attend religious services support many instances of exclusionism, more than people who never attend, except for the resistance to asylum seekers in which case the pattern is the other way around: people who never attend show more resistance than people who attend religious services frequently. People on the right wing of the political spectrum support different stances of exclusionism quite consistently, also when it comes to asylum seekers.  \nConsidering our third general question, the answer can be relatively short; we discovered no spurious determinants at the individual level regarding the dimensions of ethnic exclusionism. Actually, most of the determinants turned out to be rather consistently related to these dimensions, as described in the previous paragraph. The one exception is religious attendance that turned out to be somewhat inconsistently related to the various dimensions of ethnic exclusionism. Yet, we found that the more frequently people attend religious services, the more they resist diversity and the more they favour ethnic distance. Remarkably, we found that gender differences reached significance: some instances of exclusionism turned out to be somewhat more supported by men than by women.\nRegarding our fourth general question, on the contribution of national conditions to the explanation of ethnic exclusionism, the answer is that the level of the GDP has consistently negative effects that often reach significance: the higher the GDP, the lower ethnic exclusionism. The effects of the presence of non-western non-nationals and net migration are often positive yet do not reach significance for most instances of exclusionism. The exception is that the higher the proportion of non-western non-nationals in the country or the higher the net migration has been in preceding years, the more people in the country resist diversity. Moreover, net migration also turned out to affect support for repatriation policies. We ascertained some odd effects of the level of unemployment that, however, only rarely reached significance. Effects of the number of asylum applicants turned out to be inconsistent and non-significant. As yet, most of the significant effects of country characteristics appeared to be consistent with our expectations. \nAdditionally, we would like to emphasize that we found very consistent effects of individual perceptions: the more people perceive decreases in their personal safety or the more they distrust other people or distrust political leaders, or the more they consider themselves to be politically right wing, or the more they perceive ethnic minorities to pose a collective threat, the more they favour ethnic exclusionism. These individual perceptions were actually ascertained to explain, at least partially, the relationships between individual and contextual conditions and exclusionist stances.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2009-11-25 10:39:46','','Waiting'),(62,'Legitimacy, Trust and Turnout','Legitimacy, Trust and Turnout',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper deals with the relationship between various forms of political trust and satisfaction on the one hand and electoral turnout on the other hand. Based on earlier theoretical and empirical research, it is argued that attitudes towards the democratic institutions and system can be used as measures of democratic legitimacy. The measures of democratic legitimacy, such as trust in the parliament and satisfaction with democracy, should increase turnout whereas positive attitudes towards the incumbent government should not have such an effect. The empirical evidence is based on the first round of the European Social Survey (ESS), which was collected simultaneously in 22 countries in 2002-2003. Our analysis confirms that the measurements of democratic legitimacy have a positive impact on turnout. The impact of legitimacy is especially high when aggregated at a country level and when hard data on turnout is used. Also trust in politicians seems to increase the likelihood of voting.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kimmo.gronlund@abo.fi','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2012-11-20 14:29:17','','Waiting'),(63,'Functionality of rating scales in survey research','Functionality of rating scales in survey research',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey is a survey designed to obtain answers that reflect the actual attitudes, beliefs, values and behaviors of respondents across Europe. As attitudes, values and beliefs are abstract constructs and one can only assume their relationship with physical events (like behaviors or the tick in the questionnaire), these variables are known as \"latent variables\". This survey research, similarly to other surveys used the questionnaire with different response scales. Among the most commonly used are rating scales typically consisting of  3-11 defined or non-defined numerical steps. A larger number of steps gives the impression of improved separation between responders and can improve correlation and reliability coefficients. However, outcome interpretation is dependent on the functionality of the rating scale. Thus, as people move from less to more along the underlying latent variable the successive response categories should express more and more of the latent variable, and each category should be modal (i.e., the most probable) outcome at some point along the latent continuum. The objective of the study was to explore the functionality of 11- and 6-pont rating scales and whether collapsing categories may improve rating scale functionality and affect reliability. Data from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002/2003 were used. Data from the UK (n=2052) on social trust (3 items with 11-point rating scales), and human values (21 items with a 6-point rating scale) were analyzed by means of the Rasch measurement model. The results indicate that parts of the 11-point social trust scales displayed disordering and/or non-modality along the underlying latent variable. For the 6-point human values scale, category 3 displayed borderline modality. After collapsing response categories steps into 5-point scales all categories in both scales appeared in a distinct successive modal manner without any disordering along the underlying latent variable. Long response scales failed to display expected functionality, but improved following combination of adjacent response categories. Reliability was marginally affected. These observations may be due to difficulties in making fine tuned distinctions among levels of endorsement. These pilot observations support the use of 5-point scales.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Peter.Hagell@med.lu.se',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(64,'Educated Preferences: Explaining Attitudes Toward Immigration in Europe','Educated Preferences: Explaining Attitudes Toward Immigration in Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent studies of individual attitudes toward immigration emphasize concerns about labor market competition as a potent source of anti-immigrant sentiment, in particular among less-educated or less-skilled citizens who fear being forced to compete for jobs with low-skilled immigrants willing to work for much lower wages. We examine new data on attitudes toward immigration available from the 2003 European Social Survey. In contrast to predictions based upon conventional arguments about labor market competition, which anticipate that individuals will oppose immigration of workers with similar skills to their own, but support immigration of workers with different skill levels, we find that people with higher levels of education and occupational skills are more likely to favor immigration regardless of the skill attributes of the immigrants in question. Across Europe, higher education and higher skills mean more support for all types of immigrants. These relationships are almost identical among individuals in the labor force (i.e., those competing for jobs) and those not in the labor force. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, then, the connection between the education or skill levels of individuals and views about immigration appears to have very little, if anything, to do with fears about labor market competition. This finding is consistent with extensive economic research showing that the income and employment effects of immigration in European economies are actually very small. We find that a large component of the effect of education on attitudes toward immigrants can be accounted for by differences among individuals in cultural values and beliefs. More educated respondents are significantly less racist and place greater value on cultural diversity; they are also more likely to believe that immigration generates benefits for the host economy as a whole. Together, these factors account for around 65% of the estimated effect of education on support for immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jhainm@fas.harvard.edu',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(65,'Why Biology is not (Religious) Destiny:  A Second Look at Gender Differences in Religiosity','Why Biology is not (Religious) Destiny:  A Second Look at Gender Differences in Religiosity',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The fact that women are more religious than men is one of the most consistent findings in the sociology of religion. Miller and Stark (2002) propose that a gender difference in risk preference of physiological origin might explain this phenomenon. While acknowledging the utility of their risk-preference mechanism, we believe that their assumption regarding the genesis of this difference is a premature concession to biology. We draw on power-control theory (PCT), developed in the work of John Hagan and colleagues, to introduce a plausible socialization account for these differences. PCT attributes the origins of gender differences in risk-preference to class-based differences in the socialization of children, with women raised in more patriarchal families more likely to be risk-averse than men raised in the same type of households and women raised in more egalitarian households. If religiosity and risk-aversion are related, then the gender difference in religiosity should be strongest among those raised in patriarchal households. We evaluate these claims using data from the General Social Survey and the European Social Survey. The results are consistent with a socialization explanation: women raised by high-education mothers are less religious than women raised by low education mothers, but mother?s education has little effect on men?s chances of being irreligious and father?s education has a negligible effect on the gender difference in religiosity. We also empirically establish predictable patterns of cross-national variation in this effect and show that the gender-difference in religiosity is smaller in more recent cohorts.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','olizardo@email.arizona.edu','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2009-09-10 11:00:44','','Waiting'),(66,'Attitudes in the face of immigration policies','Actitudes ante las políticas de inmigración',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Attitudes in the face of immigration policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2008-11-25 14:40:18','','Waiting'),(67,'Co-operation and Refusal: A Non-Respone Study','Kooperation und Verweigerung: Eine Non-Response Studie',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In survey- and non-response-research the decreasing willingness to cooperate in surveys is a well-known phenomenon. Using expensive additional survey measures can help to counter this trend. The results of a methodological survey integrated in the German part of the European Social Survey (ESS) and based on 482 telephone interviews and 633 \"door-step\"-interviews with refusers show that it pays off to convert the ?soft? refusers to increase the response rate and that even  a considerable part of \"hard\" refusers can be converted. However, differences between the converted and other refusers are rather large and the  positive effects of reducing the non-response-bias are quite limited. In many ways, the additional conversion measure even seems to be counterproductive, since it seems to work best for those groups that are cooperative and that tend to be already overrepresented in the sample. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katja.neller@sowi.uni-stuttgart.de',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(68,'The Engagement Model of Opinion Leadership: Testing Validity within a European Context ','The Engagement Model of Opinion Leadership: Testing Validity within a European Context ',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Explicating and measuring opinion leadership continues to be an important theoretical topic, as personal influence and interpersonal discussion are widely recognized as shaping public opinion and political behavior. However, the concept of opinion leadership arose out of empirical research conducted primarily within the USA. Whether it may be applied to other national contexts remains to be fully explicated. Furthermore, media information-seeking behaviors of opinion leaders, such as newspaper use or television exposure, seem to be culturally contingent based upon the scant cross-national research to date. This paper examines the ecological and constructive validity of the engagement model of the opinion leadership developed within the USA. Employing the European Social Survey, I apply this model to fifteen European nations to assess its validity and explore how media information-seeking behaviors of opinion leaders may vary across national contexts. The findings suggest that the model may be most valid in Western European nations. Furthermore, the media use and behaviors of opinion leaders vary greatly across nations in Europe, though levels of interpersonal political discussion and specific individual socio-psychological traits do not.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: August 5, 2005','ecn1@cornell.edu','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 09:30:34','','Waiting'),(69,'Social exclusion and insecurity among older Europeans: the influence of welfare regimes','Social exclusion and insecurity among older Europeans: the influence of welfare regimes',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores social exclusion among older Europeans from ten different countries with three types of welfare regime: Nordic, Mediterranean and post-socialist.  Data from the first round of the new European Social Survey are used to explore indicators of social exclusion.  A measure of social exclusion and insecurity is constructed from indicators of: the regularity of meeting with friends and relatives, taking part in social activities, self-rated physical health and mental health, self-rated income, and the quality of the local area.  The results confirm the findings of previous research that show a link between developed welfare regimes and low rates of social exclusion in old age.  At the same time, more developed welfare regimes appear to deal less well with the effects of separation and divorce.  The Mediterranean welfare regimes show distinctive signs of stress, which suggests that the supplementation or replacement of weakened immediate and extended family ties has not taken place.  In all countries, a higher level of education appears to play a crucial role in reducing the chances of being insecure or socially excluded in old age.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jim.ogg@cnav.fr','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:41:44','','Waiting'),(70,'Social capital: An individual or collective resource for health?','Social capital: An individual or collective resource for health?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although it is now widely acknowledged that the social environment plays an important role in people?s health and well-being, there is considerable disagreement about whether social capital is a collective attribute of communities or societies or whether its beneficial properties are associated with individuals and their social relationships. Using data from the European Social Survey (22 countries, n=42,358), this study suggests that, rather than having a contextual influence on health, the beneficial properties of social capital can be found at the individual level. Individual levels of social trust and civic participation were strongly associated with self-rated health. At the same time, the aggregate social trust and civic participation variables at the national level were not related to people?s subjective health after controlling for compositional differences in socio-demographics. Despite the absence of a main contextual effect, the current study found a more complex cross-level interaction for social capital. Trusting and socially active individuals more often report good or very good health in countries with high levels of social capital than individuals with lower levels of trust and civic participation, but are less likely to do so in countries with low levels of social capital. This suggests that social capital does not uniformly benefit individuals living in the same community or society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-05 10:43:58','','Waiting'),(71,'The Social Divide in Europe ? The Social and Political Worldview of the Workforce','Europe: La Fracture Sociale ? La Culture Sociopolitique des Salaries',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In total contrast to the current view that tends in particular to highlight the decline of the nation-state - squeezed out as local and global levels increase in importance - and also likes to argue that values and behaviour are becoming ever more similar in Europe, this article shows that there are huge differences between countries and, within each country, between the executives (both in the private and the public sectors) and the workforce. The article focuses on the various levels of politicisation and argues that the explanatory variables appear to lie in attitudes to work, which in turn strongly influences the level of involvement in public life. Both are closely correlated  with the employees\' levels of confidence and independence. Diverging trends outweigh converging ones within Europe while one may observe a gap between the elites and the majority of employees. This is particularly striking in France. The victory of the \"no\" vote in the French referendum on the European Constitution in May 2005 is then hardly surprising.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:46:40','','Waiting'),(72,'Public Sector/Private Sector : The Sociopolitical World of European Workers','Public/privé : la culture sociopolitique des salariés en Europe',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research focuses on two main political questions : as the State reform is a major challenge for European countries, what can be said about the political and social differences between private sector and public sector workers? What are the links between work conditions on the one hand and political choices on the other? The research shows that the sociopolitical values and behaviour of civil servants are still specific even in countries where new public management reforms have been implemented. Another conclusion is that there is no European convergence and that market values are only shared by elites but relatively rare within the ranks of wage-earners even in the private sector. National sociopolitical models explain strong variations in the level of job satisfaction as well as in the level of  sociopolitical involvement. Finally, the demand for more European involvement in major public policies is relatively weak as compared to nationalistic preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','luc.rouban@sciences-po.fr','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:51:06','','Waiting'),(73,'Working-Class Authoritarianism and the Vote for Right-Wing Populist Parties - A Comparative Analysis for Western Europe','Working-class authoritarianism und die Wahl rechtspopulistischer Parteien - Eine ländervergleichende Untersuchung für Westeuropa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent studies of voting behaviour have shown that the share of people from the lower strata of society voting for right-wing populist parties has increased dramatically in the last two decades. This is especially true for the social group of blue-collar workers, which used to be the core electorate of left-wing parties like the socialist or social democratic parties in Western Europe. Explanations for this phenomenon are manifold and disputed. One classic approach to resolve the missing link between social stratification and right-wing voting behaviour is Lipsets thesis of \"working-class authoritarianism\": It states, that there are specific conditions of socialisation and experiences of deprivation in the social situation of the working-class, which favour the development of authoritarian attitudes, making class-members more susceptible to authoritarian movements and parties. In this paper the authors try to re-examine the Lipset-thesis using data from the first wave of the European Social Survey (ESS).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','tspier@uni-goettingen.de',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(74,'The Effect of the Refusal Avoidance Training Experiment on Final Disposition Codes in ther German ESS 2','The Effect of the Refusal Avoidance Training Experiment on Final Disposition Codes in ther German ESS 2',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The implementation of a Refusal Avoidance Training (RAT) within wave 2 of the German part of the European Social Survey (ESS) successful reduced the amount of reported refusal by nearly 7%. The effect of the reduction was compensated by a nearly equal increase in the proportion of noncontacted designated respondents. This effect may be due to nonrandom allocation of trained interviewers. Further randomized experiments are neccessary to separate the effects of RAT on response rates. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','rainer.schnell@uni-konstanz.de','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2016-04-07 11:31:04','','Waiting'),(75,'MARS -Monitoring the Alpine Regions\' Sustainability ','MARS -Monitoring the Alpine Regions\' Sustainability ',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Three years ago, in the summer, 22 partners from Austria, France, Germany, Italy, Slovenia andSwitzerland decided to carry out a joint project. This is how, with the coordination of BAK Basel Economics in cooperation with six research institutes, the European INTERREG IIIB Alpine Space Project MARS came into being. The first phase of this project ends with the newly published MARS Report. But even after the end of the EU co-financing in this summer, it is not finished yet. The established network of regional decision-makers, experts and scientists is to be further expanded as a platform for the monitoring of sustainability at the regional level. The aim of the next step is to pass the knowledge gleaned from this study to politicians by way of recommendations for action. Thomas Schoder, project coordinator at BAK Basel Economics, says: \"We believe that this report will provide the regional decision makers with a goodbasis for finding a way towards the sustainable development of their regions.\" The MARS (Monitoring the Alpine Regions? Sustainability) Project has produced a new kind of international comparison of sustainability for the Alpine Space Regions. Theresults of the first project phase have now been published in the \"MARS Report 2005\": around 45 indicators from the fields of economy, environment and society are analysed individually and in aggregate for 33 regions in Austria, Germany, France, Italy,Liechtenstein, Slovenia and Switzerland.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Schoder@bakbasel.com',NULL,NULL,'Y','Waiting'),(76,'Sex Differences in Value Priorities: Cross-Cultural and Multimethod Studies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We assess sex differences in the importance of 10 basic values as guiding principles. Findings from 127 samples in 70 countries (N=77,528) reveal that men attribute consistently more importance than women do to power, stimulation, hedonism, achievement, and self-direction values; the reverse is true for benevolence and universalism values and less consistently for security values. The sexes do not differ on tradition and conformity values. Sex differences are small (median d=.15, maximum d=.32 [power]) and typically explain less variance than age and much less than culture. Culture moderates all sex differences and sample type and measurement instrument have minor influences. We discuss compatibility of findings with evolutionary psychology and sex role theory and propose an agenda for future research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 10:00:55','','Waiting'),(77,'Aspects of religiosity in Greece and Europe','Aspects of religiosity in Greece and Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is to undertake a comparative analysis of religious attitudes and beliefs in Greece and Europe. \nThe European Social Survey, carried out in 2003, revealed recent trends in the attitudes, opinions and values of European citizens concerning, among other issues, interest in politics, trust in institutions and society, immigration, and the relationship between nation states and the European Union. The survey also tracked aspects of religiosity, and the ways in which these are expressed in a secularized and ever-changing world. Greece stands out in the survey for two reasons: it was the only Orthodox Christian country to have been included, and its levels of religious practice (including church attendance, and more subjective indices of religiosity) were shown to be relatively high in comparison to the other surveyed countries. This paper will attempt to study religious practices and beliefs through the prism of the specific historical and socio-cultural conditions that have shaped the religious and national identity of Greece, with a special emphasis placed on the intertwined nature of the Church and the State.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','theosta@ekke.gr','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2012-08-13 13:51:36','','Waiting'),(78,'Organizing diverse sets of data with the Schwartz´ Value Circle','Organizing diverse sets of data with the Schwartz´ Value Circle',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This talk demonstrates the integrative power of the 1992 Schwartz? Value Circle (SVC). Convergent models (e.g., Parsons? functions of social systems or the Competing Values Model for organizational culture and leadership roles; Quinn & Cameron 1999, Quinn 1988) show the SVC validity for the semantics of values. Even Inglehardt?s WVS surface seems to fit well. Empirical research reveals that the SVC can be identified in a variety of value scales given that items are positive and entail sufficient representative content diversity (even a six-item Allport-Vernon scale can be turned into an SVC). I reanalyze data from German surveys (ALLBUS 1998, 2002; Shell Youth Study 2002; GIP 1999) which included different value scales. And the ESS 2002/3 v.5.1, respectively. Ordinary factor analysis of ipsative data (eliminating acquiescence) positively identifies the SVC. The resulting axes of the circle allow correlating third constructs such as age, status, personality, attitudes or behavior, as well as locating individuals or group means (e.g., voting preferences of Ss from Western and Eastern Germany); both statistics are visualized in illustrative plots. Joint inspection of these pictures can be used to establish consistent links between regions of the SVC and social milieus.   ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mstrack@uni-goettingen.de','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2012-12-03 10:08:41','','Waiting'),(82,'The broken link - do trade unions represent the interests of the unemployed? Evidence from the UK, Germany and Denmark within the framework of the European Employment Strategy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the traditional view, the interests of the unemployed and the employed are supposed to follow a unifying logic, due to the threat of high unemployment to job security, wages and working conditions. However, due to labour markets becoming increasingly segmented and knowledge-based, it may be questioned to what extent the traditional link between the employed and the unemployed still holds, leading to a possible division of the labour force into a core group of those with basically secure jobs, and several peripheral groups subject to job insecurity and social exclusion. In this context, it seems relevant to analyse the relationship between the interests of the employed and unemployed, including the role of trade unions as having their own organisational interest. For this purpose, this paper includes an examination of new statistical evidence on the behaviour of employed and unemployed people with regard to trade union membership. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:53:53','','Waiting'),(83,'Growing inequalities and the rise of the \'meritocracy\' in Poland','Growing inequalities and the rise of the \'meritocracy\' in Poland',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Growing inequalities and the rise of the \'meritocracy\' in Poland.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(84,'Exploring the Effect of Social Capital on Attitudes Towards Immigration: An analysis of data from the European Social Survey','Exploring the Effect of Social Capital on Attitudes Towards Immigration: An analysis of data from the European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Exploring the Effect of Social Capital on Attitudes Towards Immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(85,'How do we understand the integration?','Jak rozumiemy integracje?',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How we understand integration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 14:57:37','','Waiting'),(86,'Selection to the secondary school and academic level by the socio-economic origin status','Selekcja pochodzeniowa do szkoly sredniej i na studia',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Selection to the secondary school and academic level by the socio-economic origin status.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 15:06:04','','Waiting'),(87,'Barriers of the particularism','Bariery partykularyzmu',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Barriers of the particularism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(88,'Social Structure','Struktura spoleczna',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social Structure.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(89,'The choice among alternative versions of the questions in the interview questionnaire?','Wybór miedzy alternatywnymi wersjami pytan w kwestionariuszu wywiadu?',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The choice among alternative versions of the questions in the interview questionnaire.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(90,'Committee work and political participation','Föreningsliv och politiskt deltagande',3,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Committee work and political participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(91,'The European Social Survey: Introducing a new source of cross-national data','The European Social Survey: Introducing a new source of cross-national data',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey: Introducing a new source of cross-national data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(92,'Modelling events for ESS: Toward the creation of an autonomous tool for survey research','Modelling events for ESS: Toward the creation of an autonomous tool for survey research',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Modelling events for ESS: Toward the creation of an autonomous tool for survey research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2012-08-13 13:51:54','','Waiting'),(93,'Context, events and attitudes','Context, events and attitudes',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Context, events and attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(94,'Determinant of Union Membership in 18 EU Countries: Evidence from Micro Data, 2002/03','Determinant of Union Membership in 18 EU Countries: Evidence from Micro Data, 2002/03',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using representative individual-level data from the first round of the European Social Survey fielded in 2002/03, this paper provides an empirical analysis of unionization in 18 countries of the European Union. We show that union density varies considerably in Europe, ranging from 84 per cent in Denmark to 11 per cent in Portugal. Estimating identical models for each country, we find that individuals\' probability of union membership is significantly affected by their personal characteristics, their attitudes and the characteristics of their workplace, whereas social factors seem to play a minor role. The presence of a union at the workplace and employees\' attitudes concerning strong unions are the two variables with the most wide-spread effects on unionization. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2017-07-25 15:18:28','','Waiting'),(95,'Measuring ','Measuring ',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In national surveys different types of questions are necessary to measure \"income\" in an adequate way of accuracy: In market research crude categories of the purchasing power of a household are of interest. In social research income is used as an indicator on social stratification and inequality. Economic and socio-economic research need information on income distribution and the dynamics of economic changes of the respondent and his or her household. In every case mentioned above, a complex fieldwork design is necessary to measure income as precise as possible with a minimum of non-response. Because of various underlying national concepts (of the components of income and the definition of household) and different national structures (of national tax systems and for national social insurance systems), the measurement of income is more difficult in international research. These national variations should be considered in the question wordings of international surveys. To illustrate the measurement problems of income in cross-national research, our paper will compare the measurement of income in different national surveys, applying several measurement strategies on income, from Luxembourg and Germany with a view to the validity of output-harmonization by measuring the same type of income; in national data of international comparative surveys like the \"European Social Survey\" (ESS) and the \"European Community Household Panel\" (ECHP). This type of surveys are survey programs using a common instrument to measure income in different countries. By analyzing the income, surveyed in these surveys, we will demonstrate the different outcomes of income measurement across nations. Our special view is directed to those methodological points who are prohibit a direct or indirect comparison of income across nations The European Social Survey (the ESS) is a new, academic-driven social survey designed to chart and explain the interaction between Europe\'s changing institutions and the attitudes, beliefs and behaviour patterns of its diverse populations. The central aim of the ESS is to develop and conduct a systematic study of changing values, attitudes, attributes and behaviour patterns within European policies. Academically driven but designed to feed into key European policy debates, the ESS will try to measure and explain how people’s social values, cultural norms and behaviour patterns are distributed, the way in which they differ within and between nations, and the direction and speed at which they are changing. A two-dimensional map (European Value Map) is constructed upon 21 questions. The questions (named 21-item Basic Human Values Scale, developed by S. Schwartz) are grounded in theory and well tested internationally. The two dimensions in the map are: The individual possibilities and behaviourism in the society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2016-07-29 11:25:57','','Waiting'),(96,'Problem of Trust in Modern Societies','Problem zaupanja v sodobnih družbah',15,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Problem of Trust in Modern Societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(98,'European Value Map: Based on ESS Data','European Value Map: Based on ESS Data',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey (the ESS) is a new, academic-driven social survey designed to chart and explain the interaction between Europe\'s changing institutions and the attitudes, beliefs and behaviour patterns of its diverse populations. The central aim of the ESS is to develop and conduct a systematic study of changing values, attitudes, attributes and behaviour patterns within European policies. Academically driven but designed to feed into key European policy debates, the ESS will try to measure and explain how people’s social values, cultural norms and behaviour patterns are distributed, the way in which they differ within and between nations, and the direction and speed at which they are changing. A two-dimensional map (European Value Map) is constructed upon 21 questions. The questions (named 21-item Basic Human Values Scale, developed by S. Schwartz) are grounded in theory and well tested internationally. The two dimensions in the map are: The individual possibilities and behaviourism in the society.These two dimensions can be found in all the countries, when the countries are analysed separately. It is demonstrated that the two dimensions are identical. Therefore the two dimensions are constructed from the total sampling. The total sampling covers 18 countries and 32,102 respondents. In the European Value Map 18 European countries are placed and thereby a comparison between the European countries can be made.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(99,'European Value Map: Generations and Countries','European Value Map: Generations and Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Value Map: Generations and Countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(100,'Rational-Choice-Theorie and voter turnout in Germany and Great Britain','Warum gehen Bürger (nicht) wählen? Rational-Choice-Theorie und die Wahlbeteiligung in Deutschland und Großbritannien',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Rational-Choice-Theorie and voter turnout in Germany and Great Britain',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(101,'Response propensity and data','Response propensity and data',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The response rate of a survey is an important quality criterion for making population inferences. These rates may depend in part on past experiences and propensities of the respondent, the skill of interviewers to create a positive rapport within the first few seconds of contact with respondents, the perceived sensitivity or complexity of the survey topic, question and questionnaire design, etc. Various techniques are employed to boost response rates in populations that often suffer from survey fatigue. However, such strategies may have detrimental effects on data quality. Repeated follow-up contact with initial non-respondents tends to increase the survey response rate although it is not clear to what extent the quality of response from follow-up contacts differs from other respondents. More precisely, it is unclear to what extent reluctant participants simply give in to social pressure by formally obeying instructions without necessarily committing themselves to the demands of the questionnaire, or whether they indeed comply after having been convinced about the value of their participation. Based on detailed event recording during data collection for the Swiss portion of the European Social Survey (2002), we will investigate the effects of various response propensities and degrees of response acquiescence on a number of data quality indicators. As participation and response style relates to various demographic and social variables, such as age, education attainment, and social position, we will include these in our analyses. More generally, we will explore interaction effects between response propensity, socio-demographic background, and data quality. Moreover, this survey included a methodological experiment, in which a sub-sample was contacted in a centralised manner, while the remaining sample was contacted directly by the interviewer. Results from this quasi-experiment will supplement our investigation on response propensity and acquiescence.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2012-09-04 15:09:54','','Waiting'),(102,'Data quality assessment in ESS Round 1: Between wishes and reality ','Data quality assessment in ESS Round 1: Between wishes and reality',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The quality assessment of the obtained data from first round of ESS is based on a conceptual framework of a pragmatic approach to data quality assessment1. It combines aspects of the total survey error approach that are focused on output evaluation, and the total quality management approach, which is concentrated on process evaluation. It was intended to cover the process and output aspects of both the sample obtained, and the registered responses. For practical reasons, not all elements of the full pragmatic approach could be addressed in the first round of ESS, but the most important ones are covered. The utilisation of extensive uniform contact forms was crucial. Most of the countries performed well on this. Documenting the process of contacting the sample units within several sampling designs and contacting strategies, obtaining information about the reasons of non-contacts and refusal, constructing comparable non-response rates over countries, and obtaining information about co-operative respondents, reluctant respondents, and non-respondents were the main functions of the contact forms. The paper evaluates the performance of the participating agencies, and discusses the possibilities of improvement. The study is mainly based on the analysis of contact forms data, but also on substantial data from the main questionnaires.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(103,'Refusal conversion and estimation of non-response bias in the European Social Suvrey Round 1','Refusal conversion and estimation of non-response bias in the European Social Suvrey Round 1',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Refusal conversion and estimation of non-response bias in the European Social Suvrey Round 1.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(108,'European Immigration in the People\'s Court','European Immigration in the People\'s Court',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Immigration in the People\'s Court.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2016-01-20 14:51:08','','Waiting'),(109,'Political Participation and Trade Union Membership: Strengthening Democracy in the European Union?','Political Participation and Trade Union Membership: Strengthening Democracy in the European Union?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political Participation and Trade Union Membership: Strengthening Democracy in the European Union?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(112,'Social participation in foreign populations in Europe','Actitudes hacia la migración y capital social: la participación de los europeos en redes sociales y sus vínculos con una mayor aceptación de la población extranjera',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Is there a relationship between the degree of social participation of and the position in front of foreign populations in Europe? Based on European Surveys, this article explores involvement in public and civic associations as an important factor explaining a better acceptance of difference. This involvement would imply more trust in institutions and civic Society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 15:14:08','','Waiting'),(113,'Influence of Media Reported Events on Attitudes and Opinions','Influence of Media Reported Events on Attitudes and Opinions',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Influence of Media Reported Events on Attitudes and Opinions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','j.iedema@scp.nl','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2013-05-21 10:02:07','','Waiting'),(114,'The barriers for the local authorities','Bariery samorzadnosci lokalnej',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The barriers for the local authorities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(116,'Analysis and relation between social variables and economic variables in the European Social Survey and World Bank and UNDP reports: the social capital and economic capital at the European Countries','Analysis and relation between social variables and economic variables in the European Social Survey and World Bank and UNDP reports: the social capital and economic capital at the European Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Our main goal is to confirm and to explore the hypothesis of the relation existing between the social capital and the economic capital or economic development of the countries. On one hand, we have highlighted three main components of the concept of social capital (participation in associations, civic and political engagement and interpersonal trust), from the definitions elaborated by different authors like Putnam, Coleman, Fukuyama, etc. We have analyzed the questionnaire of the European Social Survey and we have obtained three indicators for the study of the social capital in the different European countries: associations rate (percentage of population from one country that has taken part in at least one in the last 12 months), civic, social and political participation rate (percentage of population from one country that has carried out a civic or social action in the last 12 months) and level of interpersonal trust (arithmetic mean of 363 the following scales: \"Most people can be trusted”, “most people try to take advantage of you” and “most of the time people helpful”).\nOn the other hand, we have highlighted mainly two indicators utilized to measure and to rank the countries of the world regarding their economic development or economic capital, gross domestic product per capita PPP current international $ (GDP per capita, used by the World Bank) and the Human Development Index (HDI, created by the United Nations Development Programme). In the database of the World Development Indicators (2003) of the World Bank we can find more than 500 variables containing information of 208 countries of the world and, likewise, in the last Human Development Report of the UNDP (2003) we can also find hundreds of statistical and a dozen of indexes created ad hoc such as the gender-related development index (GDI), human poverty index (HPI), etc. of 175 countries including all the countries studied in the European Social Survey. The statistical treatment used to examine the relationships between the two groups of indicators, social capital and economic capital, was, firstly, to elaborate a description of all the social and economic variables of the countries; secondly, to obtain the correlation coefficient (r) and statistic of the regression (R-square) from the matrix of correlations of all the variables and from different linear regression models; finally, we carried out a series of Simple Scatter plots of the most important results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jsprados@ual.es',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(117,'Harmonizing background variables in international surveys','Harmonizing background variables in international surveys',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is no straightforward solution to the comparative measurement of demo-graphic and socioeconomic variables in international surveys. The paper will present the ISSP bottom-top procedure, where national background variables are bridged into a comparative data file, and the top-bottom ESS approach, where the background variables are defined in a source questionnaire. The advantages and disadvantages of both approaches are discussed. The paper ends with an overview of the strengths and weaknesses of the two different approaches and points out possible ways of improving the measurement of background variables in international surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Kirstine.Kolsrud@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(118,'Sampling for the European Social Survey','Sampling for the European Social Survey',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ESS has used innovative methods to ensure that the samples interviewed in round 1 are of the highest possible quality and are comparable between countries. In this presentation, we will describe why it was important for the ESS to pay close attention to sample design and outline some key achievements of the ESS with respect to sample design. \nThere is considerable variation between countries in the constraints upon sampling (existence of and access to population registers and other sampling frames) and in usual survey practice. ESS has tried hard to minimise the impacts of this variation on the representativeness of the samples. The aim was to achieve samples in each country that represent the same population (all ages 15+, all de facto residents – not just citizens) and provide a similar level of statistical precision. A precondition of comparability is that probability sampling must be used in each country. In addition, the ESS specified the level of precision that should be achieved, in terms of a statistical concept, the effective sample size. Countries were provided with guidance on how to apply this concept to their situation and how to interpret the implications by a central team of sampling experts. This team also helped the national teams to identify and implement appropriate sampling frames and sampling methods and good ways to maximise response rates. A fundamental belief of the ESS is that this co-operative approach with 368 constant multi-way dialogue is more likely to achieve functional equivalence than the application of standard procedures. \nWe will describe the key aspects of the sample specification and how the support and assistance was given to each country. We believe that these processes represent a significant advance on the implementation of other cross-national surveys and have resulted in a higher quality survey product.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Seppo.Laaksonen@helsinki.fi',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(119,'Ethnicity and the comparative analysis of contemporary survey data','Ethnicity and the comparative analysis of contemporary survey data',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Concepts of minority ethnic group are important to very many social science analyses, yet developments in their sociological conceptualization generate serious problems for cross-national survey researchers. This occurs because as sociological discussions have expanded, ever more important qualitative differences between ethnic situations, in any particular country, have typically been propounded. In turn, the requirement of first mapping, then analyzing, ethnic differences in terms of  \'comparable\' variables in cross-national quantitative datasets, is clearly rendered problematic. This challenge is not, however, one which social researchers should shy away from : history suggests that (comparative) social policy analysis on ethnicity, using whatever survey data categories are available, will continue apace, regardless of sociologists\' misgivings about the validity of the variable indicators\navailable. This paper explores the possibilities for analysis of ethnicity-related data on a number of contemporary cross-national studies (including the ESS, ISSP, LIS, WVS)? The data considered ranges for instance across measures of religion, ethnic identity, nationality, country of origins and language spoken, and in the majority of cases, the data has been operationalized in different categorical forms for different national data sources. Two methodological strategies for comparative analysis are considered. The first position attempts to theorize a solution a priori, by developing a strong model of analytical 383\nparsimony with regard to ethnicity differences that might be sensibly implemented on the large majority of relevant datasets. The second \'relativist\' position examines the numerical indexing of different ethnicity categories within each country. Under this proposal, the index scores assigned to categories could simultaneously allow the incorporation of multiple ethnic differences in the analysis, along with a genuinely comparative evaluation of each ethnic location.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','paul.lambert@stir.ac.uk',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(120,'Modelling interviewer-effects in the European Social Survey','Modelling interviewer-effects in the European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Survey researchers are since long concerned with the fact that interviewers can introduce an additional source of variation in survey-estimates. It is assumed that this is most likely to occur when interviewer behaviour departs from standardized procedures. In this paper we argue that the frequency of idiosyncratic interviewer behaviour and accordingly the size of interviewer-variance are mainly a function of the quality of the survey organisation (e.g. quality of interviewer training) and the amount of problems respondents encounter when answering questions. In order to test this proposition we used data from several countries participating in the European Social Survey (ESS). By comparing the size of interviewer-variance across countries we hope to learn more about the factors and conditions that influence the presence of interviewer-effects. In a first section of this paper we will test whether countries differ significantly with respect to the size of interviewer-variance on a set of items designed to measure ethnocentrism attitudes. This will be done by modelling interviewer-variance as a function of the respondent’s country in a multilevel regression model. Next, we will introduce to our model a number of variables associated with the answering behaviour of the respondent - i.e. degree of understanding questions, motivation and reluctance (as evaluated by the interviewer) and presence of item-nonresponse. This will allow assessing whether and to which extent country-differences of interviewer-variance can be attributed to differences in problematic respondent behaviour. Finally, we will try to explain the remaining country differences in interviewer-variance by comparing the quality of survey organisation across countries.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Michel.Philippens@soc.kuleuven.ac.be',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(121,'Trapped in Translation? ESS Translation Protocols Provide a Key','Trapped in Translation? ESS Translation Protocols Provide a Key',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ESS translation context is complex: multiple languages, a source questionnaire finalized before translation begins, numerous countries sharing a language (e.g., French and German), and language minorities over 5% provided with their own translations, country budgets already stretched by other requirements for ESS fielding. The EU funded a work package to provide translation guidelines and requirements for countries participating in the ESS. The guidelines provided are based on ongoing basic and applied research in survey translation on how to implement survey translation and assessment through a holistic, team based process. The commonly used and originally envisaged procedure of back translation was successfully replaced with TRAPD – a translation, review, approval (adjudication), pre-testing and documentation protocol. Results and feedback from the first round of the ESS are positive and an increasing number of international projects are incorporating the basic idea of TRAPD in their translation production processes. At the same time, basic research within the ESS framework and in other studies suggests that questionnaire design is the ultimate issue. The paper outlines the theory and practice of TRAPD and using data from the ESS and other studies demonstrates how translators can help improve questionnaire designs.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','harkness@zuma-manheim.de',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(122,'Measuring religious membership and religiosity across Europe','Measuring religious membership and religiosity across Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although religious membership and, to a lesser extend, religiosity traditionally are thought to belong to the central core of background variables the problem of their measurement in crossnational surveys has not attracted much attention. Utilizing the European Social Survey (ESS) the paper attempts a first analysis for the European context. In addition to current or former denomination the ESS data contain three indicators of religiosity each representing a distinct area of religiousness: public religious behavior, i.e. church attendance; private religious behavior, i.e. prayer; and intensity of belief, i.e. subjective religiosity. Using these data the paper addresses two sets of questions: Firstly, is the relationship between the three indicators stable across European countries? If there are differences, can they be explained by the religious composition of the countries or related country differences? Secondly, how do these indicators vary across denominations? Is the denomination-specific religious profile constant across European countries?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','christof.wolf@unikoeln.de',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(123,'Using Social Networks Methods to Measure Changes in Value Systems in Cross-Cultural Perspective: the Case of Nordic-Baltic Relationship in 1991-2002','Using Social Networks Methods to Measure Changes in Value Systems in Cross-Cultural Perspective: the Case of Nordic-Baltic Relationship in 1991-2002',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In different cultural communities values and their systems are measured by survey instruments like Rokeach or Schwartz value surveys, World/European Value Survey (1990, 1996, 2000) or European Social Survey (2003) questionnaires. I propose to analyse these results using methodology and software of the social networks analysis framework (Stephen P. Borgatti , Martin G. Everett. Network analysis of 2-mode data. Social Networks 19 (1997) 243-269). This makes possible to dive into the data matrices of relations instead of the attributes, even allow to convert individual variables into relational (adjacency) matrices. Its strong part is good visualization of the results. More problematical is choosing of the partition threshold. Several possible constructs based on correlation and shared value amount matrices of data are used and visualized by Ucinet program. Additionally are used clustering and multidimensional scaling techniques as well as CONCOR facility. An empirical research is based on Balticom Program results from 1991 and 1995, Finnish national value research and more recent surveys in Estonia and Sweden. Used data are adjusted to 25-item Rokeach value scale consisting mostly of terminal values. A special analyses of constellations of values equality and freedom was done. The research reveals quite stable value systems for Swedes and Finns and rapid change in Estonians community while other Baltic nations and Russians in Estonia are keeping more their older value orders. It may be explained in the context of axial moments approach (A. Szakolczai, L. Füstös 1998. “Value Systems in Axial Moments”, European Sociological Review 14(3), 211-229) with Estonians turning back to the Swedish kind (axial) pre-1940 value system. Same technical frame may be used in analyzing other data sets of values in cross-cultural contexts.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','itart@tpu.ee',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(124,'Improving survey methodology: the ESS Index and Measurement - The cultural borders of meaning','Improving survey methodology: the ESS Index and Measurement - The cultural borders of meaning',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'ESS is, very probably, one of the most significant efforts to improve social survey methodology. No doubt, its aimed by the \"best practices\" spirit. In that sense, to put at work extensively the \"manuals\" of survey methodology is certainly a qualitative jump in quantitative research. The starting point is optimal to reach excellence.This paper point out some comparability problems arriving from questions wording and translations, that emerges when testing measurement cross-culturally. Even with the best control on translation and wording, the invariance on theoretical meaning may not be reached. This is the case when questions define and stand for indicators of something different. For example, when measuring a latent variable. Then, questions and variables try to capture a different reality that the language suggest. For simplicity, we will deal with one of the most obvious: the concept of government from a cross-cultural approach. The conclusions will suggest some considerations to improve comparability.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alaminos@ua.es',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(125,'Methods for achieving equivalence of samples in cross-national surveys','Methods for achieving equivalence of samples in cross-national surveys',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A central objective of the European Social Survey (ESS) is to improve the quality of cross-national survey design and implementation. This requires advances in the standards of survey methodology in many countries and advances in the conceptualisation and implementation of ideas of standardisation and comparability. In this paper, we will describe the procedures that were used to ensure equivalence of the sample designs used in the 23 countries participating in round 1 of the ESS. This involved the careful specification of the permissible parameters of the sample design as well as ongoing interaction between the ESS sampling panel and the ESS national co-ordinators in each country. A number of aspects of these procedures were novel and we will focus particularly on these and will attempt to evaluate the success of each. These include: Specification of the national sample size in terms of the “effective sample size” of interviews; Provision of guidance on how to predict the design effect due to variable selection probabilities ( P DEFF ) and the design effect due to clustering ( C DEFF ), and how to use these predictions to determine the necessary sample size; Intensive procedures for interaction between the members of the sampling panel, between the sampling panel and the national co-ordinators, and between the sampling panel and the ESS central co-ordinating team.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','p.lynn@essex.ac.uk',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(126,'An Experimental Comparison of Four Modes of Data Collection Within the Eurobarometer Measurement Domain','An Experimental Comparison of Four Modes of Data Collection Within the Eurobarometer Measurement Domain',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The growing number of methods of data collection and the rising popularity of mixed mode designs to increase timeliness, improve measurement error properties or reduce non-response or cost necessitate studying the effects of different methods of data collection on survey errors. With the increasing interest in cross cultural studies and the difficulties in employing the same method of data collection across countries due to economical or cultural challenges, there is a growing need to compare the major methods of data collection simultaneously and examine mode effects on a variety of question types. An experiment motivated by this need was conducted by Gallup-Europe in conjunction with the European Social Survey (ESS) in May-July, 2003. Four major modes, face-to-face, telephone, selfadministered and web, were compared in two waves of data collection - a convenience quota sample of 1,987 respondents representative of the Hungarian urban population by age, sex and education was selected, randomly assigned to a mode, and then re-interviewed in a different mode. The second interview for some methods of data collection was randomly assigned to be either on location (a public location) or off location (the respondent’s home). The survey instrument included questions from the ESS and the Eurobarometer. The selection was driven by question type and topic with the intention of including socially desirable, sensitive, complex, open-ended, etc. items. Mode effects become visible when the different methods of data collection produce different response distributions. An explanatory model for responses can be employed adopting Lazersfeld’s latent class model (Saris and Hagenaars, 1997). If respondents’ probabilities to give particular responses vary across modes, then the observed response distributions will be different and these differences are not attributable to chance. The within subject design allows estimating the response probabilities from square tables, using the EM algorithm and employing different restrictions. A model assuming equal response probabilities between pairs of modes is tested first and evaluated based on the likelihood ratio test. When such a model does not fit, less restricted models that allow probabilities between modes to vary are tested. A final model is accepted on the basis of parsimony. This procedure is repeated for all questions and across all possible mode comparisons.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Emiliap@isr.umich.edu',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(127,'European Social Survey (ESS) 2002/2003','Der European Social Survey (ESS) 2002/2003',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey (ESS) 2002/2003.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(128,'Economic forces and anti-immigrant attitudes in Western Europe: a paradox in search of an explanation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Greater economic hardship is widely conceived as conducive to higher levels of majority hostility towards minority groups. Research in the classical socialpsychological tradition as well as data on political trends support such a view. However, more recent survey and experimental findings cast doubt on the economic deprivation model of out-group hostility. O’Connell examines responses to sections of the European Social Survey that suggest that economic deprivation is still linked to out-group hostility, and argues that this position is contradicted by recent trends in anti-immigrant politics: electoral support for far-right parties has been more prevalent in wealthier and more materially secure societies than in poorer ones. He offers an explanation for this apparent paradox, suggesting that increased economic security has both direct and indirect effects on a society, and that these effects run counter to each other. As economic scarcity decreases, concerns over economic rivalry decline but new concerns related to integration emerge, particularly as the society becomes more attractive to migrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 15:18:34','','Waiting'),(129,'Work authonomy and quality of life. The influence of social life orientations','Autonomia no trabalho e qualidade de vida: a influência das orientações de vida social',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Work authonomy and quality of life. The influence of social life orientations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 15:30:09','','Waiting'),(130,'Values in Europe: A Multiple Group Comparison with 20 Countries Using the European Social Survey 2003','Values in Europe: A Multiple Group Comparison with 20 Countries Using the European Social Survey 2003',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we analyse the newly developed instrument to measure values in population surveys(Portrait Value questionnaire(PVQ)). For this purpose we have used a multisample confirmatory factor analysis to test the measurement properties in 20 european countries. The data we use are from the European Social Survey 2003. We tested for configural invariance, measurement invariance and scalar invariance. The ten values underlying the 21 items as postulated by Schwartz were verified by the configural invariance model of multigroup confirmatory factor analysis. However, factor variances, factor covariances and measurement errors varied considerably over the countries. Finally, we discuss the issue of full versus partial invariance and the quasi-cicumplex structure of the correlations of the ten values.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(131,'Bringing Values Back In: A Multiple Group Comparison with 20 Countries Using the European Social Survey 200','Bringing Values Back In: A Multiple Group Comparison with 20 Countries Using the European Social Survey 200',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Bringing Values Back In: A Multiple Group Comparison with 20 Countries Using the European Social Survey 200.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(132,'About the social mobility in Poland','O ruchliwości społecznej w Polsce',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'About the social mobility in Poland.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(133,'From design to implementation: methodological innovation on the ESS','From design to implementation: methodological innovation on the ESS',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'From design to implementation: methodological innovation on the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(134,'Measuring attitudes towards immigration across Countries: Potential problems of functional equivalence in the ESS','Measuring attitudes towards immigration across Countries: Potential problems of functional equivalence in the ESS',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses the functional equivalence of attitudes towards immigration in internationally comparative research. Methods include secondary analysis of ESS 2002/2003 data (immigration module) and some preliminary cognitive tests. Data-analytical tools employed range from multidimensional scaling to variance-analytic procedures. The results show that some of the ESS measures might not be regarded as functionally equivalent. To know about attitudes towards immigration is essential not only for researchers but especially for politicians. Immigration plays a more and more important role in European societies nowadays, as can be seen in growing concerns of refugee issues or the importance to lower restrictions for highly skilled migrants that are needed in certain industries. In order to provide a knowledge base on attitudes towards immigration in Europe, a special module on attitudes towards immigration was included in the ESS round 1. However, attitudes towards immigration are not easy to measure and especially to compare across cultures. Different migration histories and policies in the different European countries make it hard to think of a shared understanding of what immigration and immigrants are. A cross-cultural comparison of attitudes towards immigration can only be done when functional equivalence is given, i.e. that the same construct is measured in all cultures. Hence, this has to be tested before analysing the data on the substantive level. Functional equivalence of data can be affected by three sources of biases: construct bias, method bias and item bias. In order to analyse the functional equivalence of ESS immigration attitudes measures two distinct analytical strategies are employed. The first is made up by a secondary analysis of the ESS 2002/2003 data. However, in many cases, evidence from secondary analysis is not conclusive and additional studies are needed, such as cognitive tests and split-ballot experiments. For this purpose, the results of some cognitive tests conducted in 2003/2004 are presented. Data-analytical tools employed range from multidimensional scaling to variance-analytic procedures. The results show that some of the ESS measures might not be regarded as functionally equivalent. Some possible solutions are outlined.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','rother@zumamannheim.de','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2017-03-31 14:04:31','','Waiting'),(135,'Comparability across Countries of Responses in the ESS','Comparability across Countries of Responses in the ESS',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In cross-cultural research a problem is that the questions have to be translated in different languages. In each language each question has a specific quality expressed in a reliability and validity coefficient. It has been shown that the data quality has a very strong effect on the relationships between variables: the quality of a question can decrease relationships but can also incorrectly increase correlations. In cross-cultural research the problem is that , even if the questions have been translated perfectly, the quality can vary from country to country and this means that the relationships between the variables in the different countries are incomparable. In the paper I will present evidence of this phenomenon on the basis of data of the ESS. I will also show how one can take these differences in data quality into account so that the relationships between variables are comparable across countries.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','wsaris@planet.nl',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(136,'Universalism values and the inclusiveness of our moral universe','Universalism values and the inclusiveness of our moral universe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Universalism values and the inclusiveness of our moral universe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(140,'Analysis of the usefulness of EGP as the index of the social position','Analiza przydatności EGP jako wskaźnika pozycji społecznej',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analysis of the usefulness of EGP as the index of the social position.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2014-01-22 13:17:31','','Waiting'),(142,'Social support and well-being in contemporary Greek Society: Examination of multiple indicators at different levels of analysis','Social support and well-being in contemporary Greek Society: Examination of multiple indicators at different levels of analysis',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An extensive and coherent body of social and psychological research has identified social ties and supportive relationships as important predictors of well-being and quality of life. This paper examines the relationships between structural and functional indicators of supportive relations and well-being in Greece at different levels of analysis based on results from three studies: (a) the European Social Survey (Study 1); (b) a cross sectional community study in Greece (Study 2); and (c) a social interactions study in Greece and the UK using an event sampling methodology (Study 3). Structural indicators of social support and life satisfaction and happiness in the first study were moderately associated. This finding was partly supported by results from the second study which revealed connections between some structural aspects of social support and well-being (happiness, anxiety, irritability) but not others. Functional aspects of social support and psychological indicators of well-being (happiness, anxiety, mental health) at the individual (Study 2) and social interaction (Study 3) levels were not associated. Cross-cultural comparisons of structural indicators of social support in Studies 1 and 3 revealed low frequency of social interactions. Also functional aspects of social support in everyday social interactions in Greece showed significantly lower levels in comparison to the UK. These findings suggest that structural and functional aspects of social support in Greece may not have the same palliative role as usually observed in the international literature and are discussed with particular attention to the level of analysis, the method, and the aspect of well-being being assessed. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','k.kafetsios@psy.soc.uoc.gr','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-05 11:35:26','','Waiting'),(143,'Relationship networks and well being in contemporary Greek Society: A multiple level approach','Relationship networks and well being in contemporary Greek Society: A multiple level approach',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An extensive and coherent body of social and psychological research identifies supportive personal and social networks as important causal and moderating factors for emotional and physical health and quality of life (e.g., House, Landis, & Umbertson, 1988). Hence, results from a recent large European study (www.ekke.gr/ess) that recorded significant and unexpectedly lower rates of social networking, happiness and life satisfaction in Greece (in comparison with the other European countries) were intriguing, especially in light of established ideas about cultural values and social networking (extensive social networks and quality of life in more collectivist). The paper will present further evidence from two studies (Kafetsios, 2002. Kafetsios & Nezlek, 2003) that looked at aspects of relating and wellbeing across the life course in Northern Greece and partly concur with the EKKE results. The first, cross-sectional study of 239 participants, demonstrated a higher impact of personality variables over the rather weaker influence of relational (social support, frequency of interactions etc.) variables on wellbeing. The second, diary study, targeted the mediating factors of positive and negative emotion and social support in every day interactions during the period of one week in Greece and the UK. The discussion will focus on the psychological and social factors that act simultaneously at different levels of analysis (individual, interactional, relational, social and cultural), to impact psychological wellbeing and the quality of life in Modern Greek Society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','k.kafetsios@psy.soc.uoc.gr',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(144,'Knowing what is good for you. Empirical analysis of personal preferences and the \"objective good\"','Knowing what is good for you. Empirical analysis of personal preferences and the \"objective good\"',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aims to test empirically if certain frequently used measures of well-being, which are regarded as valuable properties of human life, are actually desired by people. In other words, it investigates whether the “expert judgments” in social science overlap with social consensus on what the “good life” is. The starting hypothesis is that there is an overlap between these two in the case of basic needs. For the analysis, individuals’ self-reported life satisfaction is used as a proxy for “utility”, based on survey data, which includes about 30,000 individuals from 21 different European countries. The results indicate that the commonly used measures of well-being – labour market situation, health, housing conditions and social relations – significantly influence people\'s satisfaction, ceteris paribus. Next, the stability of preferences is tested using Hungarian data from the 1990s. The results indicate that there was only very limited change in the relationship between life satisfaction and basic measures of well-being despite the landslide of societal and economic transformation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lelkes@euro.centre.org','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 15:33:28','','Waiting'),(145,'The right in relating: Social networks and psychological well-being in Modern Greek Society','The right in relating: Social networks and psychological well-being in Modern Greek Society',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The right in relating: Social networks and\npsychological well-being in Modern Greek Society.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','k.kafetsios@psy.soc.uoc.gr',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(146,'Civic Society and the Family: On the Formation of Social Capital in Europe','Civic Society and the Family: On the Formation of Social Capital in Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Civic Society and the Family: On the Formation of Social Capital in Europe.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','marbach@dji.de',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(147,'Have education, will share?','Cine are carte, imparte?',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Have education, will share. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(148,'Romania, one of the most elitist countries in the world','Romania, one of the most elitist countries in the world',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Romania, one of the most elitist countries in the world.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(149,'European Social Survey (ESS)','Der European Social Survey (ESS): Neue Analysemöglichkeiten für die international vergleichende empirische Sozialforschung',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey (ESS',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 15:35:52','','Waiting'),(150,'Value Orientations in Europe: One Kind of European Identity?','Value Orientations in Europe: One Kind of European Identity?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is argued that dominant values and their relation to each other partly shape a society and thus determine its identity to a respectable degree. In my attempt to capture European iden-tity, I analyse value orientations designed by Shalom H. Schwartz and take data from the ESS 2003 (Jowell, NSD). The analysis of values leads towards numerous other questions:\n1. Are values contested within and across European societies, i.e. can meaningful variances be observed concerning value orientations?\n2. To what degree do people differentiate commitment to particular values (individually), or: How many answer categories are truly necessary to decide whether people identify/do not identify with a particular value or not?\n3. What do suggested (Schwartz) corrections of data, e.g. centralization, mean as regards content and what do those imply for statistical analysis and interpretation of value orientations?\nIn the paper I address these and other methodological aspects of measuring Basic Human Values by comparing statistical results with various computed data. I stick to raw data from the ESS, apply the suggested sentralizations by Schwartz, dichotomise value orientations in alternative ways and apply a wide set of statistical methods in national and comparative international perspectives. Methods applied are: preliminary basic univariate and bivariate description of value orientations (correlations), cluster analysis and exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. The main conclusions are: survey designers shall rethink the necessity of multi-answer categories and thus emphasize/support the development/application of statistical methods for the analysis of categorical data as some questions are easier/more meaningful to answer with a small number of categories. Social research shall disassociate from the unquestioned use of “metric”variables. Data corrections and manipulations should only be applied if interpretation allows for it.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(151,'Social Values: Salience and Consensus in 10 European Countries','Social Values: Salience and Consensus in 10 European Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this presentation we analyse social values salience and consensus in Europe and whether they are predicted by individual and/or contextual variables. The analysis is based on data collected in the European Social survey 2002. We analyse the 10 basic values structure proposed by Schwartz, which can be summarized with two orthogonal dimensions: self-enhancement vs. self-transcendence (opposing power and achievement values to universalism and benevolence values) and openness to change vs. conservatism (opposing self-direction and stimulation values to security, conformity and tradition). The basic values structure proposed by Schwartz was found in several studies (e.g.  Schwartz, 1992, 1994, 2003; Schwartz & Sagiv, 1995) and its measurement equivalence validated in 21 countries (e.g. Spini, 2003). The questions addressed are: a) Are there any differences in the salience of the 10 values across Europe?; b) What is the degree of value homogeneity across countries; c) What are the individual and contextual predictors of those values? Multilevel analysis will be performed in order to analyse the predictors of basic values salience and consensus. GDPpp will be used as contextual predictor.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(152,'Attitudes and Values of the Europeans: A Gender Perspective','Attitudes and Values of the Europeans: A Gender Perspective',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper is based on the data provided by the \"European Social Survey\", a survey that aims to measure and interpret changes occurring, along the time, in the attitudes, perceptions and social behaviour of the Europeans, and their interaction with the changes in the economic, social and political spheres. The data is from 2002, the first wave of enquiries (Round 1), and is available for 21 countries. Although it is known that the differences within sexes are much more significant than the differences between sexes, the tendency is to overstress the later ones. In this paper we analyse, in a transversal perspective centred on gender, all the answers of the questionnaire, addressing some of the main issues of the survey like the exposition to media, politics, the subjective perception of well-being and security and human values and trying to evaluate differences and similarities between men and women. What will prevail? Differences or similarities?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(153,'Citizen Support for the Welfare State: Determinants of Preferences for Income Redistribution','Citizen Support for the Welfare State: Determinants of Preferences for Income Redistribution',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores the determinants of individual level support for income redistribution by the government. It argues that there are two sources of preference formation when it comes to redistribution. People are either in favor of income redistribution because they are disadvantaged, or they favor redistribution as a means to insure against income shocks. The paper explores both logics, but focuses on the latter. Four risk factors are hypothesizes to influence an individual’s preferences over income redistribution: a) structural change; b) exposure to international competition; c) specificity of skills; and d) occupational unemployment. Some of these measures are novel. The paper relies on the European Social Survey 2002/2003 in order to test the formulated hypotheses. The results show that a) skill specificity and occupational unemployment are important determinants of individual preferences over redistribution whereas b) structural change and exposure to international competition are not.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2016-01-20 15:00:41','','Waiting'),(154,'Methodological advances on the ESS: A mixed mode future?','Methodological advances on the ESS: A mixed mode future?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Methodological advances on the ESS: A mixed mode future?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2014-09-19 17:02:10','','Waiting'),(155,'What Determines Willingness to Accept Immigrants into One’s Country?','What Determines Willingness to Accept Immigrants into One’s Country?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What Determines Willingness to Accept Immigrants into One’s Country?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(156,'Ambition and Jealousy: Income Interactions in the “Old” Europe versus the “New” Europe and the United States','Ambition and Jealousy: Income Interactions in the “Old” Europe versus the “New” Europe and the United States',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper asks how income distribution affects individual well-being and tries to explore the idea that this relation depends on the degree of mobility and uncertainty in the economy. It mostly concentrates on the relation between satisfaction and reference income (defined as the income of one’s professional peers), and hinges on the micro-econometric analysis of household survey data (mostly panel), including subjective attitudinal questions. Using over one million observations, it uncovers a divide between \"old\" -low mobility- European countries versus \"new\" European post-Transition countries and the United States. Whereas \"jealousy\" is dominant in the former, \"ambition\" is even stronger in the latter.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','senik@pse.ens.fr',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(158,'How to reach the respondent and persuade him/her to take part in the interview','Jak dotrzeć do respondenta i skłonić go do udziału w badaniu',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How to reach the respondent and persuade him/her to take part in the interview.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2014-01-22 13:16:06','','Waiting'),(159,'Methodology of European Social Survey','Metodologia badania Europejski Sondaż Społeczny',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Methodology of European Social Survey.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2014-01-22 13:22:06','','Waiting'),(160,'Perceptions of the economic and cultural impact of immigrants by people at work in Europe: A causal analysis','Perceptions of the economic and cultural impact of immigrants by people at work in Europe: A causal analysis',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Perceptions of the economic and cultural impact of immigrants by people at work in Europe: A causal analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(161,'European Social Survey vs. other international survey research. What can one learn from comparative analysis','Europejski Sondaż Społeczny a inne międzynarodowe badania surveyowe. Czego można nauczyć się z analiz porównawczych',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey vs. other international survey research. What can one learn from comparative analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(162,'Just one Poland or many different countries?','Polska jedna czy wiele?',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Just one Poland or many different countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(163,'Design Effects for Multiple Design Samples','Design Effects for Multiple Design Samples',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In some situations the sample design of a survey is rather complex, consisting of fundamentally different designs in different domains. The design effect for estimates based upon the total sample is a weighted sum of the domain-specific design effects. We derive these weights under an appropriate model and illustrate their use with data from the European Social Survey (ESS).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','siegfried.gabler@gesis.org',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(164,'Methods for achieving equivalence of samples in cross-national surveys: the European Social Survey experience','Methods for achieving equivalence of samples in cross-national surveys: the European Social Survey experience',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Most surveys carried out at national or sub-national level involve a single sample design and sampling frame.  Where multiple frames are used, they are typically used to access different sub-populations.  For cross-national surveys, however, it is usually necessary to use a different design in each nation to sample from an analogous national population.  Cross-national sampling frames are rare. In this article, we describe procedures used to obtain equivalence of sample designs in 22 nations in round 1 of the European Social Survey. We evaluate the implementation of the procedures and we summarise lessons for the design of cross-national surveys.  We focus particularly on novel aspects of the procedures.  These include specification of national sample sizes in terms of “effective sample size” and provision of guidelines on how to predict design effect components and how to use the predictions to determine the necessary sample size.  We also discuss procedures for interaction between the various parties involved: the ESS central co-ordinating team, the ESS sampling panel, national co-ordinators and field work organisations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','plynn@essex.ac.uk',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(165,'Changing Youth Labour Markets, Welfare Institutions and Young People\'s Control over Working Time','Changing Youth Labour Markets, Welfare Institutions and Young People\'s Control over Working Time',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The objective of this article is to examine the ways in which young people\'s control over working time is related to phenomena originating in recent trends in European youth labour markets such as the rise in temporary employment and the increasing importance of active labour market policies. The heuristic concept of social chronotopy is introduced to capture the interrelatedness of social time and social space, considering how the value of young people\'s working time is dependent upon their own contractual status, and the market and welfare institutional context in which they find themselves. In comparative multilevel analyses of survey data, self-reported control over working time is found to be adversely affected by being temporarily employed and finding oneself in a national context of low income replacement for unemployed youth and being confronted with a troublesome youth labour market characterized by the lack of jobs, the lack of permanent jobs, and the lack of spending on active labour market policies. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-10 10:32:31','','Waiting'),(166,'Active Citizenship and Satisfaction with Democracy in Europe','Aktivní občanství a spokojenost s demokracií v Evropě',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article the authors describe what forms of political participation, outside the electoral process, the populations of twenty-one European countries tend to employ and to what degree. They identify three types of non-electoral political participation: active-conventional, active-demonstrational, and passive participation.Overall non-electoral political participation is considerably lower in the post-communist and Mediterranean countries than in the Western European and Scandinavian countries. In the latter countries the passive type of political participation is clearly a much stronger form of participation than the other two types. Conversely, in the Mediterranean countries passive participation is weaker and is exceeded in places by the active-conventional type of participation. The Mediterranean area is also notable for the unusually strong presence of the activedemonstrational type of participation. The authors also examine the social micro and macro-conditions related to these three types of political participation. In conclusion they attempt to address the question of whether there is a connection between political activity and satisfaction with the way democracy works.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','klara.plecita@soc.cas.cz','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2009-01-26 16:10:32','','Waiting'),(167,'Measuring Value Orientations with the Use of S. H. Schwartz\'s Value Portraits','Měření hodnotových orientací metodou hodnotových portrétů S. H. Schwartze',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article acquaints readers with two methods of measuring value orientations developed by S. H. Schwartz. Particular attention is devoted to the Portrait Values Questionnaire, which was used in the European Social Survey in 2002. Using the data file from the survey, the author shows how four types of  \"higher order\" values are represented among the Czech population and how value priorities influence a person\'s position in the social structure. The article also presents an international comparison.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','blanka.rehakova@soc.cas.cz',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(168,'Measuring Value Orientations with the Use of S. H. Schwartz\'s Value Portraits','Measuring Value Orientations with the Use of S. H. Schwartz\'s Value Portraits',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study acquaints readers with two methods of measuring value orientations developed by S. H. Schwartz. Attention is focused especially on the Portrait Values Questionnaire that was used in the European Social Survey in 2002 and 2004. The analysis in the study uses ESS 2002 data sets from ten selected countries (the Czech Republic, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Slovenia, Spain, Switzerland) and creates four higher order value types (conservation, openess to change, self-transcendence, self-enhancement). It is then shown how strongly these types are represented in each of the countries included in the analysis and how the percentages of represented types change in relation to sex, age, education, and religiosity. For the Czech republic the odds of each of the types are modelled in relation to age, education, and religiosity. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','blanka.rehakova@soc.cas.cz',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(169,'Attitudes towards Immigrants and the Impact of Migration in Selected European Countries','Postoje k imigrantům a dopadům migrace v evropských zemích ',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article focuses on a comparison of attitudes towards migration based on data from the European Social Survey 2002. It looks at the question of whether attitudes towards immigrants are related to the numbers and structure of immigrants in country. Three thematic areas of attitudes towards migration are examined: 1) the host population’s willingness to accept immigrants; 2) perceptions of the impact of immigration on the host country; 3) attitudes towards different forms of integration of immigrants. \nThe findings indicate the Europeans are more willing to accept migrants that are of the same race and from Europe than they are migrants of different race and from states outside Europe. The strongest unwillingness to accept people from other states and the strongest emphasis on the negative impact was observed in Greece and Hungary, while the strongest willingness to accept immigrants was found in Sweden and Switzerland and was connected with more positive perception of the impact of immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jana.chaloupkova@soc.cas.cz',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(170,'Satisfaction with Life, Happiness, and Family Status in Twenty-one European Countries','Satisfaction with Life, Happiness, and Family Status in Twenty-one European Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article focuses on the relationship between marital status and life satisfaction in the countries of Europe. The first part of the article discusses subjective evaluations of life satisfaction and the theoretical concepts that explain differences in the levels of life satisfaction according to marital status. The second part of the article is devoted to empirical analyses of data from the European Social Survey (ESS), the results of which indicate that in the countries studied married people tend to be more satisfied with life than others, even though the strength of this effect varies. The differences in the effect of marriage cannot be ascribed to a given society\'s divorce rate. In some countries the life satisfaction of the cohabiting population is almost as high as for married people, while in other countries it is closer to the level of life satisfaction observed among single people, and in other countries the level of satisfaction of the cohabiting individuals lies midway between married and single people.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dana.hamplova@soc.cas.cz',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(171,'Measuring Educational Attainment in Cross-National Surveys: The Case of the European Social Survey','Measuring Educational Attainment in Cross-National Surveys: The Case of the European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Educational attainment is a core social background variable covered in each and every single social survey. Cross-national surveys are particularly vulnerable to sub-optimal measurement of education. In this paper, the cross-national measurement of educational attainment is evaluated using data of the European Social Survey (ESS). After discussing some theoretical background of the comparable measurement of education generally, the most commonly used comparable measures are introduced. A brief overview over previous evaluations is given. In the main part of the paper, the implementation of a simplified version of the International Standard Classification of Education 1997 (ISCED–97) in the ESS is discussed and evaluated in several ways: By looking at the consistency of the reclassification of national education variables into the comparable variable; at how the comparable variable is distributed, how much explanatory power of educational attainment is lost by harmonising the national variables (using occupational status as the criterion), and which steps of the harmonisation process affect the results most strongly in the single countries. Finally, an alternative way of simplifying ISCED–97 is proposed, which could improve the measure’s comparability and predictive power.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Silke.Schneider@nuffield.ox.ac.uk',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(172,'Anti-Immigrant Attitudes in Europe: Outgroup Size and Perceived Ethnic Threat','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study focuses on ethnic competition as a contextual explanation of cross-national differences in anti-immigrant prejudice. It contributes to the existing literature by refining the concept of ethnic competition into a socio-economic and a cultural aspect, which is reflected in two different measures of outgroup size. To improve cross-national comparability, the outgroup size measure is based on foreign country of birth instead of citizenship. Moreover, as outgroup size does not only measure competition, but also contact opportunities and familiarity with immigration, intergroup contact theory is taken into account and a non-linear relationship between outgroup size and perceived ethnic threat is tested. This study employs multi-level linear regression and uses the first wave data set of the European Social Survey. The main conclusions of this analysis are that economic and social competition between groups might play a lesser role in the explanation of cross-national differences in anti-immigrant attitudes than often assumed, and that it might be rather lacking familiarity and fear of conflict over values and culture that drive the relationship between outgroup size and anti-immigrant attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: October 8, 2007','Silke.Schneider@nuffield.ox.ac.uk','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-08 12:14:59','','Waiting'),(173,'Social Risk, Policy Dissatisfaction, and Political Alienation. A Comparision of Six European Countries','Social Risk, Policy Dissatisfaction, and Political Alienation. A Comparision of Six European Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter presents the hypothesis that in times of social welfare retrenchment groups at social risk might under certain cirumstances turn their back to politics, that is evolve political alienation. The causal mechanism is from a moral economy perspective expected to be policy dissatisfaction where the policies don\'t fullfill expectations  In contrast to earlier studies on \"the marginalization hypothesis\" political alienation is defined as the combination of low political interest and low political trust. The analysis is performed on six countries, two from each welfare regime where on has experienced severe retrenchment and the other less severe retrenchment over the last decades. The countries are Belgium, Germany, Netherlands, Norway , Sweden and the UK. The findings show a stronger effect of social risk position and policy dissatisfaction in countries with more retrenchment within each welfare regime type, and the strongest effect is found in Sweden, where the expectations on the \"generous\" welfare state could be expected to be high and the dissatisfaction stemming from retrenchments consequently be stronger.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Maria.Oskarsonol@gu.se',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(174,'Trends in nonresponse of Czech survey research after 1990','Trendy ve vývoji výpadků návratnosti českých šetření po roce 1990',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Non-response rates among Czech respondents in surveys between 1995 and 2005 were almost twice the rate between 1991 and 1995. Such trends point to a decline in the \"survey climate\". While non-contacts and refusals are a significant problem, issues relating to how fieldwork is undertaken are equally important. The large fluctuations in non-contacts and the relative success of the Czech Statistical Office and the ESS II. survey demonstrates that prudent surveying strategies can be effective. The article includes also international comparison of response rates based on ESS data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','krejci@soc.cas.cz',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(175,'Non-Response in Probability Sample Surveys in the Czech Republic','Non-Response in Probability Sample Surveys in the Czech Republic',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article the problem of survey non-response is examined with special reference to probability sampling in the Czech Republic. Non-response rates among Czech respondents in ISSP surveys between 1995 and 2005 were almost twice the rate recorded between 1991 and 1995 (25%). Such trends point to a decline in the ‘survey climate’. While non-contacts and refusals in surveys are a significant problem, issues relating to how fieldwork is undertaken are equally important. The large fluctuations in non-contact rates and the relative success of the Czech Statistical Office in attenuating non-response rates demonstrates that prudent surveying strategies can be effective. An examination of two waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) reveals both the problems and potential strategies available for response rate enhancement. In this respect, all survey designers face the dilemma of balancing the benefits of data accuracy with increasing logistical costs. Improvement in survey quality necessitates consideration of many issues and the ability to make sensible trade-offs between competing research objectives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','krejci@soc.cas.cz',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(176,'Conditions for conducting sample surveys in the Czech Republic','Podminky pro realizaci vyberovych setreni v Ceske republice',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study recaps major conditions bearing upon the quality of sample surveys in the Czech Republic. It addresses the tradition of surveys, the breadth and depth of the expert background, the market environment and competition, the possibilities of applying adequate methods for representative population surveys and the measure of willingness of the public to participate in such surveys. The goal is to provide a brief overview of the situation, provide an international comparison and address some options how to face existing unfavourable conditions. The social survey industry in the Czech Republic is quickly developing but the field is liable to a handicap following from the negative developments in the past. Social sciences still represent a negligible fraction of the total research sector. Nonetheless, there is a large domestic market with strong links to global economic competition. Furthermore, the ability to reach the Czech public for survey purposes has decreased. What is problematic is an access to sampling frames, the willingness of the public to participate in surveys and the possibility to contact selected respondents have decreased. Similar problems are, however, not unknown abroad and a number of countries are currently battling such problems as well. The international comparison of conditions is based also on the ESS data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','krejci@soc.cas.cz',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(177,'Differences in political participation between young and old people','Differences in political participation between young and old people',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Young people’s political participation is often considered to be low or insufficient. In the literature we find three possible explanations for these findings: young people have fewer resources for political participation because of ‘lifecycle effects’; secondly, they prefer different forms of participation than those practiced by adults, and these forms are not always surveyed; thirdly, young people have a very limited conception of politics and display lower levels of trust, interest, … than do older respondents. However, these results depend a lot on the survey population of the research. Lifecycle effects, for instance, have a greater impact on voting attitudes than on other forms of political participation, and young people prefer different forms of political participation than do older people. Finally, while young people negatively view political parties, their levels of trust and interest do not differ significantly from those of the adult population.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-10 10:38:57','','Waiting'),(178,'Social capital and public policy formation: An emphasis on Greek regions','Social capital and public policy formation: An emphasis on Greek regions',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social factors constitute a significant element in the multidimensional concept of sustainable development. In this context, sustainability has been linked to one of the most successful terms deriving from the field of sociology in the last decades: social capital. The aim of this article is to contribute to this discussion by indicating the significance of social capital during the formation of public policies and the need to develop measurement techniques for this purpose. The article is divided in two parts. In the first part a brief description of the term social capital is presented, followed by the main links which connect social capital with public policies and an example from the field of environmental policy. From this analysis, the importance of including social capital during the formation of public policies is indicated, a fact that is facilitated by recent development on measurement techniques. The second part of the article will emphasize on the measurement and analysis of social capital specifically in Greece. In particular, by the use of data from European Social Survey of 2002/2003 we measure social capital in the 13 Greek Peripheries (NUTS II). Through the analysis it is indicated that measuring social capital may reveal significant social characteristics which should be taken into consideration during the planning and implementation of public policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jones@env.aegean.gr',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(179,'The parental employment context','The parental employment context',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Figure 3.8 is derived from ESS 2002/3 - Percentage of mothers and fathers having a good degree of control over their working lives.\nSummary of the book that the figure appears in: This book is a comparative study of family change, parental employment and social policy in the five Nordic countries, the Netherlands, Germany and the United Kingdom. In all these countries family forms have been profoundly affected by lower fertility rates, lower marriage rates, increased cohabitation, higher risks of relationship breakdown and episodes of lone parenthood. These changes have also been linked to an increase in the proportion of mothers participating in the labour market. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jrb1@york.ac.uk',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(180,'Health and Happiness','Health and Happiness',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Given the closeness of the concepts, the lack of links in the research literature between studies of general health and happiness may come as a surprise. The study of these subjects has been considered as different fields; the first mainly located within public health and the second within the field of quality of life. In this chapter we pursue the following three research questions: Do the ranking of the European countries on these two dimensions concur? Second, do the social inequalities in health and happiness show the same general pattern? Can the observed country differences be explained by compositional effects or macro characteristics of the countries? The paper addresses these questions by means of a multilevel analysis of data from the 2002 and 2004 rounds of the European Social Survey. First, the general picture is of consistency between the ranking of the countries on the two dimensions of health and happiness. Second, the inequalities in general health and happiness largely confirmed earlier research in that people with higher socio-economic status and good social support were found to be in better health and being happier than others. And finally, we found that the about a third of the country differences in health and happiness may be explained by compositional effects and about another third may be explained by the country level characteristics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-04-14 14:44:20','','Waiting'),(181,'A Comparison of Two Ways of Measuring Level of Education in Norway: Questions in Survey Interviews versus Register Data','A Comparison of Two Ways of Measuring Level of Education in Norway: Questions in Survey Interviews versus Register Data',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is well known that there are discrepancies between information in interview about individual behaviour and the actual behaviour. In some instances responses in interviews may be checked against register data: driving license, library card, and the act of voting in national elections. The latter has been examined in Norway and the evidence indicates that data from the interviews results in higher estimates of turnout than actual the turnout. \nIn several Norwegian surveys we have experienced that the distribution in level of education based on the survey shows a larger proportion of the highest levels compared to official statistics on education. In this study we will compare measures of the level of education in Norway based on interview questions with aggregated and individual level estimates based on register data. We will estimate the amount of discrepancies in the two ways of measuring level of education and also try to explain the differences. We will test three hypotheses on why such differences may be observed. The non-response hypothesis implies that there is a positive correlation between levels of education and the willingness to participate in surveys. If this is so, the marginal distribution of levels of education obtained from the interviews will be more positively skewed than the one based on register data. The artefact hypothesis implies that the observed discrepancies are mainly due to artefacts, especially errors in the registers. The social desirability hypothesis simply states that social desirable activities or characteristics will be over-reported, and undesirable ones will be underreported. This will create systematic measurement error. In modern society high education is generally regarded as desirable, therefore some exaggeration of the actual level of education will result from survey interviews. \nFurthermore, since we expect rare characteristics to be less often over-reported than common ones, we expect the effect of social desirability on over-reporting university level education will to be stronger for younger than for old people. On the other hand, memory problems will be positively correlated with age. This may result in more random errors for older than younger respondents.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(182,'Free and immediate access','Free and immediate access',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Free and immediate access to data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Kirstine.Kolsrud@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(183,'Social Class in Europe. European Social Survey 2002/3','Social Class in Europe. European Social Survey 2002/3',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this report is to promote class- and stratification research in European survey research in general, and European Social Survey (ESS) in particular. Our goal is also to encourage European researchers to use a broader range of class schemes and to present a guide on how to use these models. As a result of this project we are able to present an updated picture of European class structure and answer questions on how social class corresponds to various welfare indicators.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(184,'Class Analysis in Theory and Practice. Norwegian Work-Life 1980-2003','Klasseanalyse i teori og praksis. Norsk arbeidsliv 1920-2003',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Class Analysis in Theory and Practice. Norwegian Work-Life 1980-2003.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(185,'From Occupations to Classes: Goldthorpe, Esping Andersen and Wrigts Class Schemes in Europe','From Occupations to Classes: Goldthorpe, Esping Andersen and Wrigts Class Schemes in Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'From Occupations to Classes: Goldthorpe, Esping Andersen and Wrigts Class Schemes in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(186,'Slovenian Values in a European Context','Slovenian Values in a European Context',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Slovenian Values in a European Context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(187,'Trust in political institutions','Trust in political institutions',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter we investigate how the Nordic countries rank on political trust in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-04-14 14:50:02','','Waiting'),(188,'Health and happiness in Europe: A multilevel analysis of data from the European Social Survey','Health and happiness in Europe: A multilevel analysis of data from the European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Health and happiness in Europe: A multilevel analysis of data from the European Social Survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(189,'Economic Morality','Economic Morality',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Economic Morality',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(190,'It is the eyes and not the size that matters: The real and the perceived size of immigrant populations and anti-immigrant immigrant prejudice in Western Europe','It is the eyes and not the size that matters: The real and the perceived size of immigrant populations and anti-immigrant immigrant prejudice in Western Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is the eyes and not the size that matters: The real and the perceived size of immigrant populations and anti-immigrant immigrant prejudice in Western Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(191,'Social Differences in Health between Norway and Spain','Sosial ulikhet i helse i Norge og Spania',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social Differences in Health between Norway and Spain.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(192,'The European Social Survey','Den europeiske samfunnsundersøkelsen',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(193,'Political Action','Political Action',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political Action.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(194,'Norway in Europe. Results from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002','Norge i Europa. Resultater fra Den europeiske samfunnsundersøkelsen 2002',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Norway in Europe. Results from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(196,'test','',22,NULL,NULL,NULL,'test',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a@b.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-06-08 11:48:57','','Waiting'),(198,'Fieldwork details in the European Social Survey 2002/2003','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The objective of the survey interview is to collect information about the population under study in a uniform and reliable way (Weinberg 1983: 329ff). For every survey data collection is a critical part of the survey process. In contrast to other parts of the survey process, like questionnaire development e.g., data collection is not in the hands of the researcher. In order to implement a face-to-face survey, the researcher usually has to cooperate with a survey organisation and its interviewers.\n\nIn face-to-face surveys, the whole process of data collection consists of decentralised operations of lots of interviewers. That makes it often difficult to gain insights in what is actually happening in the field. Therefore, fieldwork sometimes has been called to be a \"black box\". This assertion holds for a survey in a single country. It holds even more, if we turn to cross-national surveys, where several countries and survey organisations are involved. Here, quite often only aggregate information about issues like the number of interviews realized, the length of the fieldwork period, etc. are available.\n\nThe present paper tries to go a step beyond this. It provides more detailed information on several aspects of fieldwork in the European Social Survey (ESS). The ESS is a new multi-country biennial survey, which follows very high methodological standards and aims to improve survey methods and documentation of the whole survey process. In the years 2002 and 2003, the first Round of ESS was fielded as a face-to-face survey in 22 European countries.\n\nThe paper starts with a brief introduction of the ESS in section 2. In section 3 we provide some basic data on fieldwork in ESS Round 1 (number of achieved interviews, length of fieldwork period, number of interviewers). In section 4 we proceed with information on various more detailed aspects of the work of the interviewers. The main focus is on the actual interviewing task of the interviewers, in particular the temporal aspects of their work.  The issues analysed include the average number of interviews realized per day; the day and time when interviews are made; the length of the start-up phase until interviewers do complete their first interview; and the length of the time period interviewers are actually engaged in realizing interviews. With this information available, we can detect characteristic differences and similarities in the work of the interviewers across countries. Do these reported fieldwork details matter? In section 5 we do some exemplary correlational analyses. First, we examine whether there is a relationship between the fieldwork details described and the length of the fieldwork period in the ESS countries. Second, we investigate, whether there is a correlation between the timing of the interviews and data quality, concrete: the proportion of people in paid work included in the sample. In the conclusions in section 6 the need to replicate these analyses with other data sets is discussed.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','achim.koch@gesis.org',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(199,'Telephone versus face-to-face interviewing: Mode effects on data quality and likely causes (Report on Phase II of the ESS-Gallup Mixed Mode Methodology Project)','Telephone versus face-to-face interviewing: Mode effects on data quality and likely causes (Report on Phase II of the ESS-Gallup Mixed Mode Methodology Project)',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report presents findings from an experimental study carried out in the context of the European Social Survey, to assess the impact a change in data collection mode from the current face-to-face interviewing to telephone might have on data quality and to study the likely causes of any observed mode effects. Evidence from previous studies suggests which differences in response can be expected between telephone and face-to-face interviewing and also suggests likely causes of such differences. Previous empirical studies are, however, often limited in their ability to isolate different causes. The experimental design enabled us to distinguish mode effects caused by differences in the type of question stimulus used in each mode (audio vs. visual) and mode effects caused by the presence or absence of the interviewer. The design included three comparison groups (two interviewed face-to-face (one with showcards, one without) and the third by telephone). We found evidence of effects caused by the presence of the interviewer, but few stimulus effects. We tested a number of hypotheses about the likely causes of mode effects on response, focusing on three forms of satisficing and social desirability bias. We found no evidence that using showcards influenced response quality, either positively or negatively. Unlike previous studies, we found no support for the hypothesis that telephone respondents were more likely to satisfice.  However, consistent with our expectations, we did find telephone respondents were more likely to give socially desirable responses across a range of indicators.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The data analysed for this report are from an experiment run alongside the main ESS.','c.e.roberts@city.ac.uk','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2014-09-19 17:02:33','','Waiting'),(200,'Political Trust, Satisfaction and Voter Turnout','Political Trust, Satisfaction and Voter Turnout',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article studies how citizens\' evaluations of the political system and its actors affect their propensity to vote. Based on the earlier theoretical and empirical research, we analyse the concepts of political trust and satisfaction that are often used in survey research. We argue that political trust has to do with the normative expectations towards political institutions and actors, whereas satisfaction may be regarded as an indicator of attitudes to policy outputs. Furthermore, we differentiate between attitudes to democratic system on the one hand and political actors on the other hand, because in representative democracies it should be possible to replace incumbent politicians at elections. We hypothesize that trust in parliament and satisfaction with democracy increase turnout, whereas trust in politicians has a smaller impact on turnout, and satisfaction with the incumbent government does not affect turnout at all. The empirical evidence is based on the first round of the European Social Survey, which was collected simultaneously in 22 countries in 2002–2003. Our analysis confirms that trust in parliament has a positive impact on turnout, and also satisfaction with democracy increases it. These effects are especially high when aggregated at a country level and when hard data on turnout are used. At the individual level, in particular trust in parliament increases the likelihood of voting.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kimmo.gronlund@abo.fi','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-09 10:22:46','','Waiting'),(201,'Unjust treatment by businesses and authorities, social trust and subjective well-being. A European comparative study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Scholars agree that justice feelings are part of the individual\'s quality of life. Perceived injustice was found to diminish happiness in microjustice contexts, while at macro-level income inequalities are also correlated with lower subjective well-being. On the other hand, in line with authorities, businesses contribute, by bad market practices and unfair behavior towards consumers, to an increasing feeling of injustice, that is associated with the public erosion of confidence in the institutions of society, either public or private.  The relationship between perceived injustice, social trust and happiness is even more puzzling in post-communist societies, where corruption and unfair market practices are more frequent, but that are also characterized by low levels of trust and subjective well-being. The present paper tries to analyze these relationships in comparative perspective. It benefits from the availability of the second round of European Social Survey (2004/2005), that includes a module called \"Economic Morality in Europe\" focusing on experiences and attitudes linked with people\'s unfair treatment by businesses and authorities. Additionally, reliable measures of interpersonal and social trust, social capital, happiness and life satisfaction are provided in this survey for 22 countries. European citizens show moderate levels of \"consumer victimization\" (were overcharged for undelivered services and bogus repairs, were sold food packed to conceal worse bits, second-hand things that proved faulty, etc.) and had also some experiences with public officials asking them favors/bribe for their services. Nevertheless, a significant part of them worries to be treated dishonestly by businesses and authorities. All these perceptions of social justice are negatively correlated at both individual and national (aggregate) levels with life satisfaction and public confidence. Eastern European nationals have consistently lower perceptions on social justice and lower satisfaction and social trust levels. Empirical correlations are significant even when controlling for interpersonal trust, suggesting that justice feelings are salient for people\'s overall evaluation of their lives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bsergiu2@gmail.com','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2013-11-12 16:42:29','','Waiting'),(202,'Citizenship norms in Central Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on Central Europe stresses the weakness of its civil society and the lack of political and social involvement, neglecting the question: What do people themselves think it means to be a good citizen? This study looks at citizens’ definitions of good citizenship in Poland, Slovenia, the Czech Republic and Hungary, using 2002 European Social Survey data. We concluded that countries’ religious culture and experience with communism have had an impact on citizenship norms. We also tested individual-level theories about the effect of religion and political and social trust on civic norms. We found that the significance of these effects and their relationship differed between countries and that social trust is related differently to civic mindedness in different countries, underscores the importance of taking the specificities of countries into account. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','h.r.coffe@uu.nl',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(203,'Subjective well-being of immigrants in Europe and their evaluation of societal conditions. An exploratory study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Studies available in Europe report a lower quality of life of immigrants, caused by the low place in social structure but also to discriminations in the adopting countries. Until now, this could not be tested in a comparative perspective given the scarcity of the data. This study tries to fill this gap using the first round of European Social Survey (2002/2003), a very robust research that sets new standards in the field. It includes a “citizenship and immigration” module that allows the study of subjective perceptions of immigrants and attitudes of the public towards this group. Moreover, the dimensions of the samples are large enough to permit comparisons between resident foreigners and natives. Results are showing that in almost all countries immigrants report lower levels of subjective well-being and higher levels of perceived discrimination than the rest of the population. Somehow paradoxically, immigrants report higher satisfaction with social and political conditions in the host countries. This proves that social comparison is an important dimension of this subjective evaluation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Link to an electronic version of the article: \nhttp://bsergiu.rdsor.ro/works/capitole/Subjective%20well-being%20of%20immigrants%20in%20Europe.pdf','bsergiu2@gmail.com',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(204,'The Configuration of Symbolic Boundaries against Immigrants in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent studies report significant cross-national variation in the conceptual distinctions or “symbolic boundaries” used by majority groups to construct notions of “us” and “them.” Because this literature compares only a handful of countries, the macro-level forces by which certain symbolic boundaries become more salient than others remain poorly understood. This article provides the first panorama of these processes by comparing the relative salience or “configuration” of multiple symbolic boundaries in 21 European countries. I use fuzzy-set analyses of data from the 2003 European Social Survey to create a typology of symbolic boundary configurations. The results indicate that the symbolic boundaries deployed by the general public do not correspond to the official “philosophies of integration” emphasized in the literature. Moreover, the data suggest previous comparisons have focused too heavily on Western Europe, overlooking important variation in other regions of Europe where immigration began more recently. I generate hypotheses to explain this newfound variation using demographic, socioeconomic, institutional, and historical data from quantitative and qualitative sources. The article concludes with examples of how these hypotheses can be combined by future studies toward a theory of “boundary-work.”',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bail@fas.harvard.edu','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-10 10:42:26','','Waiting'),(205,'Poverty Monitor 2007','Armoedemonitor 2007',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The data presented in this edition of the Poverty Monitor generally cover the period up to and including 2005. The main source of data on household and personal income is the Income Panel Survey (IPO), which is largely based on tax data. The most recent figures relate to 2005; for later years, developments in the proportion of households with a low income and/or an income below the budget-related threshold are extrapolated up to and including 2008 using estimates. In addition, data have also been drawn from the Consumer Economic Survey (CCO) on people’s perception of their own financial position, from the Labour Force Survey (EBB) on the number of employment hours of employees and the self-employed, from research on non-take-up of income provisions (NGI), from the National Survey of Voters (NKO), from research on social exclusion in the Netherlands (SU) and from two data sets containing information on social exclusion in Europe (ESS and EU-SILC).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','voorlichting@scp.nl','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2008-04-07 13:02:51','','Waiting'),(206,'Do Numbers Really Count? Group Threat Theory Revisited ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A specific case of group threat theory states that the size of a given minority has a direct bearing on anti-immigrant attitudes amongst the majority, a hypothesis that has been shown to have some merit, especially in the USA. This article embarks in group threat theory by focusing on the actual as well as on perceived size of a minority under different political circumstances. Data is drawn from the European Social Survey. After using multilevel analysis for 20 European countries, it concludes that neither actual size nor perceived size matter for anti-immigrant attitudes in Europe. Nor does size have any effect under different economic or political contexts. This challenges both the theoretical foundation of this specific case of group threat as well as the European political discourse that claims that immigration needs to be reduced in order to lessen tension and, in the long rung, preserve a stable democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mikael.hjerm@soc.umu.se','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-10 10:44:25','','Waiting'),(207,'Xenophobia','Främlingsfientlighet',3,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An overview of current research about racism, xenopbobia and prejudice.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mikael.hjerm@soc.umu.se',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(208,'Cross-Cultural Measurement Equivalence of Generalized Trust. Evidence from the European Social Survey (2002 and 2004)','Cross-Cultural Measurement Equivalence of Generalized Trust. Evidence from the European Social Survey (2002 and 2004)',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Generalized trust features as the most prominent attitudinal element of social capital, and as such the concept is widely used in comparative research. In this article we investigate the cross-cultural equivalence of the three-item scale on generalized trust that is included in the European Social Survey 2002 and 2004 waves. The use of metric equivalence tests demonstrates that these tree items can be considered as a reliable and cross-culturally valid concept. If we apply the stricter scalar equivalence test, however, the result is that the scale is not sufficiently equivalent across European societies, with especially the item on expecting help from others showing major problems in a number of countries. We close this article by offering some suggestions on how the generalized trust scale might be used in a (sufficiently) reliable manner in cross-cultural research across Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Marc.Hooghe@soc.kuleuven.be','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-05 11:34:37','','Waiting'),(209,'Predispositions to Discriminatory Immigration Policies in Western Europe: An Exploration of Political Causes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We analyse citizens’ predispositions concerning policies of immigrant selection and models of immigrant accommodation as observed by the 2002-3 European Social Survey. We focus on some of the EU’s major countries, namely: Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom, which were chosen because of their different experiences as migration destinations, as well as for the relevance of their immigration policy models and welfare states. On this basis, we compare citizens’ attitudinal inclinations with the policies actually being implemented, and propose interpretations concerning the degree of consistency between both levels. Firstly, we consider attitudes and policies in respect of the discrimination faced by immigrants according to their country of origin and/or economic resources. Secondly, we analyse the attitudes and policies with regard to assimilationist and multicultural integration models. Finally, we examine the recognition of certain rights to migrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','emartinez@cepc.es','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-10 10:48:12','','Waiting'),(210,'Guarding the Gates of Europe: A Typological Analysis of Immigration Attitudes Across 21 Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With data from the European Social Survey (N = 36 602), individual patterns of three immigration attitudes, referred to as gatekeeping attitudes, were investigated within and across 21 European national contexts. Gatekeeping attitudes, akin to blatant and subtle forms of xenophobia, designate the level of endorsement of different admission standards set for immigrants entering European countries, as well as of expulsion criteria for immigrants transgressing norms and laws. A K-means cluster analysis, performed on national majority members’ scores of endorsement of individual (e.g., language and working skills) and categorical (e.g., skin color, religion) entry criteria and individual expulsion (e.g., criminal act, long-term unemployment) criteria, yielded a typology of three constrained combinations of these dimensions. Strict gatekeepers favored all criteria, lenient gatekeepers opposed all criteria, whereas individualist gatekeepers favored individual and opposed categorical criteria. Membership in typology groups was predicted with a generalized prejudiced attitude construct, social status and personal contact with immigrants. Lenient gatekeepers were less homophobic, had a higher education level, felt financially less vulnerable and had more immigrant friends than strict gatekeepers. Individualist gatekeepers held an intermediate position. Variability was observed in all countries, despite the prevalence of a typology group within a given country.  Strict gatekeepers were common among participants from South and East European nations, lenient gatekeepers in Scandinavian countries, and individualist gatekeepers in West European countries. Cross-national differences are discussed in light of European immigration history and policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.green@unil.ch','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-10 10:50:32','','Waiting'),(211,'Non Marital residential autonomy in Europe: Portugal and Finland','Autonomia habitacional não conjugal na Europa: Portugal e Finlândia ',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Circumscribed by the thematic of non marital residential autonomy as a symbolic indicator of the transition to adulthood, the present working paper aims to illustrate the comparative and analytical potential of the European Social Survey – 2004 data, by presenting a first comparative analysis between two countries with different paths to non marital residential autonomy: Portugal and Finland. This analysis contemplates some of the most important variables to the contextualization of this disparity of trajectories to adulthood in these two countries. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','magdalalanda@gmail.com','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2016-09-07 14:10:00','','Waiting'),(212,'The European (un)Happy Planet Index','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'nef’s Happy Planet Index (HPI) is a measure of the ecological efficiency with which human well-being is delivered. In an age of climate change, it gives a better picture of the true health and wealth of nations. Using new data this report reveals that Europe is less carbon efficient now than it was 40 years ago at delivering human well-being in terms of relatively happy, long lives to its citizens. The Index explores why some European countries produce well-being at a much higher cost than others. Strikingly, the research reveals that people are just as likely to lead satisfied lives whether their levels of consumption are very low or high. This means there is huge potential to reduce environmentally damaging consumption, and that good lives don’t have to cost the earth.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','saamah.abdallah@neweconomics.org',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(213,'Social Capital and Political Participation in Europe','Soziales Engagement und politische Partizipation in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the field of political participation research we assume that there are three aspects that influence political participation: (1) the individual position within social inequality structures, with respect to endowment in economic and human capital, (2) political attitudes (especially interest in politics) and (3) individual social capital. It is assumed that all aspects have a positive impact on the different forms of political participation and ultimately, on democracy itself. Using data from the European Social Survey 2002/2003, hypotheses are being tested empirically in 20 European countries; it is specifically tested to see to what extent these explanatory factors and social capitals, affect involvement in different electoral and non electoral forms of political participation. The results show that those effects can be found for the most part to distinguish between different forms of participation. This is particularly true in the aspects of the individual social capital. But those effects seem to be rather notable with respect to certain forms of political participation: civic engagement in voluntary organisations as an aspect of structural social capital, which surprisingly seems to have a positive impact on political participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lippl@sowi.hu-berlin.de',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(214,'Morality in Public Opinion','De moraal in de publieke opinie. Een verkenning van normen en waarden in bevolkingsenquêtes',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An exploration of standards and values in Population Surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(215,'Volunteering up to 2015: a forward study','Toekomstverkenning vrijwillige inzet 2015',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Dutch Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport (VWS) expressed a need for a broad-based forward study of volunteering, to serve as a basis for the Ministry?s policy development. This report is intended to meet that need.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(216,'Religious Changes in the Netherlands. Shifts in Religious Affiliation and Christian Tradition','Godsdienstige veranderingen in Nederland. Verschuivingen in de binding met de kerken en de christelijke traditie',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Religious Changes in the Netherlands. Shifts in  Religious Affiliation and Christian Tradition',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(217,'The Hunt for the Last Respondent. Nonresponse in sample surveys','The Hunt for the Last Respondent. Nonresponse in sample surveys',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\'The only time that suits me is 7 o\'clock on Sunday morning,\' said the adamant refuser.\'OK, I\'ll be there,\' answered the interviewer.\'You really want this interview, don\'t you? Well, you\'d better come in and let\'s get it over with.\'\'This man was not interested in being interviewed at all,\' said one interviewer to the other. \'And then he finally gave in, and then there was no stopping him once he started talking about politics and the European Union\'.Survey researchers in the Netherlands seem to have resigned themselves to low response rates in random sample surveys, despite the fact that the response rate is generally seen as the main indicator of survey quality. This study demonstrates that high response rates are feasible in the Netherlands and describes how these have been attained. Rather than focusing on the rate of response, the aim of this study is to show when nonresponse can cause bias, and to investigate the causes of and the reasons behind nonresponse. It presents the dangers of focusing on socio-demographic and socio-economic background characteristics and ignoring the reasons why these may be correlated with response behaviour, and also discusses the importance of distinguishing between noncontact and noncooperation. Even when response rates have been enhanced substantially, the question remains as to whether higher response rates actually decrease nonresponse bias. In order to investigate this assumption, data have to be available on the response process and on final nonrespondents. This study presents instruments for collecting these data and shows not only that higher response rates do not necessarily result in better data quality, but also that respondents who require the greatest fieldwork efforts are not necessarily similar to final nonrespondents.Based on an extensive overview of the literature and detailed empirical analyses, it is recommended that data collection be approached with the same scientific rigour as sampling and statistical analysis, and that the aim should be to minimize nonresponse bias rather than to maximize the response rate. Hunting for additional respondents may simply result in more of the same; whereas setting aside part of the funding to obtain information about nonrespondents and reluctant respondents provides the means to really open up the black box.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(218,'Behind screens. A quarter of a century reading, listening, watching and using Internet','Behind screens. A quarter of a century reading, listening, watching and using Internet',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Dutch media landscape has undergone far-reaching changes in recent decades. The period between 1975 and 2000 saw the arrival of colour television, hi-fi stereo music installations with cassette decks, video recorders and personal computers in the domestic setting. These were followed by the inevitable introduction of commercial radio and television, as well as the unsuspected rise of the Internet as a leisure medium.This study focuses on the impact of this media diversification on the media use of the Dutch since 1975, looking in turn at printed media, audiovisual media and digital media. A distinction was made in each of these media types into the media provision, ownership of media equipment, media reach and the time devoted to media. The media provision encompasses the total spectrum of news, background information, leisure, music, etc., which is theoretically available for use. Ownership of media equipment relates to the presence of equipment and information carriers in the household. Together, the media provision and media equipment offer a range of options that could not possibly be fully utilised by every individual; choices have to be made. Media reach indicates what proportion of the population uses a particular medium. The time use measure indicates the duration of that use.As media policy is so strongly rooted in broader cultural policy, where possible the role of the media in cultural life also received attention. This was done by focusing on the degree to which media can themselves be regarded as cultural objects and also on the extent to which media play a role in informing people about culture. For example, some books can be regarded as literary in nature, while a proportion of the reports in newspapers, on radio and TV relate to culture. To be able to place the Dutch situation in perspective, the figures for the Netherlands were compared with those for other countries, in particular the 15 member states of the European Union prior to May 2004.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(219,'Social Capital and Empowerment at the Work Place','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Empowerment at the workplace is the range of discretion its incumbent has in order to decide about his or her work. It may be seen from three angles, the core of the task, the environment of the task within the firm, and the opportunities outside the firm. It depends on the firm specific human capital, the personal human capital and the quality of the work place on the one hand, and the presence of unions at the work place and the union membership on the other hand; furthermore it may also depend on the worker’s positive experiences in the civil society. On the level of persons, the impact of these factors will be examined. On the level of countries, furthermore, two hypotheses will be examined: the union efficiency hypothesis that labour relations in favour of the unions increase the mean empowerment, and the substitution hypothesis that the more the labour relations system of a country favours union the less important individual strategies become for the worker in order to attain empowerment.\n\nData source is the European Social Survey 2002 (employed population of 22 countries); It contains a new instrument on empowerment at the work place, and also measures of the work place and the civil engagement of the workers. This instrument will be investigated and countries will be as to the different impact on empowerment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemann@wiso.uni-koeln.de','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2013-01-22 14:16:45','','Waiting'),(221,'Regional divergences and convergences in Belgium. The Walloons and the Flemings confronted with the 275 questions of the European Social Survey','Divergences et Convergences Régionales en Belgique. Les Wallons et les Flamands à l\'épreuve des 275 questions de l\'European Social Survey',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Belgium is a place of political compromises, which evolves as institutional reforms and revisions of the constitution follow each other. Its political scene is stirred by the dramatization of crises, especially between the Flemings and the Walloons, and smoothed by temporary reconciliations. The Belgian data of the European Social Survey provide an experimental base which makes it possible to pose a problem of the future, certainly one of tomorrow’s Europe, the problem of regional diversities. The thread of this work is the comparison between the Flemish and the Walloon answers to the 275 questions of the First Round of the ESS – the answers of Brussels forming an insufficient sample. One discovers many similarities and divergences, sometimes already known, which become more precise, sometimes unexpected, which lead to a first analysis. Undoubtedly, all these successive views convey an image of two peoples with different opinions, attitudes and behavioural patterns. However, at the same time, the Flemings and the Walloons share an identical table of values according to an approach analogous to the Schwartz’s model.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','n.voss@skynet.be',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(222,'The Stability of Political Attitudes and Behaviors across Adolescence and Early Adulthood: A Comparison of Survey Data on Adolescents and Young Adults in Eight Countries','The Stability of Political Attitudes and Behaviors across Adolescence and Early Adulthood: A Comparison of Survey Data on Adolescents and Young Adults in Eight Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The persistence of adolescents’ political attitudes and behaviors into adulthood is a perennial concern in research on developmental psychology. While some authors claim that adolescents’ attitudinal patterns will remain relatively stable throughout the life cycle, others argue that the answers of adolescents in political surveys have but a limited predictive value for their future attitudes and behaviors. In this article, we tackle this question on an aggregate level, by comparing survey data for 14, 18 and 18 to 30 year old respondents from eight European countries (n = resp. 22,620; 20,142 and 2800). We examine political trust, attitudes toward immigrants’ rights and voting behavior. The analysis suggests that country patterns with regard to political trust and attitudes toward immigrant rights are already well established by the age of 14. We find less indications for stability in the relation between intention to vote (for 14 and 18 years olds) and actual voting behavior (for young adults). The latent structure of the political trust scale was found to be equivalent for the three age groups we investigated. We close by offering some suggestions on why attitudinal stability seems stronger than behavioral stability.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Marc.Hooghe@soc.kuleuven.be','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-10 10:52:20','','Waiting'),(223,'State and Market in Market-Oriented Transition: An Investigation Based on Workforce Retirement Age','市场转型过程中的国家与市场——一项基于劳动力退休年龄的考察',29,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The roles of the markets and the state in the market-oriented  transition may be summarized respectively to  \"labor  commercialization\" and \"labor decommercialization\". In  observations of the effects of the market and state respectively  on career duration of retires among the European countries of  mature market, countries of transforming markets in East Europe,  and the Chinese market of great reform, this study testifies the  hypothesis of marketization of labor, the hypothesis of state  welfare, and the hypothesis of socio-economic status (SES) gap.  Findings are also made concerning the distinction between  compensational and incentive expansion of the lifespan of labor  force respectively working on groups of different SES. It is  revealed that during market transition, both processes of \"labor  commercialization\" and \"labor decommercialization\" coexist. The  recess of the power of state does not necessarily lead to the  progress of the market. On the contrary, the strengthening of  providing the welfare by the state on the labor  decommercialization is the important impetus to accelerate the  market transition and growth.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liangyc@ust.hk',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(224,'Universalism Values and the Inclusiveness of our Moral Universe','Universalism Values and the Inclusiveness of our Moral Universe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Inclusiveness of the moral universe refers to the breadth of the community to which people apply moral values and rules of fairness. A preliminary study establishes the values typically viewed as moral. The author indexes moral inclusiveness at the societal level by the number of value items focused on the welfare of non-in-group members that form a distinct region in a multidimensional scaling analysis (MDS), rather than intermixing with moral values that usually relate to the in-group. Three societal characteristics predict inclusiveness of the moral universe across 66 societies: cultural egalitarianism, cultural embeddedness, and level of democratization. Using representative national samples from 21 countries, the author assesses how the societal level of moral inclusiveness influences relations between individuals\' universalism values and their perceptions of immigration, opposition to immigrants from different racial or ethnic groups, and participation in activities that benefit the wider society. Findings suggest that, where moral inclusiveness is high, people understand universalism (but not benevolence) values as applying to all members of society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-05 09:55:23','','Waiting'),(225,'Ukraine and Europe: Outcomes of International Comparative Sociological Survey','Ukraine and Europe: Outcomes of International Comparative Sociological Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Outcomes of International Comparative Sociological Survey in Ukraine and Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(226,'Ukraine and Europe: Outcomes of International Comparative Sociological Survey','Ukraina ta Evropa: resultaty mizhnarodnogo porivnyalnogo sociologichnogo doslidzhennya',28,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Outcomes of International Comparative Sociological Survey in Ukraine and Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(227,'Society – Citizens and Politics: The European Social Survey – ESS','Society – Citizens and Politics: The European Social Survey – ESS',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Society – Citizens and Politics: The European Social Survey – ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-07-19 10:39:47','','Waiting'),(228,'Regression analysis','Regressieanalyse',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Multivariate regression techniques form the subject of part 4 in the range step in statistics and research. Although the regression analysis is without doubt is one of the most used methods within social sciences, it is also applied frequently blindly. In this part the different steps which a research worker follows in the implementation of a regression analysis, are treated. Is taken into account all conditions to which must satisfy such an analysis. The reader not only gets an overview of the working method of multiple regression in SPSS and HOPPER, also assumpties such as linearity and homoscedasticity is treated. We start the part with a short theoretical introduction concerning the regression comparison and estimate method to help the reader on gone with understanding the output. By means of developed examples with ESS-data, afterwards several regression models are explained. We discuss deeper models with several onafhankelijken, categoriale onafhankelijken, interaction impact. After testing assumpties, laying we from which alternative regression techniques can offer a solution for violations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(229,'Uni and bivariate analysis','Uni-en bivariate analyse',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In part 3 of the range \'steps in statistics and research\', a diversity to uni - and bivariate analysis techniques are illuminated. After the first two volumes in the range concerning statistic software and date management, we turn our to the real analysis work. This part is the first that discusses statistic methods to answer socioscientific presentations of questions. At the description or declaration of one phenomenon, are always due date exploration univariate to the basis. Want we information on the consistency between two characteristics, then move over we to a next stage: the bivariate analysis. For both fields in this part the practical working method in SPSS and HOPPER is commented, examples from the ESS (European using Social Survey). we can in this volume be led by making techniques three questions a classification in uni - and bivariate. (1) What is the nature or the meetniveau of the variable which we want study? (2) What do we do want know concerning the variable? (3) How can that knowledge be reflected, in a table or a graphic show? Thus treat we for example how you examine consistency between ordinal variables, how you obtain scatterplot and what means the significantieniveaus at a correlation. All examples are developed in SPSS where Sas-syntax are always also offered so that the analyses can be carried out in both programmes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no',NULL,NULL,'','Waiting'),(230,'Are non-respondents similar to respondents? Findings from the ESS-2004 in Poland','Are non-respondents similar to respondents? Findings from the ESS-2004 in Poland',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Poland, like in other countries, participation in surveys is declining over time. The growing non-response rates increase a risk of systematic bias of the results depending on the differences between non-respondents and respondents. In this article we attempt to assess how different are non-respondents from the survey participants in Poland. I approaching this question we refer to the two basic hypotheses concerning non-responses. The first hypothesis concerns the relationship between participation in surveys and the socio economic status (SES); the second hypothesis concerns relationship between the participation and social involvement/social isolation, and liberalism/conservatism. These hypotheses are tested using data from the pilot study of the European Social Survey 2004 and the main ESS 2004. Our analyses reveal that both the socio-demographic and the socio-psychological characteristics of individuals affect the non-response in Poland in a specific way.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2008-04-07 13:03:32','','Waiting'),(231,'The Distribution of Social Capital in Societies. A Macro-level Analysis of the European Social Survey Data 2002 and 2004','Verteilung des sozialen Kapitals. Eine makrosoziologische Analyse des European Social Survey 2002 und 2004',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How does the distribution of social capital differ in European countries which participated in the European Social Survey 2002/03 and 2004/05? An index of social trust and the rate of membership in at least one civil association are used for operationalizing social capital. We do not only analyze which country characteristics correlate with high average measures of social capital at the macro-level of countries, but in addition we investigate which of these factors are correlated with high inequality in the distribution of social capital. Theoretical reasons are brought forth to explain the possible effects of these characteristics on unequally distributed social capital and of feed-back effects of social capital on these country characteristics respec-tively. It can be shown that high levels of income and education, low inequality of income and high levels of health expenditures and democracy correlate with high values of social trust and high proportions of membership in at least one civil organization. Distinctive inequalities of social capital can be found in countries with low levels of expenditures for education, low democratization and a small ratio of working women in relation to working men. Whether single countries (outliers) significantly influence these results is examined.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','unni.sather@nsd.uib.no','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-10 11:13:04','','Waiting'),(233,'Unemployment and Subjective Well-being: Does Money Make a Difference','Unemployment and Subjective Well-being: Does Money Make a Difference',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we focus on the level of subjective well-being and its determinants among the unemployed as compared with those currently in paid labour. In theoretical terms, strongly contradictory views prevail on the effects of unemployment on subjective well-being. Whereas the traditional deprivation theory maintains that unemployment is a major psychological stressor, the incentive theory suggests that the level of well-being among the unemployed is far too high for them to actively and effectively search for a new job and to reenter the labour market. Using the European Social Survey (ESS) data our empirical analysis suggests that perhaps, neither of these theories are entirely correct. The deprivation theory points to the right direction by stressing the psychological factors associated with unemployment but makes a notable mistake by disregarding the economic factors which prove to be mot most crucial factor for the well-being of the unemployed. The incentive theory gets no support at all in our empirical analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','heikki.ervasti@utu.fi','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2013-11-21 14:25:49','','Waiting'),(234,'Is There Demand for Radical Right Populism in the Finnish Electorate?','Is There Demand for Radical Right Populism in the Finnish Electorate?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since the 1980s, the main interest in radical right-wing studies has been on occurrences of the phenomenon. Non-occurrences have not received much attention, although they could have something to offer the field as well. This article focuses on the `Finnish exception\' and by approaching the theme in terms of single-issue and protest voting theories, asks to what extent the electorate in Finland differs from those of other European countries with respect to the two crucial sets of attitudes for radical right-wing parties: those towards the political system and those towards immigration. After the country comparison, the focus turns to the Finnish case to explore where in the electorate anti-system and anti-immigrant appeal would find the strongest support. The data used in the study is taken from the European Social Survey 2002-2003, which is analysed by principal component analysis and linear regression. The country comparison shows that in the light of single-issue and protest voting theories, the attitudinal atmosphere in Finland provides a breeding ground for radical right populism as fertile as that in most other West European countries. Second, the case analysis of Finland reveals that anti-immigrant attitudes and dissatisfaction with the political system are most accentuated among older, poorly educated men with no interest in politics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','elina.kestila@utu.fi','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2010-11-10 11:16:00','','Waiting'),(235,'Attitudes Towards Foreign-born Settlers: Finland in a Comparative Perspective','Attitudes Towards Foreign-born Settlers: Finland in a Comparative Perspective',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present paper focuses on the Finnish attitudinal climate towards foreign-born settlers, i.e. immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers in a comparative perspective. Two theoretical approaches are tested: 1) the socio-economic explanation in which prejudice is seen as an outcome of the original majority population fearing a decline of their socio-economic position, and 2) a culturally oriented explanation which refers to fears concerning the possible negative cultural effects of immigration. Using survey data from the first round of the European Social Survey (ESS) on Finland and 18 other countries, we find that at the most general level, Finns do hold comparatively negative attitudes towards increasing the number of immigrants in Finland. However, as we turn to more specific items on economic and especially cultural threat, we find that Finns are as tolerant or even more tolerant than other Europeans. Multivariate analyses show that both socio-economic factors and values, ideologies and religiosity may generate prejudice. The two theoretical approaches should, thus, not be taken as alternatives but rather as complementary theories.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','heikki.ervasti@utu.fi','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2016-07-21 13:57:27','','Waiting'),(236,'Democracy: a Citizen Perspective','Democracy: a Citizen Perspective',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Scholars argue that party identification is a predictor of support for the political system. In this study we seek to explore if this common wisdom holds true in the far right end of the political spectrum, i.e. whether the identification with a radical right-wing party enhances the political trust of its voters known to be anti-elitist and suspicious about political institutions and actors. Our empirical analyses concentrate on Austria, Denmark, France and Norway, where the radical right parties have attracted widespread public support. Individual-level data from the European Social Survey (2002/2003) are analyzed by comparison of means and applying ordinary least squares (OLS) multiple regression analysis. Unlike the general theory of political trust would lead us to argue, the analysis shows that party identification of radical right-wing voters does not seem to increase their trust in parliament and politicians; in fact, the relationship often tends to be negative.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','elina.kestila@utu.fi','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2008-03-13 09:17:10','','Waiting'),(237,'Reflections on the Quality of Cross-national Surveys: Lessons of the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'At occasion of a reflection on the quality of cross-national surveys and the challenges posed by it, this article discusses several crucial issues that are mainly related to equivalence in several stages of the process of data production in the European Social Survey.  The ESS has set pathbreaking standards of survey quality at several stages of the research process. The author takes stock of the achievements on response enhancement and the study of nonresponse bias in cross-nation survey research and he discusses some remaining desiderata for the future. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article featured in a Newsletter for the IPSA Committee on Concepts and Methods, Volume 3, Issue 2, Autumn 2007. The newsletter is edited by Bernhard Kittel (University of Oldenburg, Germany).  ','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2008-03-14 13:47:38','','Waiting'),(238,'Events and reliability of measures: the effect of elections on measures of interest in politics','Events and reliability of measures: the effect of elections on measures of interest in politics.',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Collecting event data is considered necessary in order to interpret comparative survey data about citizen’s interest and involvement in politics. Event data is seen as a vital tool to estimating the reliability of certain variables in between countries, thus making cross-national comparisons more robust. Elections are commonly considered to affect the reliability of variables that measure subjective interest in politics and political involvement. The standard advice being that questions about interest in politics should not be asked during election campaign due to the risk that interest will be artificially high at that time. \nThis paper, using European Social Survey data, aims to determine whether elections affect the level of interest in politics. Fieldwork periods that take place over several months make it possible to compare the change in levels of interest in politics as election time approaches and campaigns intensify (or on the other hand as elections pass and the attention of the public turns toward other issues). The scope and comparability of the ESS makes it possible to determine this effect on a cross-national level.\nThe distance on a logarithmic scale from last national election and the distance to the next national elections is calculated for every interview in every country. This is then compared with the change of levels in variables measuring interest in politics throughout the fieldwork period. The effect of elections on the level of interest in politics seems plausible from a theoretical perspective. Elections are a mayor event in the political life of every country, they are widely covered by the media, the campaigning by politicians is widespread, and the event itself is regular making it easy to see any reoccurring fluctuations in public opinion. The aggregate results however show that, despite weighting the data in order to make respondents of different fieldwork months comparable to the overall country sample, elections do not have a significant effect on the interest in politics. The same applies to individual countries, also in cases where elections are very close and campaigns ongoing. Elections, as a pivotal “political event”, do not seem to compromise the reliability of variables used to measure interest in politics and changes in time-distances do not correlate with changes in levels of interest. The average citizen seems to be interested or disinterested in politics, regardless of whether national elections happen to take place or not. The paper concludes with a discussion of event data collecting and usability of it in cross-national surveys. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mihkel.solvak@ut.ee','1970-01-01 01:00:00','2008-03-14 13:48:37','','Waiting'),(239,'Self-Perceived Job Insecurity and Social Context. A Multi-Level Analysis of 17 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Job insecurity causes far reaching negative outcomes. The fear of job loss damages the health of employees and reduces the productivity of firms. Thus, job insecurity should result in increasing social costs. Analyzing representative data from 17 European countries, this paper investigates self perceived job insecurity. Our multi level analysis reveals significant cross-country differences in individuals’ perception of job insecurity. This finding is not only driven by social-structural or institutional differences, but the perception of job insecurity is also influenced by nation-specific unobserved characteristics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: November 12, 2007','marcel.erlinghagen@uni-due.de','2008-03-19 11:00:13','2010-11-08 12:13:01','','Waiting'),(240,'Participation in electoral democracy and party democracy','Osallistuminen vaali- ja puoluedemokratiaan',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'English abstract not available',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sami.borg@uta.fi','2008-03-28 08:25:17','2008-03-31 08:33:01','','Waiting'),(241,'Opinions on citizenship and on political competence','Käsitykset kansalaisuudesta ja omista vaikuttamismahdollisuuksista',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'English abstract not available',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sami.borg@uta.fi','2008-03-28 08:35:45','2008-03-31 14:02:06','','Waiting'),(242,'Finnish Citizens','Kansalaisena Suomessa: kansalaisvaikuttaminen Pohjoismaissa ja European Social Survey 2002',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'English abstract not available',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sami.borg@uta.fi','2008-03-28 08:52:36','2008-03-31 08:34:19','','Waiting'),(243,'Social Capital ','Sosiaalinen pääoma',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'English abstract not available.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kimmo.gronlund@abo.fi','2008-03-28 09:16:37','2008-03-31 08:34:53','','Waiting'),(244,'Participative Democracy','Osallistuva demokratia',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'English abstract not available.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kimmo.gronlund@abo.fi','2008-03-28 09:23:59','2008-03-31 08:35:37','','Waiting'),(245,'Attitudes towards Political Institutions and Political Actors','Asenteet poliittisia instituutioita ja toimijoita kohtaan',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'English abstract not available.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','heikki.paloheimo@uta.fi','2008-03-28 09:44:38','2008-03-31 08:36:07','','Waiting'),(246,'Linked or Divided by the Web? Internet use and sociability in four European countries ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is often assumed that the increased use of the new information and communication technology (ICT) can displace traditional face-to-face sociability. At the same time, it has been argued that the new ICT can also strengthen traditional forms of sociability. This article evaluates these opposite views by examining how the frequency of Internet use is connected with two forms of sociability: civic engagement and interpersonal involvement. Empirical interest is narrowed down to four European countries. The data utilized are the Finnish, British, French and Italian sections of the European Social Survey 2002-2003 (N = 6,762). The methods of analysis include cross-tabulations and logistic regression models. The findings indicate that frequent Internet use is positively associated with both forms of sociability in all countries. However, there are also cross-country differences in the strength of these associations and in the effects of sociodemographic control variables. The findings thus suggest that the contemporary development of the information society has different implications for different types of societies.  \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','pekras@utu.fi','2008-03-28 10:30:34','2010-11-10 11:18:19','','Waiting'),(247,'Ethnic prejudice in Europe. A comparative study on attitudes towards immigrants.','Etniset ennakkoluulot Euroopassa. Vertaileva tutkimus maahanmuuttajiin suhtautumisesta. ',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'English abstract not available.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','heikki.ervasti@utu.fi','2008-03-31 09:35:06','2008-04-01 12:32:29','','Waiting'),(248,'A New Dimension of Social Stratification in Poland? Class Membership and Electoral Voting in 1991–2001','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, the debate on class politics takes on a different form to that in the West – it concerns whether class divisions increased as the post-communist societies undergo transition to the market system. \nUsing Polish survey data, containing information on respondents voting behavior in elections of 1991, 1994, 1997, and 2001, I present evidence on significance of social class on voting behavior. Results of log-linear analysis show that class membership does indeed exert a significant impact on voting behavior. Although it changed across the time, in 2001 it appeared no less than in 1991. Also the patterns of this association (which class votes which party?) remained unchanged. On the whole our evidence suggests that in Poland a new dimension of social stratification – that is referred in sociological literature to “class politics” – has emerged. At the same time, claims of the class basis of voting in Poland cannot be exaggerated. The evidence presented here clearly indicates that the class-vote link in Poland is much lower as compared with most of Western societies. To estimate relative strength of this association I compared it across 17 countries using data from European Social Survey 2002. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: November 12, 2007','hdomansk@ifispan.waw.pl','2008-04-01 08:32:21','2010-11-08 12:10:34','','Waiting'),(249,'Reform without doctrine: public management in France','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper gives an overview of the most salient transformations in the French public administration over the last twenty years. Based upon a sociological methodology, it argues that the public management reform process is part of a broader social and political change. The paper argues that political values as well as work practices have to be taken into account in order to understand why management reforms are easier in some countries even within the Napoleonic tradition. The articles reports the empirical findings of the two first rounds of the ESS which show the correlation between specific values or work relationships and the advancement of the managerial ideas.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','luc.rouban@sciences-po.fr','2008-04-01 11:32:38','2010-11-10 11:20:33','','Waiting'),(250,'Welfare state: destruction or protection of social capital. A comparative study on social capital in European welfare states','Hyvinvointivaltio: Sosiaalisen pääoman tuho vai turva? Vertaileva tuutkimus sosiaalisesta pääomasta eurooppalaisissa hyvinvointivaltioissa',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'English abstract not available',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','heikki.ervasti@utu.fi','2008-04-07 09:41:48','2008-04-07 09:51:36','','Waiting'),(251,'The socio-economic integration of immigrants in the EU. An analysis of the effects of countries of destination- and origin on first and second generation','De sociaaleconomische integratie van immigranten in de EU. Een analyse van de effecten van bestemmings- en herkomstlanden op de eerste en tweede generatie',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, we analyse four different dimensions of socio-economic integration of 1st and 2nd generation immigrants into the labour markets of thirteen EU countries and we assess, taking into account a number of individual characteristics, the effects of the countries of origin and the countries of destination on this integration. We find that participation in the labour market, unemployment, occupational status and the chances of reaching the upper middle-class are different, although inter-related, dimensions of the socio-economic integration of immigrants and they work differently for men and women. In the countries of destination, the level of employment protection legislation affects this integration negatively. Most indicators of national policies aimed at the integration of immigrants have no effects on the socio-economic integration of immigrants. Furthermore, we find a number of origin effects which continue to have an impact on 2nd generation immigrants. Political stability and political freedom in origin countries have positive and negative effects on socio-economic integration. The emigration rate of the origin countries has a negative effect. The higher levels of socio-economic integration amongst immigrants from other EU-countries demonstrates the functioning of the European Union as an integrated labour market .Controlling for individual religious affiliation turns out to be very useful, since we find a number of negative effects of being a Muslim, among both men and women. Moreover the return of the education of Muslim men at the labour market is lower than for non-Muslim immigrants. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaap.dronkers@eui.eu','2008-04-08 10:05:49','2008-04-08 15:08:41','','Waiting'),(252,'Social Capital, Life-Situation and Socio-Demographics - Useful Predictors for Quality of Life and Well-Being','Sosiaalinen pääoma, elämäntilanne ja sosiodemografiset tekijät: käyttökelpoisia elämänlaadun ja hyvinvoinnin jäsennysperusteita?',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The question of \"good life\" has been present already in the writings of classical social thinkers. However, systematic use of such concepts as quality of life & well-being/welfare is relatively young. The same thing concerns the empirical study of subjective well-being. Since the 1950\'s, there have been competing traditions emphasizing different aspects of quality of life. Recently, social dimension of well-being has gained attention in the study of social capital. The study aims to answer the question over the foundations of quality of life both theoretically & empirically. First, the article distinguishes between explanations emphasizing socio-psychological, economic & ecological factors. After that, in the empirical analyses it is suggested that different explanatory levels are required when explaining quality of life. Analyses are based on Finnish section of the European Social Survey (ESS 2003) (N = 2,000). Both self-reported satisfaction with life & feeling of happiness can be explained relatively well by social networks, but also health & traditional socio-demographic factors are significant determinants of subjective well-being. 4 Tables, 1 Appendix, 41 References. Adapted from the source document.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','antti.kouvo@utu.fi','2008-04-15 14:21:28','2008-04-18 11:21:40','','Waiting'),(253,'Labour market status and immigration policy preferences','Työmarkkina-asema ja maahanmuuttopoliittiset preferenssit',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'English abstract not available',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','juho.oksanen@uta.fi','2008-04-15 14:39:41','2008-04-18 11:22:49','','Waiting'),(254,'Relations between Internet use, socio-economic status (SES), social support and subjective health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study aimed to explore relations between Internet use, socio-economic status (SES), social support and subjective health. Participants were from representative samples between 15 and 80 years of age from seven different European countries. Two different survey datasets were used: (i) eHealth trends (eHT; N = 7934) and (ii) the European social survey (ESS2; N = 11248). Internet users who had used the Internet for health purposes were compared with Internet users who had not used it for health purposes. Structural equation modelling was used to assess the relationships between SES, Internet use, social support and subjective health. Use of other media was compared to Internet use in relation to social support and subjective health. Internet use was found to be more closely related to social support and subjective health than use of other media. Internet use was also found to be a plausible mediator between SES and subjective health, especially through interacting with social support.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','silje.camilla.wangberg@telemed.no','2008-04-18 15:18:42','2010-11-10 11:23:50','','Waiting'),(255,'Class related health inequalities are not larger in the East: A comparison of 4 European regions using the new European Socio-Economic Classification','Class related health inequalities are not larger in the East: A comparison of 4 European regions using the new European Socio-Economic Classification',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article investigates whether people in Eastern Europe have larger health inequalities compared to their counterparts in three West European regions (North, Central and the South). METHODS: Data were obtained for 63 754 individuals in 23 countries from the first (2002) and second (2004) waves of the European Social Survey. The health outcomes were self-reported limiting longstanding illness and fair/poor general health. Occupational class was defined according to the European Socio-economic Classification (ESeC). The magnitude of absolute and relative inequalities according to nine occupational classes for men and women separately were identified, analysed and compared in all four regions of Europe. RESULTS: For both sexes and within all European regions, the higher and lower professionals, self-employed and higher service workers reported fewer cases of ill-health compared to other occupational classes. In contrast, lower technical and routine workers reported the poorest health, excluding the relatively small number of farmers. Income and education did not explain more, nor less, of the class related health inequalities in the East compared to the other regions. CONCLUSIONS: We found little evidence for the hypothesis that East European countries have larger class related health inequalities than other European regions. People\'s income and educational attainment both contribute to occupational health inequalities in the East as well as in the West.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Terje.A.Eikemo@sintef.no','2008-04-22 08:53:50','2010-05-20 10:05:50','','Waiting'),(256,'Welfare state regimes and differences in self-perceived health in Europe: A multilevel analysis','Welfare state regimes and differences in self-perceived health in Europe: A multilevel analysis',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this study was to determine the degree to which welfare state regime characteristics explained the proportional variation of self-perceived health between European countries, when individual and regional variation was accounted for, by undertaking a multilevel analysis of the European Social Survey (2002 and 2004). A total of 65,065 individuals, from 218 regions and 21 countries, aged 25 years and above were included in the analysis. The health outcomes related to people\'s own mental and physical health, in general. The study showed that almost 90% of the variation in health was attributable to the individual-level, while approximately 10% was associated with national welfare state characteristics. The variation across regions within countries was not significant. Type of welfare state regime appeared to account for approximately half of the national-level variation of health inequalities between European countries. People in countries with Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon welfare regimes were observed to have better self-perceived general health in comparison to Southern and East European welfare regimes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Terje.A.Eikemo@sintef.no','2008-04-22 09:05:47','2010-11-05 10:41:38','','Waiting'),(257,'Health inequalities according to educational level in different welfare regimes: a comparison of 23 European countries','Health inequalities according to educational level in different welfare regimes: a comparison of 23 European countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The object of this study was to determine whether the magnitude of educational health inequalities varies between European countries with different welfare regimes. The data source is based on the first and second wave of the European Social Survey. The first health indicator describes people’s mental and physical health in general, while the second reports cases of any limiting longstanding illness. Educational inequalities in health were measured as the difference in health between people with an average number of years of education and people whose educational years lay one standard deviation below the national average. Moreover, South European welfare regimes had the largest health inequalities, while countries with Bismarckian welfare regimes tended to demonstrate the smallest. Although the other welfare regimes ranked relatively close to each other, the Scandinavian welfare regimes were placed less favourably than the Anglo-Saxon and East European. Thus, this study shows an evident patterning of magnitudes of health inequalities according to features of European welfare regimes. Although the greater distribution of welfare benefits within the Scandinavian countries are likely to have a protective effect for disadvantaged cities in these countries, other factors such as relative deprivation and class-patterned health behaviours might be acting to widen health inequalities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Terje.A.Eikemo@sintef.no','2008-04-23 13:53:02','2010-11-10 11:27:22','','Waiting'),(258,'Young people: are they less religious than older people and are they less religious than they used to be?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The trends in religious behaviour of young people (in this case those aged 15-29) can be a barometer of the religious direction of nations.\n\nThis analysis focuses on self-reported attendance at religious services. Two multi-wave cross-sectional surveys, the World Values Survey and European Social Survey, provide data for 85 countries and 25 years, from 1981-2006.\n\nIn the majority of countries, older people do participate in religion more than younger people. However, that pattern is not universal and this study highlights the countries where the general pattern does not hold.\n\nThe question of whether people generally get more religious as they get older was investigated, and the conclusion was negative; the pattern we see today in western Europe of older people being more religious than younger people is effectively a relic of older generations being more religious in the past and then maintaining their level of religious participation over time.\n\nOne significant age effect was discovered: a trough in religious involvement as young adults pass through their mid-20s.\n\nTrends in levels of participation of young people in religion are diverse. Whilst some countries have seen a major decline – some from a high base, others from an already low base - others have experienced stability or a substantial increase. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Full paper can be downloaded from http://www.lrin.org/wp-content/uploads/marion-burkimsher-2.doc\n\nPresentation can be downloaded from http://drmarionb.free.fr/MelbournePresentation.ppt','marionburk@free.fr','2008-04-30 17:00:59','2011-09-16 10:45:44','','Waiting'),(259,'The Different Levels of Discrimination, experienced by First and Second Generation Immigrants from Different Countries of Origin in the different EU member-states.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Drawing on 71593 respondents of the second and third wave of the European Social Survey, we analyse the different levels of discrimination experienced by 7034 immigrants from 177 different countries of origin in 14 EU countries. In addition to testing the effects of individual factors, such as (parental) education, religion, and occupation, we estimate the effects of macro characteristics of both origin and destination countries. Next to individual, origin and destination variables we use community variables as community size in the destination country, cultural, social-economic and religious distance of the immigrant community to the receiving country. The most variance in perceived discrimination is found on the individual and origin level. Perceived discrimination in the countries of destination do not differ significantly, also the community level did not vary and only the social-economic distance reduced variance. At country of origin level the most important finding is that the lack of social-economic development, next to Islamic prevalence in the origin country increase the level of perceived discrimination. The individual characteristics like citizenship, Islamic religion, speaking a minority language at home and unemployment influenced the level of perceived discrimination. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaap.dronkers@eui.eu','2008-05-08 13:37:46','2008-05-09 13:27:32','','Waiting'),(260,'The Entrepreneurial Culture: Guiding Principles of the Self-Employed','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What makes entrepreneurs different? Using a cross-country dataset, this paper explores essential parts of the value system of entrepreneurs in Western European countries by comparing value items of the self-employed to that of the non-self-employed. The self-employed rate values higher that aim toward openness to change and self-enhancement. In turn, values related to conservation are considered less important. Self-regarding preferences, such as hedonism, that would be closest to a traditional neo-classical argument, do not differ significantly for entrepreneurs in nearly all countries. The higher importance of value items that are related to openness to change illustrate that there is a motivational background for the entrepreneur being a “jack-of-all-trades.”\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','florian.noseleit@uni-jena.de','2008-05-13 07:04:12','2008-05-13 08:11:48','','Waiting'),(261,'The International Standard Classi?cation of Education (ISCED–97). An Evaluation of Content and Criterion Validity for 15 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The availability and validity of cross-nationally comparable measures of education-related concepts, especially educational attainment, are an important condition of international statistical reporting on education as well as cross-national social research. The International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED-97) is a cross-national classification framework for harmonising educational programmes and qualifications, the first version of which was developed by the UNESCO in the 1970s. It has been extensively used for international statistical reporting e.g. by the OECD and increasingly also for measuring educational attainment in cross-national surveys, e.g. the European Union Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS), the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) and the European Social Survey (ESS). Nevertheless, to date it has not yet been thoroughly evaluated.\n\nIn this book, country experts from all parts of Europe evaluate the application of the ISCED-97 to national educational qualifications in 15 European countries: the Netherlands, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Poland, Estonia, Finland, Sweden, the UK and Ireland. An introductory chapter introduces the ISCED-97 in some detail and synthesizes the results from the country chapters. Each country chapter starts out with a description of the respective country\'s educational system, including the most important past reforms. Then, the OECD\'s and Eurostat\'s assignment of ISCED categories to country-specific educational qualifications is described and evaluated. The authors finally validate the distribution of educational attainment as measured by the ISCED-97 found in the EU-LFS with distributions they individually derive from national education variables in national (usually labour force) surveys.\n\nWith respect to the reproducibility of the ISCED distributions found in the EU-LFS by recoding \"indigenous\" education variables in national data sets, the results are positive overall, but with some exceptions. The core problems in the application of the ISCED-97 lie elsewhere. They can be divided into three areas: 1) conceptual limitations of the ISCED-97 itself, 2) difficulties in the application of the ISCED to actual educational qualifications in the countries, and 3) constricted implementation in cross-national surveys.\n\nThe final chapter puts forward some suggestions on how progress in the measurement of educational attainment for cross-national research could be made. The suggestions involve 1) the refinement of the ISCED-97 in a future revision, 2) the enhancement of nationally specific measures of educational attainment, and 3) the amelioration of coding procedures in cross-national surveys.\n\nThe book presents the results of more than two years of cross-national collaboration in the EDUC research team \"Evaluation of the ISCED-97 for Comparative Research\" of the EQUALSOC network (www.equalsoc.org).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The book can be ordered from MZES: http://www.mzes.uni-mannheim.de/fs_publikationen_d.html','Silke.Schneider@nuffield.ox.ac.uk','2008-06-02 11:18:16','2010-06-08 12:21:55','','Waiting'),(262,'The International Standard Classification of Education 1997: challenges in the application to national data and the implementation in cross-national surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This introductory chapter to the edited volume \"The International Standard Classification of Education: An Evaluation of Content and Criterion Validity for 15 European Countries\" introduces the ISCED-97 in some detail and synthesizes the results from the 15 country chapters.\n\nIn terms of criterion validation, the distribution of educational attainment as measured by the ISCED-97 found in the EU-LFS is compared with distributions the authors individually derive from national education variables in national (usually labour force) surveys in the single country chapters. The reproducibility of the ISCED distributions found in the EU-LFS by recoding \"indigenous\" education variables in national data sets is positive overall, but with some exceptions. \n\nThe core problems in the application of the ISCED-97 can be divided into three areas: 1) conceptual limitations of the ISCED-97 itself, 2) difficulties in the application of the ISCED to actual educational qualifications in the countries, and 3) constricted implementation in cross-national surveys.\n ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Silke.Schneider@nuffield.ox.ac.uk','2008-06-02 11:29:28','2008-06-02 13:03:24','','Waiting'),(263,'Suggestions for the cross-national measurement of educational attainment: Refining the ISCED–97 and improving data collection and coding procedures','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This final chapter of the edited volume \"The International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED-97): An Evaluation of Content and Criterion Validity for 15 European Countries\" puts forward some suggestions on how progress in the measurement of educational attainment for cross-national research could be made. The suggestions involve 1) the refinement of the ISCED-97 in a future revision, 2) the enhancement of nationally specific measures of educational attainment, and 3) the amelioration of coding procedures in cross-national surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Silke.Schneider@nuffield.ox.ac.uk','2008-06-02 11:34:03','2011-04-28 11:27:22','','Waiting'),(264,'Applying the ISCED–97 to the German educational qualifications','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter of the volume \"The International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED-97): An Evaluation of Content and Criterion Validity for 15 European Countries\" firstly describes the educational system and qualifications from pre-primary to vocational and university level education in Germany  (including the most important changes since World War II). Then, the application of the ISCED-97  to German data is examined. A criterion validation is finally undertaken comparing the distributions of the ISCED-97 as found in the EU-LFS and as derived from the Mikrozensus.\n\nThe way data is collected in Germany does usually not allow a perfect application of the ISCED-97. Firstly, ISCED 0 and 1 cannot be separated, and secondly ISCED 4B cannot be distinguished from ISCED 3B. Sometimes rather different qualifications are covered in a single country-specific education category, so that these have to be assigned to a single ISCED-category even if one of the qualifications does not really belong there. \n\nApart from this, the coding of national data into the ISCED is pretty reliable, as the high degree of similarity between Mikrozensus and EU-LFS data shows. However the degree of aggregation of the ISCED-variable in the EU-LFS is too high to give an adequate representation of the distribution of educational attainment in Germany.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Silke.Schneider@nuffield.ox.ac.uk','2008-06-02 11:58:17','2008-06-02 14:22:37','','Waiting'),(265,'The application of the ISCED–97 to the UK’s educational qualifications','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter covers the basic features of the educational systems of the UK, including major reforms since 1944, and the application of the ISCED-97 to the British qualifications. In a final step, a criterion validation is undertaken comparing the distributions of the ISCED-97 as found in the EU-LFS data sets and as derived from the UK\'s LFS.\n\nIs the ISCED-97 well suited to reflect the UK’s educational qualifications? It is shown that in order to achieve an adequate picture of the UK’s distribution of educational attainment, the sub-categories within ISCED levels (A, B and C) must be reported, and also some sub-sub-categories, namely vocational or general within 2A and 3A, and 1st/2nd degree at ISCED level 5A. On the other hand, ISCED levels 0, 1, 4 and 6 are not very common in the UK.\n\nHave the ISCED-97 categories been applied to the UK’s qualifications in such a way that the categories are comparable to other countries? Only to some extent: Firstly, the OECD’s coding is especially problematic in that it assigns GCSEs and equivalent qualifications to ISCED level 3 (even if C). In other countries, the first educational qualification, gained at the end of compulsory education, is always coded as ISCED 2. Secondly, vocational A-Levels, GNVQ advanced etc. might rather be coded as 3B than 3A, as they prepare for professional rather than academic higher education. These qualifications would then be on par with e.g. the French \'Bac professionel\'. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','silke.Schneider@nuffield.ox.ac.uk','2008-06-02 12:05:33','2008-06-02 14:23:16','','Waiting'),(266,'2008 National Survey: Government, Society & Politics','Encuesta Nacional 2008: Gobierno, Sociedad y Política',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book (report) presents the results of a Mexican national telephonic survey raised in April 2008 by Gabinete de Comunicación Estratégica. The sample was of 16,000 persons in order to produce representative results for each of the 32 states of our country. The areas evaluated are Government, Society and Politics.\n In the Government chapter we grade the President Felipe Calderón as well as each governor of the 32 states including two areas, the perception of the governor as a person (including different aspects) and the perception of the work done by the establishment. \nIn the Society chapter, we had the honor to be guided by Shalom Schwartz to apply his SSVS methodology to grade Mexican values. The results are presented including different filters such as party identification, age, gender and income. We included as well a comparison of European Latin countries in order to know where we are in comparison to the world. The countries compared for western European countries are France, Italy, Spain and Portugal; for eastern countries we included Rumania, Slovenia and Ukraine. In the Society chapter, we present, as well, a measuring of Mexican institutions (family, President, governors, police, church, army, political parties and IFE among others). \nThe Politics chapter is intended to evaluate the association of political parties with different personifications as well as electoral variables for the 2012 President Election, including a candidate and political party preference, second preference and rejection.   \nThe book can be downloaded at www.gabinetece.com.mx \n   \n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The book can be download at www.gabinetece.com.mx ','berrueto@yahoo.com','2008-06-05 21:47:37','2008-06-10 09:37:53','','Waiting'),(267,'Estimation of Response Bias in the European Social Survey: Using Information from Reluctant Respondents','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Central to the methodological quality of the first round of the European Social Survey (ESS) was the principal of equivalence in cross national measurement. The survey was therefore designed with equivalence as its driving force and included features such as the requirement for random probability samples, effective sample sizes, clear specifications for fieldwork institutes, clear rules for interviewers about the mode, number and timing of contact attempts with all sample units and the documentation of all contact attempts using standardised forms. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2008-06-22 20:23:07','2008-06-23 10:27:56','','Waiting'),(268,'Skills and Wages in European Labour Markets: Structure and Change','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter presents an empirical analysis of structure and change in skills and wages in five European countries: Germany, Spain, France, Great Britain, and Sweden. The discussion begins with an overview of previous research in three interrelated fields of relevance for the empirical analyses: (a) the structure and change of skill demand in Western Europe and the United States; (b) the connections between social class and skills; and (c) international variations in educational systems and school-to-work linkages. It then looks at a number of outstanding issues in need of further empirical analysis. Among the main findings are that firm-based skill formation seems to be more widespread and more important in Britain than in several other European countries considered here, including Germany and Sweden; also that in line with the production regime perspective, women are disadvantaged in firm-based skill formation; and finally that there is no strong indication of an interaction effect between class and gender, such that women\'s disadvantage relative to men is larger in the service class than in the working class.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2008-06-24 09:48:59','2010-02-11 10:18:36','','Waiting'),(269,'How many countries are needed for multilevel SEM? A simulation study','How many countries are needed for multilevel SEM? A simulation study',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In recent years, there has been growing scientific interest for cross-national research. Various scholars have made use of international surveys to link individual characteristics to aspects of the national context. Often, multilevel techniques are applied to explain individual-level variables by means of country-level variables. However, the application of multilevel models in the field of cross-national research is far from unproblematic. Due to budget limitations, the number of participating countries does not exceed 25 for most international surveys. Consequently, the group level sample sizes are often substantially lower than what rules of thumb suggest (at least 30 to 100 units). On the other hand, cross-national surveys typically contain a large number of respondents per country (> 1000). This paper summarizes the results of a Monte Carlo study that was carried out to assess the adequacy of multilevel structural equation modeling (SEM) with small group sample sizes. We simulated a multilevel SEM in which a continuous latent factor with four indicators is explained by both within- and between-level variables. In order to reproduce realistic circumstances as much as possible, the situation of the ESS round 1 (2002-2003) -20 countries and over 35,000 respondents- was taken as a starting point. With a group sample size of 20 units only, the quality of the estimation for the between-level model was poor. Parameter and standard error biases were considerably larger than what is generally considered to be acceptable. Moreover, the power for detecting small (0.10) or average (0.25) context effects was very low at 22 and 38 per cent. A substantially larger number of countries is needed to assure accurate estimation. How much countries are needed exactly depends on the specific purpose of the research and on the expected size of the context effects.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2008-06-24 10:02:32','2008-06-24 10:08:29','','Waiting'),(270,'Refusal conversion in the second round of the European Social Survey','Refusal conversion in the second round of the European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In order to achieve an as high as possible data quality, the European Social Survey (ESS) supports contact procedures that lower non-response rates. Refusal conversion, as the re-approaching of initially reluctant respondents to persuade them to reconsider participating in the survey, is one of these procedures. Although there are some standard procedures provided by ESS, these prescriptions remain quite vague and there are big cross-national differences in the degree in which refusals were reapproached in the second ESS round. Also the degree in which these refusal conversion attempts result in a participation, differs a lot between the countries. In search for explanations, the reluctant respondents were compared to the cooperative respondents on a number of variables. Several significant differences could be found between cooperative and reluctant respondents, but these relations were different for each country. As such, there is no clear-cut profile of a cooperative and reluctant respondent that is valid in a European-wide context. This implies that the impact of refusal conversion on the reduction of cross-country non-response bias is rather limited. For the estimation and reduction of non-response bias, more research on the reluctant respondents has to be done.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2008-06-24 10:38:30','2008-06-25 08:06:12','','Waiting'),(271,'Response based quality assessment in the ESS - Round 2: ann update for 26 countries','Response based quality assessment in the ESS - Round 2: ann update for 26 countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In order to achieve and maintain the high methodological standards the ESS has adopted, one must continue to assess its documents, procedures and practices. This report serves to examine the quality of the obtained responses in the second ESS Round, and conclusions are drawn concerning measures that can be taken to mitigate a number of problems in cross-national studies. The non-response, non-contact and refusal rates of a survey are generally considered to be a major - or the major - quality criterion. Therefore, amongst the standards ESS has set out, one essential feature is the need to achieve high response rates in all participating countries. In this report, the quality of the response will be tested by means of several measures: achieved response, non-contact and refusal rates, contact procedures and efforts, and refusal conversion efforts. For the first time, also comparison over time could be made with the contact results of the first ESS Round. The problems that arose with the national contact data were meticulously reported.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2008-06-24 10:47:49','2008-06-25 08:07:54','','Waiting'),(272,'Measuring attitudes and feelings towards discrimination in cross-nation research: lessons from the European Social Survey','Measuring attitudes and feelings towards discrimination in cross-nation research: lessons from the European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although discrimination towards minority groups is omnipresent in European countries, it can be expected that the degree in which people feel discriminated – and discriminate - varies between countries and between social groups. The European Social Survey (ESS) has given to social researchers an invaluable instrument to investigate these kinds of questions. In this study, the results of the first ESS round were used to measure attitudes towards discrimination. Although strict standards and procedures have been set out by ESS to achieve an as high degree of cross-nation comparability as possible, some methodological difficulties remain. Secondly, the cross-nation measurement of discrimination in general was not one of the ESS-goals, but there were several other items that could be used. Since discrimination is usually related to ethnic or racial prejudice, stereotyping, racial attitudes, cultural minorities and in-group favouritism, it was considered as likely that the ESS would offer some (indirect) measures of discrimination of ethnic minorities or immigrants.\nThree variables were cross-national compared: \'subjective feeling of belonging to a discriminated group\'; the latent variable \'attitude towards equal treatment of foreigners\'; and \'support for a law against discrimination in the workplace\'. On each of these variables, big differences cross-country are found, with an overall positive connection between attitude towards equal treatment of foreigners and support for a law against discrimination in the workplace. Three explanatory variables (education, age and gender) were cross-country compared. The biggest effect is found in education and age, while gender does not seem to have an effect on the attitude towards equal treatment of foreigners. More research has to be done to reveal the social, political, economical, historic and structural factors that explain these differences.   \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2008-06-24 10:55:20','2008-06-25 08:09:03','','Waiting'),(273,'The history of the contact procedure and survey cooperation - Applying demographic methods to European Social Survey contact forms round 2 in Belgium','The history of the contact procedure and survey cooperation - Applying demographic methods to European Social Survey contact forms round 2 in Belgium',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'High non-response rates constitute a major threat to survey quality, since non-response bias is likely to be high. One of the possible ways to cope with this situation is to pay more attention to the organization and implementation of the fieldwork. This paper tried to study the role of fieldwork efforts in relation to survey participation. It focused in particular on the history of the contact procedure and the role played by the number of contact attempts on the one hand and the number of effective contacts on the other hand. Use was made of Belgian data from the European Social Survey (ESS) Round 2, a Europe-wide, longitudinal type of survey implemented in 2004-2005. Standardized contact forms used in the fieldwork implementation period are rich in data and contain detailed information on the contact process between the interviewer and sampled unit. Complementary use was made of the life table method. Cox regression model, and pathway analysis to analyze these forms. The research results obtained in this paper confirmed the importance of field work strategies as a determinant of survey cooperation. Its contribution was situated in the fact that it pointed to the importance of taking account of the full history of the contact procedure. It would seem to argue in favor of making a clear distinction in field work guidelines and in the analysis of contact forms later on between contactability and effective contacts (face-to-face) and increasing the number of each category. Finally, based on our analysis some recommendations are made with regard to the fieldwork guidelines.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2008-06-24 11:02:57','2008-06-25 08:09:48','','Waiting'),(274,'Does Belgium (still) exist? Differences in political culture between Flemings and Walloons','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The emergence of two separate political systems in Belgium is the logical consequence of a gradual cultural and social divergence between Flanders and Wallonia. It is particularly in Flanders that Belgian nationhood is being put under pressure by a subnational identity. At the same time, there are still widespread emotional ties to Belgium, albeit stronger in Wallonia than in Flanders, that act as an important counterbalance to both the social and institutional centrifugal forces. Church involvement was traditionally higher in Flanders, but the stronger decline in the latter region has levelled off this difference. In both regions, the impact of pillarisation on voting behaviour is diminishing. As concerns the attitude towards foreigners, Flemings are more concerned about maintaining their own culture, while the Walloons are more concerned about the alleged economic and social threat. Other differences with regard to values exist, but are relatively small from a comparative perspective.    \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2008-06-24 11:45:46','2010-11-08 13:50:38','','Waiting'),(275,'The attitude towards ethnic minorities in Flanders: evolution between 1989 and 2003 and a comparison with the Netherlands','De houding tegenover etnische minderheden in Vlaanderen: evolutie tuussen 1989 en 2003 en een vergelijking met Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A number of studies on the attitude of Belgians towards immigrants were reviewed as of 1989. Explanatory models are tested in order to examine which social background characteristics and attitudes vary along with ethnic prejudices. Questions like :\"How are the attitudes of the Flemish population changing over time? Do the Dutch differ from the Flemish? And is there a natural relationship between a strong national consciousness and the rejection of newcomers?\" were treated. Also the differences between the Flemish and the Walloons are discussed, and a predictor for voting behaviour (for the Vlaams Blok) has been examined. At an individual level, scarcely 20% of the variance in attitude towards immigrants is explained, but when the subjective variables are added (individualism, authoritarianism, political mistrust), this rises to nearly 50%. More recent research has sought to examine the extent to which contextual characteristics (national, regional or local) play an additional role. However, due to measurement errors it is difficult to draw substantive conclusions based on comparative research, either over time or between populations. Research on attitudes towards immigrants show that for each of the findings alternative explanations are possible due to differences in the response obtained to the samples, due to the wording of the questions, or because response trends may alter over time or between individual countries due to collective norms.  Data of immigration module in round 1 of ESS is used.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2008-06-24 11:56:48','2010-11-09 14:29:20','','Waiting'),(276,'Understanding and improving response rates','Understanding and improving response rates',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In cross-national surveys in particular, nonresponse can threaten the validity of comparisons between countries. This chapter focuses on the measures that are introduced in the ESS both to reduce nonresponse and to derive information about nonresponse. There exist clearly prescribed contact procedures for ESS. Nonetheless, there is some variation in the way the different countries have applied the fieldwork. It is shown by the analysis that adopting the prescribed contact procedures actually do result in a higher response rate. On the other hand, there also appears to be country differences in contactibility, so that what is considerd to be an optimal  fieldwork startegy in one country might turn out to be sub-optimal in another. This means that fieldwork startegy should be adapted to country-specific characteristics. Concerning refusal conversion, the prescriptions by ESS were more vague, and a lot of variation between the countries is found. In general, the impact of refusal conversion strategies is rather small, but much depends on the strategy used. To learn about the response bias, the distinction was made between cooperative respondents, converted \'soft refusals\', and converted \'hard refusals\' - based on how easily they agreed to participate in the survey. The assumption was made that the views and characteristics of reluctant respondents would more closely resemble the views and characteristics of those who refused finally. The analysis partially confirmed the expectation that the converted respondents socially participated less then the cooperative respondents. Though, when controlling for socio-demographic variables, these effects weakened or disappeared. Moreover, the relationship was not uniform across countries. Unfortunately, refusal conversion attempts where overall still very limited, which makes a low number of converted refusals to use in the analysis. Secondly, there is discussion about whether reluctant respondents indeed are more similar to converted refusals with regard to views and characteristics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2008-06-24 12:50:07','2008-06-25 08:12:09','','Waiting'),(277,'Working-class authoritarianism and the vote for right-wing populist parties. An empirical analysis for five west European countries','Working-Class Authoritarianism und die Wahl rechtspopulitsischer Parteien. Eine empirische Untersuchung für fünf westeuropäische Staaten',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'May the often stated over-representation of workers in the electorates of right-wing populist parties in Western Europe be explained by the so-called \"working-class authoritarianism\"-thesis by S.M. Lipset? Following this thesis, there are specific socialisation and deprivation experiences in the social situation of the working-class, favouring the development of authoritarian traits and making class-members more susceptible to authoritarian parties. On the basis of the European Social Survey of 2002 the thesis is tested empirically by using the Goldthorpe class scheme and two measures of authoritarianism. It is shown that workers are more inclined to vote for right-wing populist parties and have higher levels of authoritarianism. Furthermore, persons with high levels of authoritarianism are more likely to vote for such parties. The authors conclude that disproportionately high shares of votes for right-wing populist parties from the working-class are, indeed, mediated by authoritarianism. In addition to this, class affiliation has an independent effect on voting behaviour. Finally, it is found that authoritarianism has an even stronger impact on the vote for right-wing populist parties in the service class and the class of routine non-manual workers, though being less frequent there.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','tim.spier@uni-duesseldorf.de','2008-06-27 11:36:03','2008-06-27 13:47:38','','Waiting'),(278,'Social capital in Greece: Measurement and Comparative Perspectives','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The primary aim of this article is to analyze components of aggregate social capital in Greece. Through the comparison with other European countries, it is concluded that social capital in the country may be characterized as weak. In addition, similarities among South European countries are underlined. Finally, an index of social capital scores across Greek regions is created and presented. The need for further research is emphasized, regarding mainly the impacts of social capital on several aspects of Greek society, along with the formulation of the appropriate policies for strengthening it.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jones@env.aegean.gr','2008-07-11 11:14:13','2010-11-10 11:37:19','','Waiting'),(279,'Explaining Workers’ Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland','Explaining Workers’ Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During the 1990s, the working class has become the core clientele of right-wing populist parties in Western Europe. This article empirically examines the motives of workers for supporting a right-wing populist party. Based on data from the European Social Survey for Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland, three different sets of explanations are tested: (1) hypotheses stressing economic determinants, that is, the fear of wage pressure and competition over welfare benefits; (2) hypotheses emphasizing cultural determinants, that is, the perception of immigration as a threat to national identity; and (3) hypotheses focusing on social alienation, that is, dissatisfaction with the way the country’s democracy works and the nonintegration into intermediary networks (trade unions). We find questions of community and identity to be clearly more important than economic grievances. Hence, in Austria and Switzerland, the electoral success of right-wing populist parties among workers seems primarily due to cultural protectionism: the defense of national identity against outsiders. In Belgium, France, and Norway, cultural protectionism is complemented by deep-seated discontent with the way the countries’ democracy works.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daniel.oesch@politic.unige.ch','2008-07-30 11:57:52','2010-11-09 10:24:58','','Waiting'),(280,'The effect of educational mismatch on wages for 25 countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'By making use of the Duncan & Hoffman model, the paper estimates returns to educational mismatch using comparable microdata for 25 European countries. Our aim is to investigate the extent to which the main empirical regularities produced by other papers on the subject are confirmed by our data base. On the basis of tests proposed by Hartog&Oosterbeek, we also consider whether the observed empirical patterns are in line with the Mincerian basic human capital model and Thurow’s job competition model. Using Heckman’s sample-selection estimator, we find that results are rather consistent with those found in the literature, and that the job-competition model could be accepted, whereas the Mincerian human capital model could be rejected for most of the countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Links to the paper:\nhttp://econ.core.hu/english/pub/bwp.html\nhttp://ideas.repec.org/s/has/bworkp.html\n','galasi@uni-corvinus.hu','2008-08-07 07:32:51','2008-08-11 14:57:58','','Waiting'),(281,'A Cross-National Comparison of the Internal Effects of Participation in Voluntary Organizations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article draws on two recent and largely untapped sources of data to test empirically the Tocquevillian argument about the impact of involvement in civic organizations on individual attitudes and behaviors.  Our analysis is based on two related studies—the European Social Survey (ESS) and the U.S. “Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy” (CID) survey—that incorporate innovative and detailed measures about respondents’ involvement in voluntary associations in nineteen European countries and in the United States.  These surveys provide us not only with rich individual-level data within a cross-national comparison, but they also allow us to develop and test a new measure of civic involvement that distinguishes between different levels of participation.  After employing our “civic involvement index” in pooled and individual country analyses, we find general support for the Tocquevillian argument.  On average, those persons with greater levels of involvement in voluntary organizations also engage in more political acts, have higher life satisfaction, and are by and large more trusting of others than those who do not.  These findings highlight the general importance of actual involvement as opposed to nominal membership.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mmh@georgetown.edu','2008-08-20 16:52:56','2010-11-08 13:40:35','','Waiting'),(282,'Does Left-Right Orientation have a Causal Effect on Support for Redistribution? Causal Analysis with Cross-Sectional Data using Instrumental Variables','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article argues that previous studies which test the causal effect of left–right orientation on support for the welfare state suffer from two important shortcomings that render their causal analysis problematic. Furthermore, using support for redistribution as the empirical indicator of welfare state support (Svallfors, 1999; Linos & West, 2003), this article suggests a new methodological approach to dealing with these shortcomings which allows for causal analysis and which also has wider applicability in public opinion research. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mads@sfi.dk','2008-08-28 08:37:16','2010-11-09 09:28:18','','Waiting'),(283,'Values, inequality and happiness','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines the relationship between inequality and happiness through the lens of heterogeneous values, beliefs and inclinations. Drawing upon opinion data from the European Social Survey for twenty-three countries, we find that individual views on a wide range of themes can be effectively summarized by two orthogonal dimensions: moderation and inclusiveness. The former is defined as a tendency to take mild stands on issues rather than extreme ones; the latter is defined as the degree of support for a social model that grants equal rights to everyone who willingly subscribes to a shared set of rules, regardless of background and circumstances. These traits matter when it comes to how inequality affects subjective well-being; specifically, those who are either more moderate or more inclusive than their average compatriots prefer lower levels of inequality. In the case of moderation, inequality aversion can be read in terms of a desire for stability: people who are reluctant to take strong stands are especially wary of conflict, tension and unrest, which often go hand-in-hand with disparities. In the case of inclusiveness, the main element at play is likely to be distress accruing on a perception of unfairness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','claudia.biancotti@bancaditalia.it','2008-09-01 18:45:25','2008-09-02 09:03:05','','Waiting'),(284,'Mapping social capital across Europe: findings, trends and methodological shortcomings of cross-national surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Two sets of issues are elaborated and reflected on. The first one concerns the distribution of stocks of social capital across European (EU) nations. Using the conventional proxies like trust and associational involvement on the basis of data from cross-national surveys (European Values Study and European Social Survey as well as from Eurobarometer), the main tentative trends and patterns are outlined. The second set of issues refers to the quality and credibility of data. Concerning the first issue, it is possible to speak of four groups of countries with regard to the distribution of social capital at the European level. In contrast to the authors who argue that there are no large differences in mean scores across the national patterns, this analysis arrived at more differentiated conclusions. Between the first and fourth groups, a very clear bordeline can be drawn, while differences between the second and third groups are not so pronounced. In the context of the thematizing and critical reflection of the validity and comparability of the empirical evidence, some errors and inconsistencies were found. It seems that they appeared because of the countries-specific semantic-cultural as well as institutional factors, which did receive much attention either in the stage of preparing and conducting the survey or in the phase of interpreting and generalizing of the data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','frane.adam@fdv.uni-lj.si','2008-09-02 11:27:33','2010-11-10 11:38:21','','Waiting'),(285,'Why Values?','Warum Werte?',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Why interested in values? In (German) textbooks they almost did not exist. Up to the nineteen-eigthies, there were only Rokeach´s cards – the list quite arbitrary, the ranks cumbersome. Nowadays, however, the semantically universal value circle of Schwartz exists. The circle is not only replicable in the SVS, but also in a variety of item-sets (1st study: reanalyses of surveys like ALLBUS, Shell-Youth study a.o.) and a self developed short-form (2nd study: 14-Bipole-VQ). For the Schwartz´ PVQ-21 European norms already exist (1st study: reanalysis of the ESS). We do not agree with the critical view of Mohler & Wohn (2005). Accepting the value cycle as a general content model of values (thesis 1), we are able to resolve meaning vagueness (thesis 2) in related personality constructs (3rd study: justice sensitivity, social responsibility, immanent versus ultimate just world). According to thesis 3 the value circle can serve as tool to visualize social milieus (examples in 1st study). The SINUS-milieu axes could be interpreted in a new way. According to thesis 4, values power most of the psychological phenomenons. They differentially predict attitudes and choices (examples in the 1st and 3rd study; pet or music preferences in the 4th and 5th study). They moderate knowledge representations of objects (6th study: assimilation and contrast in representations of brands). Metaperceptions of values attributed to others are the core of psychology of social relations (5th study: similarity and friendship, 7th study: intergroup conflict). Behavior is driven by situational values. The value-fit hypothesis is already empirically established. Much more seldom are studies of value change by value laden environments (8th study: value change by off-the-job training). The value circle might solve the systematisation of situations. For now, we operationalize value laden situations in vignettes (9th study: dependence of ethical justifications on personal and situational values). In order to treat the person-situation-interaction systematically, it is necessary that subjects, situations, and actions vary representatively around the values circle. The design and expectations are elaborated. Because of the complementarity of values the integrationists approach has to detect a curvilinear relation (thesis 5), which might be made possible by the completeness of the value circle (shown by thesis 1).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ESS is great!','mstrack@uni-goettingen.de','2008-09-08 10:07:25','2008-09-11 10:41:22','','Waiting'),(287,'The value of reducing fear: an analysis using the European Social Survey','The value of reducing fear: an analysis using the European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper calculates the shadow price of fear of crime using the European Social Survey. A multiple regression model is specified with happiness as the outcome variable and fear of crime, total household income and control variables as independent variables. Both income and fear of crime are significantly associated with happiness and the total household income required to compensate an average household for an increase in fear of crime is estimated. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','gunnar.ellingsen@nsd.uib.no','2008-09-11 12:18:33','2010-11-10 12:13:39','','Waiting'),(288,'The Ability to go about Without Shame: A Proposal for Internationally Comparable Indicators of Shame and Humiliation','The Ability to go about Without Shame: A Proposal for Internationally Comparable Indicators of Shame and Humiliation',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Shame and humiliation are central to the understanding of poverty yet internationally comparable data on this dimension are missing. Based on existing indicators from related fields, this article suggests eight indicators to measure specific aspects of shame and humiliation that could start an in-depth debate around this topic. The indicators are the following: whether respondents would feel shame if they were poor; levels of shame proneness; perceptions of respectful treatment, unfair treatment and prejudiced treatment; whether respondents perceive that their ethnic, racial or cultural background affects their chances of getting jobs, public services and education; whether respondents perceive that economic conditions affect their chances of getting jobs, services and education; and levels of accumulated humiliation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','gunnar.ellingsen@nsd.uib.no','2008-09-11 12:25:03','2010-11-10 12:15:21','','Waiting'),(289,'Health-related use of the Internet in Germany 2007','Gesundheitsbezogene Internetnutzung in Deutschland 2007',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European eHealth Trends project analyses the attitudes towards and usage of eHealth applications of European citizens in the time frame 2005-2007. In April/May 2007 the second series of representative stratified surveys with computer-based telephone interviews (CATI) (in Germany based on the German ADM Master Sample) were performed by a poll agency in seven European countries. Here we report the major results for the German population, were 1000 participants with an age between 15 and 80 years were interviewed. For the general use of the Internet for health purposes as well as the established eHealth Internet use (at least once a month) we report a significant increase (from 44.4 percent to 56.6 percent and from 22.5 percent to 32.0 percent). Further, the percentage of Germans who consider the Internet as an important medium for health purposes increased from 33.7 percent to 36.8 percent. In Bavaria, the percentage of established eHealth Internet users was lowest among the German states. The results of our eHealth Trends survey in Germany show a considerable increase of eHealth use within the last 18 months. German physicians need to be prepared for an increasing number of empowered patients, who have searched for information on their health problems in the Internet, but will also demand more enhanced services. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','berthold.lausen@imbe.med.uni-erlangen.de','2008-09-24 14:56:24','2010-11-10 12:18:46','','Waiting'),(290,'Satisfied at the Bottom: Should Self-Employed Women bother with Male-dominated Industries? ','Satisfied at the Bottom: Should Self-Employed Women bother with Male-dominated Industries? ',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The rate at which women migrate from employment into self-employment has increased since 1990, and in Europe today there are more self employed women than ever before. However, women-owned businesses remain concentrated in a narrow range of low-growth industries and the migration of women from employment to self-employment is largely occurring in education, health care and community work. In fact, the types of firms that women own reflect the type of work that they undertake in the home. Men on the other hand, own and operate firms that are broader in scope, sector and size, including those based in industries in which they traditionally do not work, such as catering, cleaning and care. There has been a recent proliferation in policies aimed at encouraging women to enter self-employment in these traditionally male sectors. To date, however, these policies have not been subject to rigorous evaluation and evidence suggests that “entrepreneurial segregation” can affect an entrepreneur’s social capital and general wellbeing. \n\nThis study considers the relationship between self-employment in a gender typical or atypical sector and social capital and satisfaction. A sample of 2214 male and female business owners is extracted from the 2006 wave of the European Social Survey 2006. The sample is split into four sub-samples – 1) males in traditionally male sectors; 2) males in traditionally female sectors; 3) females in traditionally female sectors and 4) females in traditionally female sectors. Factor analysis is used to construct latent variables measuring social capital and satisfaction. Three dimensions of social capital are identified from the data representing trust, community participation and social networks. Four satisfaction dimensions are identified representing life satisfaction, outlook on life, job satisfaction and freedom from stress. These concepts are concepts are compared amongst the sub-samples. An assessment of the association between social capital and satisfaction is also conducted using bivariate analysis. In the final part of the analysis, ordinary multiple regression is used to determine the predictors of social capital and satisfaction. \n\nWomen in traditionally female sectors are found to have the highest levels of social capital and satisfaction. In contrast, those individuals – men and women – working in traditionally male sectors exhibit lower levels of social capital and satisfaction. Correlation analysis is then used to establish links between the factors of social capital and satisfaction, for the full sample as well as for the sub-samples. For the full sample, only life satisfaction correlates significantly with all three social capital factors, and only social networks correlates significantly with all four satisfaction factors. However, no discernible pattern is found when the sample is disaggregated by gender and sector. Being self-employed in a gender typical or atypical industry is found to be a predictor of social participation, but having a base in a male- or female-dominated sector has no statistically significant impact. All social capital variables are found to be significant predictors of satisfaction, but sex tradition of industry and sex domination of industry are found to be insignificant. The implications for policy and further research are discussed.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','n.sappleton@mmu.ac.uk','2008-10-07 15:20:57','2008-11-14 13:28:55','','Waiting'),(291,'Why are there differences in measurement error across countries?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey (ESS) has the unique characteristic that in more than 20 countries the same questions are asked and that within each round of the ESS Multitrait-Multimethod (MTMM) experiments are built in to evaluate the quality of a limited number of questions. This gives us an exceptional opportunity to observe the differences in quality of questions over a large number of countries. The MTMM experiments make it possible to estimate the reliability, validity and method effects of single questions (Andrews 1984, Saris and Andrews 1991, Saris et al 2004). The product of the reliability and the validity can be interpreted as the explained variance in the observed variable by the variable one would like to measure. It is a measure of the total quality of a question.\n\nThese MTMM experiments showed that there are considerable differences in measurement quality across countries. Because these differences in quality can cause wrong conclusions with respect to differences in relationships across countries this paper studies several reasons for these differences. The following explanations are considered: differences in translation, differences in the MTMM design and difference in complexity of the question formulation in the different countries.\n\nIt turned out that the main reasons for the quality differences are differences in the formulation of the questions in the different countries and differences in the MTMM design. The complexity of the question formulation did not contribute much to the explanation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daniel.oberski@gmail.com','2008-10-17 13:06:39','2008-10-17 14:45:49','','Waiting'),(292,'Newspaper Readers in Europe – A Multilevel Study of Individual and National Differences ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article discusses national and individual differences in newspaper reading in Europe. The study uses comparable data on newspaper reading from 23 European countries from the European Social Survey (ESS). By using a multilevel analysis technique, newspaper reading is analysed both as a consequence of characteristics by the individuals and characteristics by the nation they live within. The authors claim the findings of this study could contribute to throw new light on Hallin and Mancini’s (2004) theory of media systems. The analysis show that individual differences explain most of the variation in newspaper reading, but some of the variance could also be explained national variance. Age, gender, education level and household income explain differences in newspaper reading, but these variables do not have the same effect in all countries. National level variables of the newspaper situation, other media use, other demography and public opinion also improve ‘the newspaper reading in Europe’ model.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Eiri.Elvestad@hive.no','2008-10-17 14:00:05','2010-11-16 09:53:54','','Waiting'),(293,'Accommodating diversity in deeply divided societies: The management of the linguistic conflict in the Belgian consociational democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In divided societies, i.e. societies where multiple separate societal groups are living together under one government, larger con?icts appear to be common. These con?icts might lead to violent disputes between groups and endanger the stability of the state. This may be even more so, when the con?icting groups are divided by a linguistic cleavage. However, there are states, like the Kingdom of Belgium, that manage to maintain a stable democracy despite the divided character of their society. This paper will try to analyze how this is possible. At ?rst, the divisions of the Belgian society will be examined. Following, in a multidisciplinary approach that unites theories from sociolinguistics and political sciences, a consociational approach will be identi?ed as crucial for the successful accommodation of diversity in the Belgian democracy. Furthermore, it will be stated that language policy plays a very important role in the maintenance of stability of the Belgian divided society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ess@tobbie.de','2008-10-17 15:10:33','2008-11-14 13:34:20','','Waiting'),(294,'The Persistence of Information Structures in Nordic Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines to what extent the Nordic countries, which have been characterized as the world\'s leading information societies, show similar patterns of Internet use. The data consists of the Danish, Swedish, Norwegian, and Finnish sections of the European Social Survey 2002 (n = 7539) and 2004 (n = 7211). The similarities and differences in the Internet use are analyzed using sociodemographic and economic information. Temporal changes in the distribution of use between population groups and between countries are also examined. The findings indicate that there are clear disparities in the Internet use patterns, which have not evened out in the early 21st century. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','pekka.rasanen@utu.fi','2008-10-17 17:46:51','2010-11-16 09:56:35','','Waiting'),(295,'Changing attitudes toward immigration in Europe, 2002-2007. A dynamic group conflict theory approach ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Anti-immigration attitudes and its origins have been investigated quite extensively. Research that focuses on the evolution of attitudes toward immigration, however, is far more scarce. In this paper, we use data from the first three rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS) to study the trend of anti-immigration attitudes between 2002 and 2007 in 17 \nEuropean countries. In the first part of the paper, we discuss the critical legitimacy for comparing latent variable means over countries and time. A Multiple-Group Multiple Indicator Structural Equation Modeling (MGSEM) approach is used to test the cross-country and cross-time equivalence of the variables under study. In a second step, we try to offer an \nexplanation for the observed trends using a dynamic version of group conflict theory. \nThe country-specific evolutions in attitudes toward immigration are shown to coincide with national context factors, such as immigration flows and changes in unemployment rates.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.no','2008-10-17 18:19:14','2010-06-08 11:42:17','','Waiting'),(296,'Values and Support for Immigration: A Cross-Country Comparison ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, we estimate and compare the effects of two value dimensions taken from the theory of basic human values—namely, self-transcendence and conservation—on attitudes toward immigration in 19 countries. Data from the first wave (2002–03) of the\nEuropean Social Survey (ESS) is utilized for the analyses. This cross-national survey measures\nbasic human values with a new 21-item instrument. Attitudes toward immigration are operationalized using two dimensions: willingness to allow immigrants into the country and rejection of conditions to allow them. Effects of the value dimensions on immigration\nattitudes are compared across 19 nations using multiple-group multiple-indicators structural equation modelling (MGSEM). We hypothesize that these effects are equal across countries. The critical statistical legitimacy for comparing these effects across countries is discussed in detail, and partial measurement invariance is evidenced. The MGSEM provides\nstrong support for our hypotheses in 17 countries: self-transcendence displays a positive effect on support for immigration, and conservation a negative effect. This result is robust also after accounting for several individual and contextual variables. Effects are found to differ a little across countries. It is shown that clusters of countries with equal effect sizes can be distinguished, and possible explanations for effect size differences are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','E_Davidov@gmx.de','2008-10-17 18:25:22','2010-11-16 11:26:04','','Waiting'),(297,'A Cross-Country and Cross-Time Comparison of the Human Values Measurements with the Second Round of the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study reported in this paper assesses the fit of a 21-item instrument measuring values in the second round of the European Social Survey (ESS) to the theory of 10 basic values on which it was based (Schwartz 1992). In particular, the measurement invariance of this instrument for studying value priorities across nations and over time was investigated. In the first part of the study, using multi-group confirmatory factor analysis (MGCFA) of data from the second ESS round, configural, metric, and scalar invariance of the values are assessed across 25 countries. Metric invariance is a necessary condition to insure equivalence of the meaning of factors and a precondition for comparing values’ correlates. Scalar invariance is a precondition for comparing value means. The MGCFA did not support configural and metric invariance across 25 countries. After reducing the number of countries to 14, the MGCFA supported metric invariance of a model with seven distinct values, the same values identified with data from the first ESS round. These value measurements may now be used by researchers to study relationships among values, attitudes, behavior, and sociodemographic characteristics across the 14 nations. Comparing national value means may be possible only across a smaller set of countries where scalar invariance holds. In the second part of the study, metric and scalar invariance were established between the first and the second rounds of the ESS in each of 19 countries separately. Value means may be compared for each of the countries between the first and second ESS rounds (2002-2003 and 2004-2005, respectively).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','E_Davidov@gmx.de','2008-10-17 18:30:00','2010-11-16 11:30:47','','Waiting'),(298,'How Many Immigrants? Foreign Born Population Innumeracy in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A large body of scholarship has emerged linking minority population size to negative attitudes and anti-minority policy positions. However, this literature neglects the high levels of innumeracy found when individuals estimate minority group sizes.  In the minds of survey respondents, minority groups are much larger and more numerically threatening than in reality.  While research has begun to explore innumeracy’s consequences, this study argues that we must first fully understand the phenomenon.  Drawing from the 2002 European Social Survey, this study proposes and tests a framework for understanding the development of innumeracy regarding immigrant populations consisting of two separate causal processes: cognitive mistakes and emotional responses. I establish the existence and extent of the phenomenon across 21 European nations, test new key predictors such as media exposure and job status and find evidence for the existence of both cognitive and emotional causes using multi-level regression analysis. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I have already presented this research at a small conference at my Univerisity and will be presenting this research at the annual meeting of the Pacific Sociological Association in San Diego, CA in April of 2009.','deherda@ucdavis.edu','2008-10-18 00:58:45','2008-11-14 13:55:11','','Waiting'),(299,'Leading by Example: Female  	Members of Parliament as Political Role Models','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One argument advanced in favor of descriptive representation is that female politicians serve as role models, inspiring other women to political activity. While previous research finds female role models affect women’s psychological engagement, few studies report an impact on women’s active participation, and none have done so in cross-national research.  Our work also is the first to consider whether the impact of female role models is, as the term implies, greater among the young.  Using three cross-national datasets, we find that where there are more female members of parliament (MPs), adolescent girls are more likely to discuss politics with friends and to intend to participate in politics as adults, and adult women are more likely to discuss and participate in politics.  The presence of female MPs registers the same effect on political discussion regardless of age, but the impact on women’s political activity is far greater among the young than the old.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article first published online: 2 OCT 2007','dave_campbell@nd.edu','2008-10-18 17:45:40','2010-11-16 11:32:23','','Waiting'),(300,'Attitudes towards immigrants and immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article refers Norwegian survey data on attitudes towards immigrants and immigration in addition to data from ESS 2002 placing Norwegian attitudes in a European comparative perspective. The data shows that the Norwegian attitudes are among the more liberal in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sbl@ssb.no','2008-10-20 09:55:12','2008-11-14 13:57:37','','Waiting'),(301,'Attitudes towards immigrants and immigration 2006, with comparative data from the European Social Survey','Holdninger til innvandrere og innvandring 2006. Med komparative data fra Den europeiske samfunnsundersøkelsen',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The report refers Norwegian survey data on attitudes towards immigrants and immigration 2002-2006 and adds a chapter on ESS data 2004 placing Norwegian attitudes in a European comparative perspective. The ESS data shows that Norwegian attitudes are among the more liberal in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sbl@ssb.no','2008-10-20 10:22:46','2008-11-14 13:58:35','','Waiting'),(302,'Can status differences in lay knowledge about health explain status differences in subjective health?','Mohou rozdíly v laickém chápání zdraví vysvětlit rozdíly v subjektivním zdravotním stavu mezi statusovými skupinami?',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The author reviews the theory of socio-economic inequality in health and concludes that the use of cultural values to explain the ubiquitous association between the socio-economic standing (SES) of individuals and their health is becoming increasingly prominent. Inspired by this, the author examines whether and to what extent several aspects of lay knowledge about and attitudes towards health can explain the social gradient in subjective health in Central and Eastern Europe. The author uses data from\nthe second round of the European Social Survey and limits the analysis to data from the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia. The data\nshow that while there is a strong relationship between education and subjective health and also a relationship between education and various measures\nof lay knowledge about health, beliefs about health are only very weakly related to subjective health and thus fail to account for its dependence on SES. The author concludes that this may be the result of reciprocal causation between lay knowledge and subjective health. More enhanced research designs\nwould be required in order to gain a better empirical evaluation of the causal relationships between SES, lay knowledge, and health. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kreidlm@kss.zcu.cz','2008-10-20 12:05:47','2008-11-26 10:54:17','','Waiting'),(303,'Union Membership: Inclusion and Exclusion in the Organization of Labour Interests in Europe','Mitgliedschaft in Gewerkschaften: Inklusions- und Exklusionstendenzen in der Organisation von Arbeitnehmerinteressen in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In many European countries trade unions face considerable membership problems. Union density varies between a mostly low level in southern and eastern European societies and high levels in Nordic countries. Moreover, there are considerable cross-national differences between social groups. To what degree do trade unions integrate their clientele and are they capable of mobilizing members? We study this question by using descriptive statistics from the European Social Survey of 2002/03 for (Western and Eastern) Germany and for 18 other European countries. We discuss crucial patterns of inclusion and exclusion in the organization of labour interests and possible explanatory factors for (non-) membership. In addition to social structural causes for low union density of women, the unemployed and atypical employed, we review several institutional factors that provide selective incentives for membership and foster union access to workplaces. The inclusion/exclusion perspective proves particularly valuable for the analysis of low representation of the unemployed and atypical employed as well for those working in peripheral (unorganized) workplaces.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bebbinghaus@sowi.uni-mannheim.de','2008-10-23 11:20:59','2008-11-14 14:09:05','','Waiting'),(304,'Denne er ugyldig','Contextos e Atitudes Sociais na Europa',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The book analyses homogeneities, diversities and social changes in Europe, in different domains, such as social classes, family structures, social values hierarchies, attitudes towards immigration, gender issues and generation’s differences. These topics are discussed on a critical perspective, oriented by the theories and methods developed by the social sciences. Based on representative samples from 21 countries, the comparative analysis adopted represents an important contribution to the knowledge of Europeans’ attitudes, to the development of cross-cultural methods and to the process of decision making in the field of public policies in a context where interdependency between countries is increasingly important.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-10-31 18:00:49','2010-06-08 11:41:10','','Waiting'),(305,'Nordic Social Attitudes in a European Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book addresses the effect that institutional settings typical to the Nordic countries have upon people’s attitudes and behaviour. Placed within a European comparative perspective, the analyses presented by the contributing authors centre around issues relating to the welfare state, politics, family and work, as well as cultural concerns including economic morality and religiosity. Despite differences between the Nordic countries, the overall impression given is of a shared outlook any way of life. In the European context, the Nordic countries particularly stand out as a distinct group therefore demonstrating their institutional similarities. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ess@city.ac.uk','2008-11-14 13:58:25','2008-11-14 14:10:05','','Waiting'),(307,'Understanding Cross-National Differences in Unit Non-Response: The Role of Contact Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper showcases ways in which contact data can provide useful auxiliary information to study non-response and devise new strategies for statistical adjustment and fieldwork specification in cross-national surveys. We propose a typology of the processes generating contact data and discuss their implications for the utility for methodological research. We also propose criteria for the comparability of contact data in cross-national surveys. To illustrate the potential of contact data, we review existing studies of non-response in cross-national studies. The paper ends with recommendations for cross-national studies, with the aim of increasing the widespread availability and use of standardised contact data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper includes a review of studies into nonresponse using ESS contact data.','annelies.blom@gesis.org','2008-11-18 16:44:34','2008-11-25 13:14:11','','Waiting'),(309,'The Role of Entertainment Television and Its Interactions with Individual Values in Explaining Political Participation ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article highlights the potential for considering the interaction between media use and human values in discussions about traditional political participation. A model is presented that suggests entertainment television exposure is associated with decreased participation for most value types but that this impact is greatest on those who rate highest the progressive values of \"self-transcendence\" and \"openness to change. \" These relationships provide a context for the argument that entertainment television use is driving down political participation in Western countries. Data for ten European Union countries in the European Social Survey were used in the analyses.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jbesley@sc.edu','2008-11-18 16:54:05','2010-11-16 11:37:34','','Waiting'),(310,'Media Use and Core Values','Media Use and Core Values',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research shows that both values and some media effects develop slowly, over a similar time frame. The current study uses cross-sectional data collected during the second round of the European Social Survey-- including a twenty-one-question Schwartz Value Survey--to look at links between individual values and exposure to newspapers, television news and entertainment, radio news, and the Internet. The results support the hypothesis that media exposure--particularly entertainment television and Internet use--is linked to value orientations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jbesley@sc.edu','2008-11-18 16:57:33','2008-11-25 13:15:52','','Waiting'),(311,'Measuring Cross-National Nonresponse and Nonresponse Bias in the ESS','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The presentation discusses the problems of cross-national nonresponse and nonresponse bias. It looks at the challenges of measuring nonresponse across countries and presents findings from current research into the causes of differential nonresponse and nonresponse bias in the ESS. The seminar will be of interest to survey practitioners, methodologists and researchers using cross-national survey data notably the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Presentation slides available online at http://www.natcen.ac.uk/natcen/pages/news_and_media_docs/seminars/nonresponse.pps','annelies.blom@gesis.org','2008-11-18 16:59:22','2008-11-25 13:16:38','','Waiting'),(312,'Decomposing the Processes Leading to Differential Nonresponse and Nonresponse Bias','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Understanding the process leading to differential nonresponse rates across countries is a first step towards understanding cross-national differences in nonresponse bias. Recent developments in cross-national survey methodology have made auxiliary data available with which the processes leading to nonresponse can be researched. The European Social Survey (ESS), for example, collects detailed contact and neighbourhood data for each sample unit, i.e. respondents and nonrespondents. Using these data and applying decomposition analyses to within-country logit models of contact, this paper looks at differences in the correlates of non-contact across countries. Specifically it investigates whether differential contact rates can be attributed to manipulable and non-manipulable characteristics, the effects these characteristics have on the probability of contact (i.e. the coefficients) or a combination of the two.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','annelies.blom@gesis.org','2008-11-18 17:03:52','2008-11-25 13:17:03','','Waiting'),(313,'Life Politics in a Post-Traditional Society - An Empirical Study on Anthony Giddens\' Theory of Modernisation ','Elämänpolitiikka jälkitraditionaalisessa yhteiskunnassa - Anthony Giddensin modernisaatioteorian empiiristä tarkastelua',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study I examine some of the proposals made by Anthony Giddens in his publications concerning the advent of life politics in high modernity. Using linear regression analysis in the ESS Round 3 data I propose that the less traditional, the less anxious and the more capable of autonomy an individual is, the more likely he/she is to embrace the idea of life politics. The findings made from the linear model are consistent with Giddens\' theory.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','juhani.e.saari@helsinki.fi','2008-11-18 17:28:06','2008-11-25 13:17:56','','Waiting'),(314,'The institutional embeddedness of social capital. A multilevel investigation across 24 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study contributes to earlier studies aimed at the question whether the welfare state crowds out social capital or not by examining to what extent the welfare state affects the value of social capital. The present article investigates the effects of three sources of social capital on occupational prestige and test whether these effects are moderated by welfare state effort in terms of social spending. Multilevel analyses based on European Social Survey (ESS) 2003 and International Monetary Fund (IMF) data, including 39,299 persons from 24 European countries, provides evidence that welfare state effort decreases the value of social capital.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','f.koster@law.leidenuniv.nl','2008-11-19 07:21:46','2010-11-16 11:46:24','','Waiting'),(315,'The Ideal and de facto Timetable for Transition to Adulthood in Europe: A Comparative View from the ESS','Età ideale e effettiva nella transizione allo stato adulto in Europa',22,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using recent data from the Round 3 of the European Social Survey (ESS 2006/2007), this study provides a detailed comparative picture as whether there are similarities/differences across European countries with regard to: a) the actual timing of key life events in the transition to adulthood; and b) attitudes regarding the ideal age and sequencing norms of early life course transitions. We try to elucidate whether such similarities/differences among young adults are linked to economic constraints (e.g. unstable attachment to the labour market) or lifestyle options (e.g. inclination to postpone the assumption of long-term family commitments).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','teresa.martin@cchs.csic.es','2008-11-18 16:53:57','2008-11-25 13:19:28','','Waiting'),(316,'Class effects and societal effects: Elite and working class attitudes towards political citizenship in European comparative perspective','Efeitos de classe e efeitos societais: elites e operariado ante a cidadania numa perspectiva comparada europeia',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Comparative studies of civic culture and political attitudes usually have national societies as the unit of analysis. However, in relatively homogenous areas such as Western Europe, differences between countries are frequently less important than those observed between different social groups within each country. Here, the comparison is centred on a set of social groups – the socio-economic elites and the working class – sufficiently large to allow for the following observations: (1) to what extent do these groups possess, at an European level, similarities hidden by ‘national averages’ and (2) whether the differences observed between European societies possess an explanatory effect on the performance of those groups, i.e. whether there is in operation a pervasive societal effect. Both hypotheses are confirmed, although in Portugal the preponderance of the latter is significantly greater, i.e. the societal effect tends to prevail over the class effect.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-18 09:36:05','2008-11-25 13:33:01','','Waiting'),(317,'Social classes and values in a European context','Classes sociais e valores em contexto europeu',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Exploiting the analytical potential of the European Social Survey data, this paper presents a set of theoretical assumptions and empirical findings concerning class structure, patterns of values and attitudes and the relationship between them. In the first section, a model of analysis is outlined, which relates social dimensions (in this case, classes) with cultural dimensions (in this case, values), both at the individual level and structural level. The second section compares the class composition of the various participating countries and pinpoints common trends and regional specifications. In the third and largest section, several indicators of ideological and political attitudes and electoral practices, as well as Shalom Schwartz\'s scale of human values, are analysed in their relationship with the class position of the interviewees.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 13:37:24','2008-11-25 14:07:53','','Waiting'),(318,'Families in Europe','Famílias na Europa',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analysing data from European Social Survey in this article we try to capture the main feature of the European families. Accounting for the changing trends of the last 40 years arrangements, practices and values we discuss some theoretical and methodological issues raised by the exercise of comparing countries also. General configurations like family\'s size, composition of the households, living arrangements and marital status are identified and analysed clustering European countries. The insertion of men and women on the labour market, fertility rates and the hours of work of parents are also other central focus of discussion. Our results tend to contradict some stereotypes. The majority of Europeans are formally married or living together, conjugal disruption being transitory for divorced and the separate tend to return to conjugality. With modern ideals, family is, for all European countries and with very similar averages, the most valued dimension of personal life.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 13:40:43','2008-11-25 14:08:32','','Waiting'),(319,'Social values dynamics and socio-economic development','Dinâmicas dos valores sociais e desenvolvimento socioeconómico',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on data from nineteen countries participating in the European Social Survey 2002, the Schwartz model of social values is analysed in three perspectives: structure, importance and consensus. Results show the equivalence of Schwartz\'s values structure in the countries analysed. A multi-level analysis was performed in order to test the impact of both individual (family income) and contextual (Gross Domestic Product – purchasing power parity – GDP ppp) factors on value priorities. Differences in the importance people attribute to values were identified between countries, but results from the multi-level analysis showed that GDP ppp as well as family income were not good predictors of value priorities. In what concerns value consensus, and contrary to some previous results reported in the literature, a negative correlation between socio-economic development and consensus was found, suggesting that the higher the socio-economic development, the higher the social heterogeneity and complexity of social values. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 13:44:28','2008-11-25 13:54:05','','Waiting'),(320,'Racial prejudice, threat perception and opposition to immigration: a comparative analysis','Preconceito racial, percepção de ameaça e oposição à imigração',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses the opposition to immigration, comparing the European Union as a whole and Portugal, United Kingdom, France and Germany. The first hypothesis that was examined posits that the perception of economic, security and cultural threats are significant predictors of the orientation towards immigration. The second hypothesis states that racial prejudice is an important predictor of threat perception. Results show that, globally, attitudes towards immigration in EU are more close to openness than to closure. As predicted, cultural, economic and security threats are significantly associated with the opposition to immigration. These results are stable across compared countries. Moreover results show that in the EU as a whole political conservatism and racial prejudice are the main predictors of the perception of threat in the economic, security and cultural domains. These same results were obtained in France, Germany and United Kingdom. Except in the case of security threat, also in Portugal prejudice is an important predictor of threat perception. These results are discussed in the context of the immigration integration policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 13:57:23','2008-11-25 14:09:23','','Waiting'),(321,'Immigrants’ external social capital – an extensive and comparative analysis','O capital social externo dos imigrantes – uma análise extensiva e comparativa',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter analyses an important feature for the social integration of immigrants: social networks. The authors propose a new concept – external social capital – to illustrate that some segments of the host society can constitute important sources of social capital in addition to the social capital that immigrants can mobilize from within their communities. The authors analyse the conditions of formation of external social capital, showing that both in countries where that kind of social capital is lower and in those where it is higher, age and education are critical factors. Finally, consequences of external social capital on the integration of immigrants and offspring in host communities are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 13:59:49','2008-11-25 14:09:41','','Waiting'),(322,'Does age matters? – Age cleavages in the values and political and social attitudes of the Europeans','A idade conta? – Clivagens etárias nos valores e atitudes políticas e sociais dos europeus',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter the role of age in the shaping of attitudes political attitudes and social values hierarchy is analysed. Results show that age matters and that, with few exceptions, the country effect is always stronger than the age effect and that in the countries analysed socioeconomic development is a critical factor to understand the meaning of change in values and attitudes according to age.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 14:02:11','2008-11-25 14:10:03','','Waiting'),(323,'European attitudes and values: The perspective of gender in a transverse analysis','Atitudes e valores dos europeus: a perspectiva do género numa análise transversal',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although it is known that the differences within sexes are much more significant than the differences between sexes, the tendency is to overstress the later ones. In this article we analyze, in a transversal perspective centred on gender, all the answers of the ESS questionnaire, addressing some of the main issues of the survey like the exposition to media, politics, the subjective perception of wellbeing and security and human values and trying to evaluate differences and similarities between men and women. Concluding that, as expected, there is a vast domain of convergence between the sexes in attitudes and opinions, though contesting essentialist positions, it is nevertheless interesting to stress also where some of the differences are concentrated and trying to access and explain them. Among other issues the passage from a traditional gender gap to a modern gender gap is one of the topics of discussion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 14:04:06','2008-11-25 14:10:27','','Waiting'),(324,'The comparative method in the study of values and attitudes','O método comparativo no estudo dos valores e atitudes',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The authors analyse some rules that must be followed on cross-national surveys in order to ensure comparability. Different levels of equivalence are discussed. The sampling method used in Portugal for the European Social  Survey is presented as well as the methodological concerns that were present in the construction of the questionnaire itself. This chapter also includes a brief presentation of the main statistical tests and tecniques used by the authors of the book in their analysis. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 14:06:32','2008-11-25 14:10:54','','Waiting'),(325,'Class effects and societal effects: Elite and working class attitudes towards political citizenship in European comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Comparative studies of civic culture and political attitudes usually have national societies as the unit of analysis. However, in relatively homogenous areas such as Western Europe, differences between countries are frequently less important than those observed between different social groups within each country. Here, the comparison is centred on a set of social groups – the socio-economic elites and the working class – sufficiently large to allow for the following observations: (1) to what extent do these groups possess, at an European level, similarities hidden by ‘national averages’ and (2) whether the differences observed between European societies possess an explanatory effect on the performance of those groups, i.e. whether there is in operation a pervasive societal effect. Both hypotheses are confirmed, although in Portugal the preponderance of the latter is significantly greater, i.e. the societal effect tends to prevail over the class effect.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 14:26:48','2010-11-09 12:51:04','','Waiting'),(326,'European attitudes and values: The perspective of gender in a transverse analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although it is known that the differences within sexes are much more significant than the differences between sexes, the tendency is to overstress the later ones. In this article we analyze, in a transversal perspective centred on gender, all the answers of the ESS questionnaire, addressing some of the main issues of the survey like the exposition to media, politics, the subjective perception of wellbeing and security and human values and trying to evaluate differences and similarities between men and women. Concluding that, as expected, there is a vast domain of convergence between the sexes in attitudes and opinions, though contesting essentialist positions, it is nevertheless interesting to stress also where some of the differences are concentrated and trying to access and explain them. Among other issues the passage from a traditional gender gap to a modern gender gap is one of the topics of discussion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 14:31:49','2010-11-09 12:52:51','','Waiting'),(327,'Predispositions to discriminatory immigration policies in western Europe: An exploration of political causes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We analyze citizens\' predispositions concerning policies of immigrant selection and models of immigrant accommodation as observed by the 2002–3 European Social Survey. We focus on some of the EU\'s major countries, namely: Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom, which were chosen because of their different experiences as migration destinations, as well as for the relevance of their immigration policy models and welfare states. On this basis, we compare citizens\' attitudinal inclinations with the policies actually being implemented, and propose interpretations concerning the degree of consistency between both levels. Firstly, we consider attitudes and policies in respect of the discrimination faced by immigrants according to their country of origin and/or economic resources. Secondly, we analyze the attitudes and policies with regard to assimilationist and multicultural integration models. Finally, we examine the recognition of certain rights to migrants. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 14:35:05','2010-11-09 12:53:55','','Waiting'),(328,'Families in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analysing data from European Social Survey in this article we try to capture the main feature of the European families. Accounting for the changing trends of the last 40 years arrangements, practices and values we discuss some theoretical and methodological issues raised by the exercise of comparing countries also. General configurations like family\'s size, composition of the households, living arrangements and marital status are identified and analysed clustering European countries. The insertion of men and women on the labour market, fertility rates and the hours of work of parents are also other central focus of discussion. Our results tend to contradict some stereotypes. The majority of Europeans are formally married or living together, conjugal disruption being transitory for divorced and the separate tend to return to conjugality. With modern ideals, family is, for all European countries and with very similar averages, the most valued dimension of personal life.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2008-11-25 14:37:17','2010-11-09 12:56:06','','Waiting'),(329,'Measuring Nonresponse Cross-Nationally','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates the measurement of nonresponse outcomes across countries. It consists of three sections. Section one proposes a conceptual framework of influences on the response outcomes available for analysis. Section two develops a cross-national codeframe of response outcome codes. The last section investigates the impact that differential ways of deriving final case outcomes have on the estimated response, contact and cooperation rates. The results emphasise the importance of careful measurement of the nonresponse process for conclusions about the similarity and differences across countries in processes leading to nonresponse.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','annelies.blom@gesis.org','2008-12-02 15:31:21','2008-12-03 10:21:38','','Waiting'),(330,'Measuring legal marital status in Europe and in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Certain segments of the research community call for separate measures of legal marital status and de facto cohabitation. Measuring legal marital status is, however, not a straightforward task.\n\nOn the one hand, the partnership legislation across Europe is diverse, and different kinds of same or opposite sex civil union alternatives exist in addition to marriage.\n\nOn the other hand, unregistered cohabitation is quite common in many European countries. In several countries a colloquial interpretation of the concept “legal marital status”, confusing legal status and de facto relationship to a partner, is in use.\n\nThe European Social Survey, an academically driven multi-country general social survey, fielded every second year since 2002, has made an effort in trying to measure legal marital status and cohabitation separately.\n\nTwo different versions of the “legal marital status” question have been used - the most recent variant accounts for the diversity in legal partnership statuses, while the first version does not. The outcomes of these attempts show that there is still a need for improvements, and, as the Swedish example shows, that the inclusion of country-specific respondent instructions to the question may be one way to go.\n\nA recommendation to the national teams will be to prepare a country-specific introductory text to the legal marital status question in consultation with the ESS Central Coordinating Team, and also that the data are documented as well as possible.\n\nComparable official statistics as well as documentation of the legal partnership alternatives in each country is also called for.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','hilde.orten@nsd.uib.no','2008-12-08 13:53:27','2008-12-08 14:40:52','','Waiting'),(332,'The social and political world of French civil servants','L\'univers sociopolitique des fonctionnaires français',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The State reform in France raises two questions related to the cultural world of civil servants. The first one is to know to what extent their motivations and values are different from those observed within the private sector. The second one is to know whether civil servants share common values in various European countries. The ESS data show that French civil servants have specific characteristics (a high level of altruism but a low level of work commitment due to poor work relationship with their hierarchy). Comparative results based upon the Schwartz scale variables show that specific European models of social values can be highlighted which explain national variations in State reforms.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','luc.rouban@sciences-po.fr','2008-12-15 09:54:03','2008-12-15 10:43:15','','Waiting'),(333,'Value orientations: Measurement, antecedents and consequences across nations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter presents the theory of ten basic human values that guided development of the ESS human values scale.  These values form a coherent system that captures the conflicts among the basic motivations that guide people’s attitudes and behaviour.  Structural analyses of relations among the value items demonstrate meaning equivalence across countries. This permits drawing on the theory to generate hypotheses and explanations that use the tradeoffs among motivationally opposed values to understand the influence of values on attitudes, opinions, and behaviour, rather than offering ad hoc analyses based on value items. The chapter provides methodological explanations and instructions to facilitate the application of the value scale. The chapter describes systematic relations of age, gender, education, and income to people’s value priorities across countries. It also maps and compares the average individual value priorities in countries. A key message of the chapter is the important role that value priorities can play in explaining socially significant attitudes and behaviour at both the individual and the country level. It illustrates this with analyses of attitudes toward accepting immigrants, interpersonal trust, social involvement, organisational membership, and political activism.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2008-12-18 16:35:31','2009-01-02 09:46:37','','Waiting'),(334,'Psychological Needs and Values Underlying Left-Right Political Orientation: Cross-National Evidence from Eastern and Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to previous research conducted mainly in the United States, psychological needs pertaining to the management of uncertainty and threat predict right-wing conservatism, operationally defined in terms of resistance to change and acceptance of inequality. In this study, we analyze data from 19 countries included in the European Social Survey (ESS) to assess two sets of hypotheses: (1) that traditionalism (an aspect of resistance to change) and acceptance of inequality would be positively associated with right (versus left) orientation, and (2) that rule-following (an aspect of the need for order), high need for security, and low need for openness to experience would be associated with right (versus left) orientation, adjusting for quadratic effects associated with ideological extremity. In addition, we determine the extent to which the pattern of relations among needs, values, and political orientation was similar in Eastern and Western European contexts. Results from regression and structural equation models indicate that traditionalism and, to a lesser extent, rule-following predict right-wing conservatism in both regions, whereas acceptance of inequality predicts right-wing orientation in the West only. Although openness to experience was associated with preferences for greater equality in both regions, it was associated with left-wing orientation in Western Europe and right-wing orientation in Eastern Europe. Needs for security, conversely, were associated with right-wing orientation in Western Europe and left-wing orientation in Eastern Europe. Thus, we find evidence of both universal and context-specific effects in our analysis of the cognitive and motivational antecedents of left-right political orientation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: June 30, 2007','hulda@nyu.edu','2008-12-18 16:47:46','2010-11-16 11:52:04','','Waiting'),(335,'Educational Homogamy Among Married and Unmarried Couples in Europe: Does Context Matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, educational homogamy among married and cohabiting couples in selected European countries is examined. Using data from two waves (2002 and 2004) of the European Social Survey, this article compares three cultural and institutional contexts that differ in terms of institutionalization of cohabitation. Evidence from log-linear models yields two main conclusions.\nFirst, as cohabitation becomes more common in society, marriage and cohabitation become more similar with respect to partner selection. Second, where married and unmarried unions differ in terms of educational homogamy, married couples have higher odds of  overcoming educational barriers (i.e., intermarrying with other educational groups).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dana.hamplova@soc.cas.cz','2009-01-22 17:26:21','2010-11-09 10:05:12','','Waiting'),(336,'Trust in the Police In Former Communist European Nations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Police research has investigated numerous predictors of trust in the police, including demographics, neighborhood context influences, and citizen-officer interactions.  However, research has largely ignored how experiencing government corruption may affect citizens’ trust in the police.  Moreover, most police legitimacy research has been limited to the United States or Western nations.  This paper addresses these issues by attempting to answer two research questions: First, does government corruption negatively affect public trust in the police in Western and Central/Eastern Europe?  Second, does government corruption exhibit a larger negative effect on trust in the police compared to trust in other social institutions?  Findings indicate that in both Western and Central/Eastern Europe, government corruption negatively affects trust in the police.  Additional evidence suggests that government corruption may create a larger loss of trust in a nation’s police force than in a nation’s parliament, political parties, and legal system.  Moreover, prior studies have shown age, income, and perceived neighborhood safety to be consistent predictors of trust in the police in the United States and Western Europe.  Surprisingly, in Central/Eastern Europe, these factors exhibit significantly different effects on trust in the police, suggesting that theories of police legitimacy must account for the lingering influence of a nation’s recent history and political turmoil.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lab449@psu.edu','2009-01-23 18:02:08','2009-01-26 09:34:56','','Waiting'),(337,'Anti-Immigrant Attitudes and Cross-Municipal Variation in the Proportion of Immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, I set out to test a specific case of group threat theory, namely the size of the minority population. My general aim is to test whether the proportion of immigrants in Swedish municipalities has any effect on anti-immigrant attitudes.\nMore specifically, I examine whether visibility of immigrants matters, via country of origin, as well as whether different contexts intensify the relation between size of the minority population and anti-immigrant attitudes. I conclude that the proportion of the foreign-born population has no effect on anti-immigrant attitudes, whereas people have fewer anti-immigrant attitudes in municipalities with a high proportion of the most visible groups of immigrants. A recent influx of immigrants to the municipality does not matter for levels of  anti-immigrant attitudes. However, the economic context matters in that anti-immigrant attitudes of people are strongest in poor municipalities with a large share of immigrants. The political context, on the other hand, does not matter.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mikael.hjerm@soc.umu.se','2009-02-04 12:37:46','2010-11-09 10:03:54','','Waiting'),(338,'Social Integration and Participation','Gesellschaftliche Integration und Partizipation',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social integration (personal contacts, available help, social isolation) and societal participation (religion, culture) in Germany across time and comparing East and West',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analyses could not be replicated with Round 3 data because East and West Germany are not sampled separately anymore','angelika.scheuer@gesis.org','2009-02-05 13:37:52','2009-02-05 14:14:21','','Waiting'),(339,'Living conditions and wellbeing in Europe','Lebensbedingungen und Wohlbefinden in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Comparing EU-27 member states according to housing and living standard; labour market and labour conditions; evaluation of public services; social integration and subjective wellbeing.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Additional data sources were Eurostat and Eurobarometer','angelika.scheuer@gesis.org','2009-02-05 13:49:51','2009-02-05 14:13:48','','Waiting'),(340,'Integration and Paricipation','Integration und Partizipation',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Report on social integration (social contact, available help, social isolation) and societal participation (membership in trade unions, political parties, and churches, volunteering) in Germany, including East-West and European comparison',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Additional data bases for Germany were the Socio-economic panel and Allbus','angelika.scheuer@gesis.org','2009-02-05 14:01:27','2009-02-05 14:14:46','','Waiting'),(341,'Cohabitation in Estonia and Europe – do Estonians prefer cohabitation due to financial reasons?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is to analyze the spread of cohabitation and to compare the sociodemographic characteristics of cohabiting individuals in different countries. The countries are compared on the basis of the following criteria: age of cohabiting partners, whether the cohabiting couples have children or not, and length of cohabitation. The examined countries include: Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Spain, United Kingdom, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, France, Slovakia and Slovenia. The analysis is based on the European Social Survey, 2nd and 3rd wave data, from 2004 and 2006. Furthermore, the paper tries to answer the question whether cohabitation in Estonia is a result of financial hardships and the couples do not register their union because of financial reasons.\n\nIn addition, the results indicate that, although studies have shown that one reason why cohabiting couples do not marry is their financial situation and practical value orientations, the income of married and cohabiting couples did not differ in Estonia. Also, the self-reported estimations on financial  situation did not diff er between union types. Thus, it can be argued that financial reasons are not obstacles to marriage in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kairi.kasearu@ut.ee','2009-02-12 14:46:59','2009-02-16 10:25:00','','Waiting'),(342,'Consequences of divorces and attitudes towards divorce in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the current article is to examine comparatively the consequences of divorces in Europe. Many studies have shown that divorce has a wide range of negative consequences for the couple. These consequences include, for example, financial, psychological and health problems. At the same it is not clear if these problems are due to the divorce or simply a result of personal choices made. The question of whether these consequences are similar in different countries also needs more elaboration. It has been shown that the strength of the impact of divorce depends on the resources divorcees have during and after the divorce.These resources are not only financial but also social or structural. Thus, in the countries where divorces are more common and accepted, divorcees should have more resources to handle the problems resulting from divorce.\n\nThe results show that there is a relation between the acceptance of divorces and the number of divorces in Europe and that both of these indicators are associated with the intensity of the consequences of divorce for divorcees. The attitudes towards divorces are more favourable in countries where divorces are more common. The more acceptable and common the divorces in a certain country are, the less financial problems divorced persons face and the less they think that their life is not close to how they would like it to be and that other people do not treat them with respect. As to the number and acceptance of divorces, Estonia is more similar to the Nordic countries, and differs from the other post-socialist countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kadri.rootalu@ut.ee','2009-02-12 15:03:12','2009-02-16 10:28:12','','Waiting'),(343,'Support of the society, trust, health and income as factors of life satisfaction for children and parents in 13 countries in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper analyses life satisfaction of children and parents in 13 European countries. Adults up to the age of 60 are used as the reference group for comparisons. It is assumed that the total life satisfaction is influenced by individual resources and the living environment of individuals. From individual level characteristics we are concentrating analyses on the health, income and trust of others. The living environment of children and families with children is characterised by share of family benefits and importance of family in the society. Data of the European Social Survey 2004 are used.\n\nThe analyses showed that the most satisfied 15–18-ear-old adolescents live in Switzerland, Finland and Sweden (Denmark was not included). Macro-level analyses indicated that the more important the family was in a country, the lower was the life satisfaction of children; however, the life satisfaction of children compared with adults was higher in more familyfriendly countries.\n\nParents were most content with their lives in Switzerland, Finland, Sweden, Ireland and Austria. The lowest scores for life satisfaction were displayed by East-European countries – Ukraine, Slovakia, Poland and Estonia. On the basis of the life satisfaction of children and parents and the deviance from the rest of the population, countries were grouped into three clusters.\n\nIn general, the model for life satisfaction with independent variables of health, income and trust suited adults better than children. Income was a surprisingly weak factor in the model for the life satisfaction of children. Infl uence of trust and health on the life satisfaction of children varied by country.\n\nFor parents, income was the most important predictor of life satisfaction in most countries. However, the infl uence of income was less important in countries where family policy was more generous. Also, heath and trust of others were good predictors of life satisfaction in the case of parents; however, in most countries, health seemed to be a more powerful factor than trust. Parents were more satisfi ed with their lives in those societies where family was considered more important and also family policy support was more essential.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2009-02-12 15:17:48','2009-02-16 10:29:12','','Waiting'),(344,'Attitudes and behaviour concerning reconciliation of paid work and housework: comparison of European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this paper is to analyse respondents’ attitudes toward reconciliation of paid work and housework and their everyday behaviour, and to find out whether the attitudes accord with their real behaviour. Ten European countries are compared, using data from the European Social Survey 2004), and the results are analysed on the basis of socio-demographic and socio-economic characteristics.\n\nThe analysis revealed that in Europe the attitudes toward reconciliation of paid work and housework on the one hand and the real behaviour on the other are related. Most people with equal gender attitudes also divide their time between paid work and housework more equally, but the strength of this correlation varies from country to country. On the basis of attitudes, regional specialties occurred: gender equality in the division of labour is most favoured in Scandinavian countries and least in Eastern and Southern Europe. It appears that young, educated and employed respondents have the highest equality in their attitudes. Respondent’s gender does not substantially aff ect attitudes, but it affects the division of labour: men contribute more in paid work and women in housework. Since the inequality in housework is bigger, female respondents bear a heavier burden (except in Sweden and the Netherlands). The division of labour is more equal among those respondents who are younger, have higher education, are financially secured and raise children.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eveteplt@ut.ee','2009-02-12 15:28:53','2009-02-16 10:30:17','','Waiting'),(345,'Job values of Estonians in the context of East- and West-Europeans’ preferences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Comparative international studies refer to the homogeneity of value systems of post communist East-European countries. For example, Inglehart (2006) refers in his World Value Survey which was carried out in the 1990s to the polarisation between material and post-material values among European countries. The members of West-European welfare societies which have a long democratic tradition tend to prefer post-material self-expression values, but in post-communist East-European countries survival values dominate. Different studies refer to the impact of living under communist rule as regards the formation of value systems. Th e current chapter titled “Job values of Estonians in the context of East- and West-Europeans’ preferences” looks into the relationships between job values and attitudes toward weekly working hours in East-European countries – Estonia, Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia – and in Scandinavian countries – Finland, Sweden, Denmark – as well as in Holland and Greece. The results of the second wave of the European Social Survey (2004) indicate that the members of poorer societies were motivated to work longer hours and attributed higher importance to high income and job security. The value differentiation factors displayed several global trends across all countries. Younger people endorsed possibilities of promotion, reconciliation of work and family life was more important for women, and the possibility to use own initiative was more significant criterion in job selection for people with higher education. The results suggest that in a certain period the differences in job values of different countries will become smaller. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','andu@psych.ut.ee','2009-02-12 15:37:51','2009-02-16 10:32:08','','Waiting'),(346,'Basic human values in Estonia – a resource for integration?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article deals with the basic human values in Estonia using Shalom Schwartz 21-item Portrait Value Questionnaires of ESS 2004 and 2006. Results show that Estonians and Estonia’s Russian-speaking communities differ profoundly. These communities share mostly values of tradition, universalism and benevolence along with self-direction in Shalom Schwartz circular model of value types. There is contrasting (and maybe conflicting)positioning in security, power and achievement values. In general, stimulation and hedonism do not play significant role in value constellations in Estonia. Regarding the integration of different Estonian communities it would be useful to pay more attention to similar basic values and avoid activities related to conflicting values.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','itart@tlu.ee','2009-02-12 15:45:03','2009-02-16 10:33:34','','Waiting'),(347,'Regional Differences of Happiness and Satisfaction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Satisfaction as well as happiness have been the object of growing scientific interest during the last years. The research of happiness and life satisfaction has also many practical applications, because dissatisfaction and being unhappy causes demographical, health, work and other problems. Consequently, all known aspects that cause satisfaction and happiness are also relevant in preventing the problems. Regional differences of satisfaction with life is one factor for predicting migration flows.\n\nAlalyses of ESS data showed that regional differences in several countries are influenced by the demographic and socio-economic composition of the population of rural and urban areas. There are essential urban- rural differences in life satisfaction in about half of the countries, taking into account the coinfluence of age, gender, partnership, health and income. Regional differences with regard to the feeling of happiness were less frequent.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2009-02-12 16:03:55','2009-02-16 10:43:38','','Waiting'),(348,'Basic Human Values of Ukrainians in Comparison With 23 Other European Countries. First article','Жизненные ценности населения Украины: сравнение с 23 другими европейскими странами. Статья первая',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article written on the data of the survey carried out in late 2004 – early 2005 within the frame works of the International Project “European social survey”, draws a comparison between Ukraine inhabitants’ values and those of other European countries. Using factor analysis technique the authors show integral value characteristics of the respondents and make systematic comparison between Ukraine and other European countries on two integral value indices: “Openness to change – Conservation” and “Self-transcendence – Self-enhancement”. Ukraine appears to be more oriented at the values of preserving to the detriment of “Openness to change” values than any other European country. Besides, there are differences between the West and the Centre: population of Western regions is to a greater extent oriented at the values of Openness to change, and in this respect it is closer to the population of 18 European countries than to their compatriots from Central Ukraine',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maksim.rudnev@gmail.com','2009-02-16 15:50:17','2009-02-17 09:21:21','','Waiting'),(349,'Basic Human Values of Ukrainians in Comparison With 23 Other European Countries. Second article','Жизненные ценности населения Украины: сравнение с 23 другими европейскими странами. Статья вторая',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article written on the data of the survey carried out in late 2004 – early 2005 within the frame works of the International Project “European social survey”, draws a comparison between Ukraine inhabitants’ values and those of other European countries. Using factor analysis technique the authors show integral value characteristics of the respondents and make systematic comparison between Ukraine and other European countries on two integral value indices: “Openness to change – Conservation” and “Self-transcendence – Self-enhancement”. Ukraine appears to be more oriented at the values of preserving to the detriment of “Openness to change” values than any other European country. Besides, there are differences between the West and the Centre: population of Western regions is to a greater extent oriented at the values of Openness to change, and in this respect it is closer to the population of 18 European countries than to their compatriots from Central Ukraine.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The first and second articles are available at \nhttp://www.polit.ru/research/2007/07/16/10values.html\nhttp://www.polit.ru/research/2007/10/10/ukrvalues.html\n(in Russian)','maksim.rudnev@gmail.com','2009-02-16 16:11:57','2009-02-17 09:22:10','','Waiting'),(350,'Basic Human Values: Similarities and Dissimilarities between Russians and other Europeans','Жизненные ценности российского населения: сходства и отличия в сравнении с другими европейскими странами ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The authors rely on the data from the third round of the European Social Survey held in 2006-2007 in their comparison between the Russian values measured by the Schwartz value questions and the values of the 19 other European countries. An average Russian as compared to the inhabitants of many other countries has stronger commitment to the values of Security and weaker commitment to values of Stimulation (novelty and risk-seeking), Hedonism and Self-direction. The average Russian and the representatives of a number of other countries (primarily post-socialist ones) are alike in their commitment to the enumerated values. As to their commitment to the other value categories the Russians are almost unique: compared to most of the other European nations studied the average Russian is more committed to values of Power-wealth and Achievement and less committed to the values of Universalism and Benevolence. Russians’ mean rating on the integral value axe (factor) “Openness to Change – Conservation” is in the middle of the European spectrum (going together with more than a half other countries’ means) but the Russians’ mean rating of the factor “Self– Transcendence – Self–Assurance” is the extreme one and is located at the Self–Assurance pole of the European spectrum. The multiple regressions corroborate the results of country means comparisons and are even more sensitive to the differences in values between Russia and other countries. Going down from the country to the individual level the authors classify all the Europeans studied into 4 clusters. It appears that each cluster embrace the inhabitants of all the countries studied and each country inhabitants can be met in all clusters. The majority of the Russian respondents settled down in the second (48% of the Russian sample) and fourth (31% of the Russian sample) clusters where the postsocialist countries are overrepresented. In addition to these two majority groups there are two important Russian minorities whose members share the values atypical for the Russian population. One of them is represented by the first cluster members (15% of the Russian sample, the biggest shares in the cluster belongs to Denmark, Sweden, Switzerland and Germany) and the other is represented by the third cluster members (6% of the Russian sample, the biggest shares in the cluster belongs to France, Switzerland and Sweden).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is available at http://www.polit.ru/research/2008/06/02/rusvalues.html\n(in Russian);\nThis is the first article based on Russian data of ESS','maksim.rudnev@gmail.com','2009-02-16 16:25:32','2009-02-17 09:22:53','','Waiting'),(351,'The impact of belonging to \"Russian-speaking community\" on basic human values','Влияние \"русскоязычности\" на жизненные ценности',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates the impact of belonging to ? Russian-speaking community in four countries on basic human values. The analysis is  based on European Social Survey data, Schwartz’s  values module. Responses of Latvian, Israeli, Ukranian and Estonian Russian-speaking respondents is described, their values is compared to Russian-speaking residents of Russia and to their consequent titular groups. Comparisons is made on individual and aggregated-data levels, employing Analysis of variance and regressions. As a result, it is concluded that both membership in foreign Russian-speaking community and country of residence influences basic human values.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is available from the author (in Russian)','maksim.rudnev@gmail.com','2009-02-16 16:39:06','2009-02-17 09:25:32','','Waiting'),(352,'Design Effects','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In large-scale sample surveys inferences are usually based on the standard randomization principle in survey sampling. Under such an approach, the responses are treated as fixed and the randomness is assumed to solely come from the probability mechanism that generates the sample. For example, in simple random sampling (SRS), the sample mean is unbiased with randomization-based variance given by Var(bar{y})_{srs} = (1-f) (S^2)/n.\n \nwhere n, N and f = n/N denote the sample size, the population size and the sampling fraction, respectively and S^2 is the finite population variance with the divisor N-1. Usually f is negligible and can be dropped from the formula. In any such case, the above equality provides a conservative formula for the variance.\n\nIn most cases, however, complex sample designs (indicated by the subscript CSD in the following) are applied rather than SRS. In such a situation, the sample mean can still be an unbiased estimator under the usual randomization approach if the sampling design is epsem, i.e. each sampling unit in the finite population has the same chance f of being selected. However, the variance of the sample mean usually underestimates the true randomization variance of   under the complex sample design. To account for this underestimation, Kish proposed the following variance inflation factor, commonly known as design effect:\n\nDEFF_R = Var_CSD(ar{y})/Var_SRS(ar{y}),\n\nwhere subscript R denotes the perspective of the randomization framework. Although in the vast majority of empirical applications the design effect is considered for the usual sample mean (as above and in the following), the above ratio can be defined more generally for the variances of any estimator under any complex design. In practice, DEFF_R is unknown and some approximations and estimations are employed to assess its magnitude.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','matthias.ganninger@gesis.org','2009-02-17 15:49:56','2009-02-19 09:45:07','','Waiting'),(353,'Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2008/4','COB Continu onderzoek burgerperspectieven Kwartaalbericht 2008/4',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The objective of the COB Citizen\'s Outlooks Barometer is to gauge the changes and constant factors in the personal, political and social outlooks of citizens. Since 2008 a quarterly report is published based on survey data and qualitative research. Every year a more in-depth study is published.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','voorlichting@scp.nl','2009-02-18 12:41:15','2011-12-27 11:48:43','','Waiting'),(354,'Young electorship: Comparison of Estonia and Finland','Noor valijaskond: Eesti ja Soome võrdlus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Paper analyses political participation and activity of Estonian and Finnsh youth.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','rein.toomla@ut.ee','2009-02-18 12:48:42','2009-02-19 09:46:15','','Waiting'),(355,'Why child is happy? Influence of environment and personality to the happiness of 15-18 year old youngsters in ten European countries','Miks laps on õnnelik? Isiksuseomaduste ja keskkonna mõju 15-18-aastaste noorte õnnele kümnes Euroopa riigis',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A paper analyses influence of environment and personality to the happiness of 15-18 year old youngsters in ten European countries. Several papers refer to the influence of personality to the happiness, however no evidence about this relationship was found after regression analyses (correlation analyses shoved the relationship) in case of 15-18 old people. Health, trust of others and satisfaction with school system were the most important factors of happiness. A combination of these three factors had the strongest impact to the happiness in England, Finland, Sweden and Austria. Happiness was influenced also by presence of close people, frequent communication with close people and subjective feeling of physical security.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2009-02-18 13:14:46','2009-02-19 09:46:39','','Waiting'),(356,'Social-economic Situation of Non-Estonians','Mitte-eestlaste sotsiaalmajanduslik olukord',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A chapter analyses social and economic situation of non-Estonians in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','avo.trumm@ut.ee','2009-02-18 13:45:20','2009-02-19 09:47:07','','Waiting'),(357,'Effects of Different Dimensions of Social Capital on Innovation: Evidence from Europe at the Regional Level','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates how different dimensions of social capital influence innovation output. The novelty of the paper lies in the fact that for measuring social capital, instead of one overall index, six factors are constructed of 20 indicators using principal components analysis. Then, human capital and R&D are also included in the analysis as factors of innovation. Unlike many previous studies, this one uses the structural equation modelling approach instead of regression analysis in order to take into account the relationships between the factors of innovation. Regional-level data from Eurostat Regio and the European Social Survey are analysed. Compared to preceding studies, a larger number of observations is used. The findings provide strong support for the argument that social capital indeed influences innovative activity and furthermore, that different dimensions of social capital have dissimilar effects on innovation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Paper is available on\n\nhttp://infutik.mtk.ut.ee/www/kodu/RePEc/mtk/febpdf/febawb51.pdf','anneli.kaasa@ut.ee','2009-02-18 14:03:25','2009-02-19 09:47:47','','Waiting'),(358,'Cross-National Variation in the Size of Sex Differences in Values: Effects of Gender Equality ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How does gender equality relate to men’s and women’s value priorities? We hypothesize that, for both sexes, the importance of benevolence, universalism, stimulation, hedonism and self-direction values increases with greater gender equality whereas the importance of power, achievement, security, and tradition values decreases. Of particular relevance to thepresent study, increased gender equality should also permit both sexes to pursue more freely the values they inherently care about more. Drawing on evolutionary and role theories, we postulate that woman inherently value benevolence and universalism more than men, whereas men inherently value power, achievement, and stimulation more than women. Thus, as gender equality increases sex differences in these values should increase, whereas sex differences in other values should not be affected by increases in gender equality. Studies of 25 representative national samples and of students from 68 countries confirmed the hypotheses except for tradition values. Implications for cross-cultural research on sex differences in values and traits are discussed.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2009-02-20 11:30:23','2010-11-09 09:58:53','','Waiting'),(359,'Basic values: How they motivate and inhibit prosocial behavior','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter details some of my efforts during the past 30 years to identify the priority system that might link abstract values to specific feelings of obligation in particular situations that affect helping behavior. It outlines my general theory of basic values and the implications of this theory for the full range of prosocial behaviors. It first discusses the nature and content of the basic values that both motivate and inhibit prosocial behavior. It then explicates the structure of congruent and conflicting relations among these values, analyzing how tradeoffs between competing values in this structure affect prosocial behavior. It next examines the dynamic roots of this near-universal structure in order to clarify why particular values affect prosocial behavior as they do. An exploration of the mechanisms that link values to prosocial behavior follows. The chapter concludes with a set of studies that use values to predict a variety of prosocial behaviors and attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2009-02-20 12:02:37','2009-02-23 11:28:56','','Waiting'),(360,'Ethnic Diversity and Generalized Trust in Europe. A Cross-National Multilevel Study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While most current research documents a negative relation between ethnic diversity and generalized trust, it has to be acknowledged that these results often originate from one-country analyses in North America. In this article, attitudinal measurements from the European Social Survey are combined with Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development data on migration patterns, thus examining the relationship between diversity and trust in a comparative manner across 20 European countries. More fine-grained measurements of diversity (including type and rise of diversity over time and legal status of immigrants) are included in a multilevel model. At the individual level, most of the familiar relations were confirmed. At the country level, hardly any indicators for migration or diversity proved to be strongly and consistently related to generalized trust. Results suggest that the pessimistic conclusions about the negative effects of ethnic diversity on generalized trust cannot be confirmed at the aggregate level across European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online before print October 10, 2008','Tim.Reeskens@soc.kuleuven.be','2009-03-03 17:49:54','2010-11-08 13:10:55','','Waiting'),(361,'Mixed Mode Data Collection in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cross-national surveys face a range of obstacles to achieving reliable, comparable data and generally try to resolve this by making survey practices (sampling, question-wording, and so on) as similar as possible.  For this reason, the European Social Survey (ESS) currently allows only face-to-face data collection, generally considered to be the mode that results in the highest quality data, especially for a long, large-scale, population survey such as the ESS.  Yet now, partly for the same reasons that mixed mode data collection is currently becoming increasingly widespread in single-nation studies (e.g. due to declining response rates and increasing fieldwork costs, the possibility of introducing mixed modes on the ESS is being considered.\n\nHowever, there is currently a lack of empirical data supporting the assumption that mixed mode data collection, or simply a move away from face-to-face data collection, is desired, or indeed possible, on a survey like the ESS.  For this reason, a ‘mapping exercise’ is being carried out at City University in order to get a comprehensive picture of current survey practice across Europe.  Specifically, this research aims to establish the capacity and demand for mixing modes of data collection in ESS participating countries.  The project consists of desk research and a consultation exercise with survey practitioners across Europe, from which we will present some preliminary findings.  \n\nThis paper begins by outlining the background to the research project and the methods used so far.  It then describes some examples of the current use of mixed modes across Europe, looking specifically at what this tells us about the possibility of mixing modes in the ESS.  We then discuss issues raised by the consultation exercise concerning why mixed mode survey designs have, or have not, been used and consider what are the key advantages, obstacles and pressures surrounding the decision to mix modes. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','s.widdop@city.ac.uk','2009-03-05 15:48:54','2009-03-09 13:18:26','','Waiting'),(362,'Development of individual quality of life, 1994–2008','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A chapter gives an overview about changes in living conditions, material situation, social relations, and a relationship between individuals and society in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','avo.trumm@ut.ee','2009-03-11 10:14:29','2009-03-11 16:07:43','','Waiting'),(363,'Happiness and satisfaction with life','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Estonian residents’ satisfaction with life has increased significantly during the past five years, reflecting Estonia’s economic development and the considerable positive social changes that have occurred.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anu.realo@ut.ee','2009-03-11 10:34:37','2009-03-11 16:08:01','','Waiting'),(364,'Quality of life in Estonia in the European context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The results of the analysis show that the low individual quality of life of Estonian residents is “in conformity” with the “low livability” of the society. Estonia’s lengthy period of economic growth has improved its inhabitants’ standard of living, but has not been so effective as to allow us to reach a quality of life comparable to most European countries. The lack of significant improvement in the social quality of life may begin to have a negative effect on individual opportunities for well-being in the near future.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','avo.trumm@ut.ee','2009-03-11 10:50:34','2009-03-12 09:09:54','','Waiting'),(365,'Ethnic differentiations in satisfaction evaluations: Estonia’s distinctions in the European context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter analyses life satisfaction from the aspect of ethnicity. The analysis in this chapter confirms the previous results indicating that the significant factors affecting the formation of life satisfaction in Estonia involve the individual’s age, citizenship, education, and material welfare. This analysis shows that in the European context Estonia is quite distinctive, because people’s satisfaction evaluations are strongly related to their ethnic background and citizenship – the 2006 European Social Survey data on 25 countries indicated that both variables – ethnic affiliation and citizenship – have a strong association with life satisfaction.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anu.masso@ut.ee','2009-03-11 11:07:10','2009-03-11 16:08:45','','Waiting'),(366,'Subjective and objective indicators of well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this subchapter, we will examine how the components of well-being and their perception are mutually related and also related to different parameters of economic development. Both the objective and subject variables of well-being will be examined along with the actual situation and the assessments made by people. Subjective assessments have been obtained from the data on the countries that were included in the third round (2006)of the European Social Survey. Therefore, the objective indicators for wellbeing were also collected for the same countries.\n\nEstonia’s ranking based on the assessments of general satisfaction and the feeling of happiness is approximately the same as that based on wealth. In other words, our much lower indicators for the quality of life – poor health and short life expectancy – have not affected our feeling of happiness or satisfaction to date. Or our belief in ourselves, our own prospects and institutional capacities has helped to eliminate the impact of these negative factors. The question is whether this optimism and positive attitude will survive the current period of economic recession.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anneli.kaasa@ut.ee','2009-03-11 11:30:08','2009-03-11 16:09:02','','Waiting'),(367,'Global Self-Esteem Across the Life Span: A Cross-Sectional Comparison Between Representative and Self-Selected Internet Samples','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The cross-sectional trajectory of global self-esteem across the life span was examined administering the Rosenberg and Single-Item Self-Esteem scales to Estonians (N=29,463) who were either randomly selected from the National Census to represent the population or self-recruited through the Internet. The results (a) challenge the recent conclusion of a universal age trajectory of self-esteem, (b) demonstrate that self-recruited Internet data collection method is biased compared to random sampling, and (c) present that different self-esteem items have dissimilar trajectories. A variance component analysis confirmed that age differences in self-esteem are relatively small compared to interindividual differences and measurement error.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anu.realo@ut.ee','2009-03-13 09:43:25','2010-11-09 09:56:25','','Waiting'),(368,'The Across Nations Project and the European Social Survey (Guest Editor\'s Introduction)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This introduction refers to the Across Nations project and describes its evolution in the Cross-National Studies: Interdisciplinary Research and Training Program (CONSIRT). In this context all of the authors contributing articles to this issue of the International Journal of Sociology performed their work. CONSIRT uses the European Social Survey for research and training purposes, and all of the studies presented here are based on data from this survey. The articles ask the following questions: What are the determinants of trust in democratic institutions? How is trust among religious minorities affected by the size of the religious majority? Does trust influence political participation? To what extent does fear of crime depend on crime rates and the experience of victimization? And what mechanisms determine the level of women’s involvement in housework? The first three articles deal with trust, the fourth with fear, and the fifth with the issue of micro-inequality. This introduction situates the five articles within the larger project.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','slomczynski.1@sociology.osu.edu','2009-03-14 16:16:03','2010-11-09 09:54:15','','Waiting'),(369,'Effects of Democracy and Inequality on Soft Political Protest in Europe: Exploring the European Social Survey Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this cross-national study, soft political-protest behavior is defined as participation in a legal demonstration, signing a petition, or contacting governmental officials. We find that in Europe in 2006 (1) the proportion of political protesters is significantly higher in old democracies than in the new, predominantly post-communist, democracies, and (2) the greater the income inequality in both old and new democracies, the lower the proportion of political protesters. These two regularities, established for country-level data, hold even if the index of democracy and gross domestic product per capita are controlled. Using individual-level data, we find that in all countries included in the European Social Survey trust in parliament and high social position positively influences the probability of individuals’ protest behavior. Combining both levels of analysis, we pay particular attention to the effects of two macro-characteristics: old/new democracies and income inequality.   Both of these characteristics prove to be significant predictors of soft political-protest behavior.     ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','slomczynski.1@osu.edu','2009-03-14 16:43:23','2010-11-09 09:52:46','','Waiting'),(370,'Structural Determinants of Trust in Public Institutions: Cross-National Differentiation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this article is to present the structural determinants of prodemocratic attitudes expressed through trust in democratic institu¬tions: political parties, parliament, and the judiciary system. We present statistical analyses in which trust is regressed on the social stratification position measured by education, occupation, and income. These analyses are based on data from the European Social Survey (Round 3, 2006). The context for the relationship among individual-level variables is provided by “objective” assessment of the democracy level grasping its different aspects, and defined on the country level. The main result of this study is that the impact of social stratification position on trust in democratic institutions is greater in “old democracies” of Western Europe than in the postcommunist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. It also establishes that the higher the country’s level of economic development the stronger the impact of the stratification position on prodemocratic attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','slomczynski.1@osu.edu','2009-03-14 17:17:35','2010-11-09 09:51:11','','Waiting'),(371,'Making  the Basis for a Reliable Comparison: the European Social Survey 2002 in Spain.','Construyendo las bases para una comparación fiable: la Encuesta Social Europea 2002 en España',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Surveys are a valuable instrument to find out about the social and political reality of our context. However, the work of researchers is often limited by a number of handicaps that are mainly two. On one hand, the samples are usually low technical quality ones and the fieldwork is not carried out in the finest conditions. On the other hand, many surveys are not especially designed to allow their comparison, a precisely appreciated operation in political research. The article presents the European Social Survey and justifies its methodological bases. The survey, promoted by the European Science Foundation and the European Commission, is born from the collective effort of the scientific community with the explicit aim to establish certain quality standards in the sample design and in the carrying out of the fieldwork so as to guarantee the quality of the data and allow each comparison between countries.\n\n \n\nKeywords: European survey, comparative studies, sampling design, design effect, effective sample size\n\n\n\n ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','clara.riba@upf.edu','2009-03-17 11:54:27','2012-02-16 13:47:12','','Waiting'),(372,'Improving from the experience: the ESS third wave implementation in Spain','Mejorando a partir de la experiencia: la implementación de la tercera ola de la ESE en España',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Created with the dual purpose of monitoring social change and bringing improvements into the creation and design of instruments for measuring that reality, the European Social Survey (ESS) has now completed its third round. This methodology paper expresses thoughts on the usefulness of analysing the accumulated data from the first two rounds in the process for ongoing improvement of the survey. And so, in the case of Spain, the experience accumulated in the earlier rounds has been used to 1) validate the questionnaire, 2) finely tune the sampling design to the characteristics of the country, and 3) substantially improve the quality of the data obtained. The paper shows how the coordinated effort of the Spanish ESS team and the polling agency has resulted in a remarkable increase in the degree of compliance with the survey targets, which is a fact that guarantees the representativeness of the sample finally obtained.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.cuxart@upf.edu','2009-03-17 12:15:43','2010-11-16 12:00:54','','Waiting'),(373,'Reflections on motherhood and work in Europe and Japan - from \'either/or\' to \'both\'','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper first reviews recent patterns of fertility and partnership in a number of European countries and Japan. Since the late 1960s, these countries have experienced significant fertility decline. Rather than by an increased incidence of childlessness, this was driven mainly by postponement of the first birth, and a limited number of births taking place thereafter. In addition, fewer marriages took place, while the incidence of cohabitation increased, marriage took place later, and marriage became more unstable, reflected in increasing divorce rates. Next, this paper reviews two commonly used explanatory frameworks of fertility decline - on increasing opportunity costs and on value change - and concludes that they cannot account for recent phenomena such as a reversed relation between female labour force participation and fertility, and between progressiveness and fertility, or persistently high desired fertility. This is because they fail to bring in the notion of combinability. The focus of the third section of this paper is on the policy implications of brining in this notion of combinability.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Hideko.Matsuo@soc.kuleuven.be','2009-03-23 15:58:59','2009-03-24 08:54:15','','Waiting'),(374,'Explaining Cross-Country Differences in Contact Rates','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the European Social Survey (ESS) contact rates differ across countries. These differences are broadly due to (1) differences in survey implementation, (2) differences in population characteristics associated with contact propensity and (3) differences in the association between 1 or 2 and contact propensity. This paper investigates correlates of contact within and across ESS countries by decomposing cross-country differences in predicted mean contact propensities into (population and fieldwork) characteristics effects, coefficients effects and a pseudo-interaction effect.\nThe findings shed light on the cross-national comparability of the manipulable aspects of the contacting process. In addition, we distinguish factors explaining within-country contact propensity from factors explaining cross-country differences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','annelies.blom@gesis.org','2009-03-26 22:32:57','2009-03-27 09:26:01','','Waiting'),(375,'Well-being of Elderly in Estonia 2007, Comparison with Families with Children and non-Estonians','Eakate heaolu Eestis 2007, võrdlus lastega perede ja mitte-eestlaste rühmaga',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The report analyses well-being of elderly and compares it with other groups. Analyses about attitudes about old age, values, economic well-being, consumption of media, security, trust, social activities and relations, political participation, trust in institutions, perceived discrimination and perceived well-being are main chapters in the report.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2009-04-02 08:18:55','2009-04-06 10:19:10','','Waiting'),(376,'The Effect of Union Type on Work-Life Conflict in Five European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores the strategies for reconciling family and work in different union types. The focus here is on investigating how cohabiting and married individuals perceive the work-life conflict in different European countries. To test the union type\nimpact on work-life balance in the context of different societal conditions, this paper draws on 2004 ESS data from Sweden, Germany, United Kingdom, Slovenia and Estonia (European Social Survey 2004). The pooled country data are examined to analyze the\nassociation between work-life conflict and socio-demographic, as well as family-level characteristics of individuals. The findings did not demonstrate uniform differences in the work-life conflict of married and cohabiting couples. However, a higher degree of worklife conflict among Swedish cohabiting women was still significant when controlling for individual characteristics, household composition and working conditions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kairi.kasearu@ut.ee','2009-04-02 08:29:49','2010-11-05 11:33:32','','Waiting'),(377,'Let us Pray: Religious Interactions in Life Satisfaction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We use recent pooled survey data on 90 000 individuals in 26 European countries to examine religious spillover effects on life satisfaction. Own religious behaviour is positively correlated with individual life satisfaction. More unusually, average religiosity in the region also has a positive impact: people are more satisfied in more religious regions. This spillover holds both for those who are religious and for those who are not. The flipside of the coin is that a greater proportion of “atheists” (those who say they do not currently belong to any religious denomination) has negative spillover effects, for the religious and atheists alike. We last show that both Protestants and Catholics like to live in regions where their own religion is dominant, while Protestants are also more satisfied when Catholics dominate. The generic positive spillover effect of others’ religion is not explained by social capital, crime, or trust. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Andrew.Clark@ens.fr','2009-04-02 14:19:11','2009-04-06 10:22:20','','Waiting'),(378,'Welfare Regimes and Attitudes Towards Redistribution: The Regime Hypothesis Revisited','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper addresses the issue of why comparative research on welfare state attitudes has to establish a link between welfare regimes and popular support for redistribution.\nSeveral limitations in the existing literature regarding the dependent variable, the operationalisation of welfare regimes, how the relationship between regimes and attitudes is identified, and the methods used are proposed as reasons why no link between regimes and attitudes has been found. An alternative approach is developed in which welfare regimes are operationalised using a range of theoretically defining characteristics, e.g. total public social spending, benefit generosity, and the weight of social services relative to total public social expenditure. Using data on 13 Western European countries from the first two waves of the European Social Survey, the empirical analysis provides mixed support for the hypothesized relationship between welfare regimes and support for redistribution. Several suggestions for future research are also discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: January 25, 2006','mads@sfi.dk','2009-04-02 14:53:03','2010-11-08 12:02:23','','Waiting'),(379,'Religious Practice in Ireland - A summary of European Social Survey Round 3 data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report is a follow up to the report produced by the Council for Research & Development in April of 2006. It includes the most up to date data for Ireland and compares data across the three rounds of the ESS as well as a comparison with selected European countries. Specifically delineated are those data that relate to mass attendance by Catholics from a Republic of Ireland and European perspective. A brief commentary is provided at the end of the report. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eoin.omahony@iecon.ie','2009-04-02 14:58:09','2009-04-06 10:27:43','','Waiting'),(380,'The Sensitive Left and the Impervious Right: Multilevel Models and the Politics of Inequality, Ideology, and Legitimacy in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent years have seen increased attention to integrating what we know about individual citizens with what we know about macro-level contexts that vary across countries. This article discusses the growing literature on how people’s interpretations,opinions,and actions are shaped by variable contextual parameters and provides a novel substantive application. Using surveys conducted in 20 European democracies, the authors examine the effect of income inequality on people’s attitudes about the functioning of the political system and trust in public institutions. They find that citizens in countries with higher levels of income inequality express more negative attitudes toward public institutions. Moreover, they show that the negative effect of inequality on attitudes toward the political system is particularly powerful among individuals on the political left. In contrast, inequality’s negative effect on people’s faith in the system is muted among those on the right.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online before print January 24, 2008.','christopher.anderson@cornell.edu','2009-04-02 16:50:21','2010-11-08 13:08:51','','Waiting'),(381,'Immigrants’ Life Satisfaction in Europe: Between Assimilation and Discrimination','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the three rounds of the European Social Survey, this article investigates the disparities in life satisfaction measures between the first- and second-generation immigrants, on the one hand, and the natives, on the other hand, in 13 European countries. Two major theoretical hypotheses explaining the lower level of immigrants’ subjective well-being are tested: the straight line assimilation and the effect of discrimination. The main finding is that immigrants’ relative dissatisfaction does not diminish with time and across generations, which refutes the predictions of the assimilation paradigm. However, when ethnic groups are compared, the discrimination some of them perceive in the host society seems to be a more consistent explanation for their lower life satisfaction level. The effect of discrimination is measured with an attempt to correct for the endogeneity bias that it may lead to by using simultaneous regressions with instrumental variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: March 18, 2009','mirna.safi@sciences-po.fr','2009-04-02 18:47:43','2010-11-08 11:59:59','','Waiting'),(382,'Identifying Events Using Computer-Assisted Text Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Events such as elections, significant changes in laws, but also extreme weather conditions, may affect societal values and, consequently, public opinion. Accordingly, a central assumption for public opinion surveys is that respondents\' behavior is influenced by significant events. It is therefore necessary to consider the impact of potential events when designing a survey and, whenever possible, to control for these. To support the documentation of such societal events, the authors have developed a procedure to identify events using computer-assisted text analysis. Event words are selected and grouped by means of exploratory factor analysis based on a comparison of a large text corpus that forms the reference for a smaller text corpus consisting of media items on significant events. As a result, the factors represent significant events during a specific time period. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','cornelia.zuell@gesis.org','2009-04-03 14:53:57','2010-11-09 10:34:11','','Waiting'),(383,'Work life and mental well-being: single and coupled employed mothers in Southern Europe and Scandinavia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Many European mothers, single and coupled, combine work outside the home and family life.  The effects of this on their mental wellbeing may vary depending on the level of support available from the State’s welfare system, since welfare may buffer working mothers from some of the stress that can arise from trying to manage significant responsibilities on the job and at home. Welfare may be especially important for single working mothers, for whom the burden of multiple roles may be even heavier. The present study assessed levels and predictors of wellbeing of single and coupled employed mothers in Greece, Portugal and Spain, where welfare support is relatively limited.  Results were compared to a parallel study with data from Denmark, Norway and Sweden, where welfare support is relatively comprehensive. Coupled mothers in Scandinavia had significantly lower financial hardship, longer education, higher life satisfaction, more enriching jobs, practical support, financial support and social participation than coupled mothers in the Southern European sample. On the other hand, the Scandinavian coupled mothers had higher levels of work family conflict than coupled mothers in Southern Europe. Single mothers in Scandinavia, compared to single mothers in Southern Europe, had significantly longer education, higher life satisfaction and positive affect, more enriching jobs, confidant support, practical support, financial support and social participation.  Level of job stress was the same for all mother groups.  All groups differed significantly from each other in level of financial hardship, with Scandinavian coupled mothers being best off, followed by Scandinavian single mothers, Southern European coupled mothers, and Southern European single mothers. The regional differences suggest that single motherhood per se need not be a risk factor for poorer wellbeing, and that welfare policies may have a protective effect for the mental wellbeing of single mothers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Torill.Bull@iuh.uib.no','2009-04-06 10:46:28','2010-11-09 09:45:01','','Waiting'),(384,'Subjective Well-Being Among Employed Lone Mothers in Europe: the Effects of Level of Work/Family Conflict and Self-Enhancement Versus Self-Transcendence Value Orientation ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study investigated the relationship of subjective well-being (SWB) to (1) work/family conflict, (2) self-enhancement/self-transcendence values and (3) the interaction between work/family conflict and values. SWB was represented by measures of life satisfaction (LS), positive affect (PA) and happiness. The data were from a cross-national sample (17 countries) of 484 employed lone mothers in the European Social Survey. Participants with higher levels of work/family conflict had lower levels of SWB. Participants who valued self-enhancement had lower levels of LS, but not lower levels of PA and happiness. There were no interaction effects between work/family conflict and values. The findings support the distinction between happiness and LS as separate constructs. The present results add to the literature on work/family conflict and SWB by addressing this topic in a little studied but important population segment, employed lone mothers. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Torill.Bull@iuh.uib.no','2009-04-06 10:52:23','2010-11-09 10:31:59','','Waiting'),(385,'Attitudes towards immigration in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines attitudes towards immigration across a range of countries in Europe. In line with the current literature we find evidence that both economic and non-economic factors shape attitudes towards the arrival of immigrants. However, we also show that the relative importance of these factors depends crucially on the race of the arriving immigrants. We find that economic considerations are more likely to shape attitudes towards the arrival of same race immigrants, while immigrants of a different race are perceived to have a negative impact on the country’s culture. Moreover, educated natives perceive labour market competition from arriving immigrants of the same race only.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','s.mateut@sheffield.ac.uk','2009-05-06 14:17:15','2009-05-13 14:15:00','','Waiting'),(386,'Women’s perception of work and family conflict in the Baltic Sea countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Aim of the paper is to study how working women from the countries around the Baltic sea differ in respect of paid and unpaid workload, percieved work and family conflict WFC, and general life satisfaction',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kairi.talves@ut.ee','2009-05-15 22:57:14','2009-05-18 10:35:42','','Waiting'),(387,'Riots in the family: influences of decision making in Estonian and Swedish families','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Following paper is analysing power relations of partners living together in household. More specifically, decision making plays significant role in relations between men and women in families. The aim of the study is to examine gender relations in two different countries through connecting traditional gender roles with modern family model. Therefore it is analysed specific aspect of decision making in family: who decides over occasional expensive purchases for the household. Theoretical part examines mainstream discourses used in studies of gender relations: gender hierarchies and power relation theories and resource theories, empirical part consists of comparative analyses of two countries with different gender eqality background. Empirical part basis of ESS 2004 data to answer the question who is making decisions in Estonian and Swedish families and what determinants are important for getting power position in relationships. Results are similarly surprising in both countries: the main determinants of decision making power in Estonian families are proportion of income, presence of small children in family and age. In Swedish families slight significance in relationships between proportion of income and decision making occurred.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kairi.talves@ut.ee','2009-05-15 23:05:22','2009-05-18 10:36:20','','Waiting'),(388,'Can differences in medical drug compliance between European countries be explained by social factors: analyses based on data from the European Social Survey, round 2','Can differences in medical drug compliance between European countries be explained by social factors: analyses based on data from the European Social Survey, round 2',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background\nNon-compliance with medication is a major health problem. Cultural differences may explain different compliance patterns. The size of the compliance burden and the impact of socio-demographic and socio-economic status within and across countries in Europe have, however, never been analysed in one survey. The aim of this study was to analyse 1) medical drug compliance in different European countries with respect to socio-demographic and socio-economic factors, and to examine 2) whether cross-national differences could be explained by these factors.\n\nMethods\nA multi-country interview survey European Social Survey, Round 2 was conducted in 2004/05 comprising questions about compliance with last prescribed drug. Non-compliance was classified as primary and secondary, depending whether the drug was purchased or not. Statistical weighting allowed for adjustment for national differences in sample mechanisms. A multiple imputation strategy was used to compensate for missing values. The analytical approach included multivariate and multilevel analyses.\n\nResults\nThe survey comprised 45,678 participants. Response rate was 62.5% (range 43.6–79.1%). Reported compliance was generally high (82%) but the pattern of non-compliance showed large variation between countries. Some 3.2% did not purchase the most recently prescribed medicine, and 13.6% did not take the medicine as prescribed. Multiple regression analyses showed that each variable had very different and in some cases opposite impact on compliance within countries. The multilevel analysis showed that the variation between countries did not change significantly when adjusted for increasing numbers of covariates.\n\nConclusion\nReported compliance was generally high but showed wide variation between countries. Cross-national differences could, however, not be explained by the socio-demographic and socio-economic variables measured.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Open accecc at\n http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2458/9/145\n','jkragstrup@health.sdu.dk','2009-05-28 23:19:00','2010-11-09 09:39:26','','Waiting'),(389,'Disability in Europe: policy, social participation and subjective well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This thesis reports on an analysis of European disability policy and an analysis of social participation and subjective well-being of people with disabilities in eight European countries. The policy study analyses similarities and differences in disability policy in nine European countries, explores the relation of this policy with developments at the European level and explores to what extent disability policy at the level of the EU influences national policies. On the basis of the analysis the countries can be grouped in a ‘coherent’, ‘fragmented’ and ‘transition’ policy cluster. Europe has hardly any formal influence through legislation. However, there seems to be an informal influence through ‘persuasion’ and ‘dialogue’.\nThe objective of the quantitative study was to compare the situation regarding social participation and subjective well-being of people with disabilities in the various countries and to explore the relation with the different national policies. Data were retrieved from the European Social Survey. Differences in social participation and subjective well-being of people with and people without disabilities between countries were analysed as well as differences between people with and people without disabilities within countries. Further it was analysed how socio-demographic characteristics and self-rated health, mental and economic conditions were related to or determine social participation and subjective well-being in addition to disabilities. A disability as such seems to have hardly any influence on social participation and subjective well-being. A ‘positive and energetic attitude’ contributes most to social participation and subjective well-being. Concerning the relation between the two studies, there seems to be a certain relation between the policy clusters and the level of social participation and subjective well-being.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mvansantvoort@wxs.nl','2009-06-05 15:15:28','2009-06-09 09:19:30','','Waiting'),(390,'Political Institutions and Social Capital in Comparative Perspective.','Politische Institutionen und Sozialkapital im internationalen Vergleich. eine empirisch-quantitative Analyse der politisch-institutionellen Determinanten sozialen Kapitals.',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The disseration investigates on an empirical-quantitative basis the possible effects of political institutions on social capital. It uses as a theoretical conceptual frame the social capital concept of Robert Putnam and the New Institutionalism. Using the World Value Surveys (1999-2002) and the ESS (Round 1 and 2) it tests the effects of several political institutions (like democracy, type of democracy, state structure etc.) on social capital and its componentes via regressions analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','heydenreich@politik.uni-mainz.de','2009-06-12 11:31:41','2009-06-12 11:40:36','','Waiting'),(391,'Different goods, different effects: exploring the effects of generalized social trust in large-N collective action','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Does generalized social trust help solve large-N collective action problems? This paper argues so, offering a novel explanation for the relationship: People tend to cooperate if they expect others to be cooperating, which implies that people holding generalized social trust more readily cooperate in large-N dilemmas because they expect that most people will cooperate. The paper tests the explanation in a rigorous design. The analyses show a positive, robust effect of generalized social trust on public good provision, but no effect is found in a joint product situation. This supports the hypothesis, indicating that trust specifically enhances cooperation in collective action dilemmas.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ks@ps.au.dk','2009-06-18 09:56:11','2010-11-09 09:33:44','','Waiting'),(392,'Values and Support for Immigration: A Cross-Country Comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper, we estimate and compare the effects of two value dimensions taken from the theory of basic human values (Schwartz 1992) – namely self-transcendence and conservation- on attitudes toward immigration policies in 19 countries. Data from the first round (2002-03) of the European Social Survey (ESS) is utilized. This cross-national survey measures basic human values with a new 21-item instrument. Attitudes toward immigration are operationalized using two dimensions: willingness to allow immigrants into the country, and support for conditions to allow them. Effects of the value dimensions on immigration attitudes are compared across 19 nations using multiple-group multiple-indicators structural equation modelling (MGSEM). The critical statistical legitimacy for comparing these effects across countries is discussed in detail, and measurement invariance is evidenced. The MGSEM provides strong support for our hypotheses in 17 countries: self-transcendence displays a positive effect on support for immigration, and conservation a negative effect. It is shown that among the countries in the study, clusters of countries with equal effect sizes can be distinguished.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: March 18, 2008','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2009-07-07 11:51:03','2010-11-16 11:27:09','','Waiting'),(393,'Changing attitudes toward immigration in Europe, 2002-2007: a dynamic group conflict theory approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Anti-immigration attitudes and its origins have been investigated quite extensively. Research that focuses on the evolution of attitudes toward immigration, however, is far more scarce. In this paper, we use data from the first three rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS) to study the trend of anti-immigration attitudes between 2002 and 2007 in 17 European countries. In the first part of the paper, we discuss the critical legitimacy for comparing latent variable means over countries and time. A Multiple-Group Multiple Indicator Structural Equation Modeling (MGSEM) approach is used to test the cross-country and cross-time equivalence of the variables under study. In a second step, we try to offer an explanation for the observed trends using a dynamic version of group conflict theory. The country-specific evolutions in attitudes toward immigration are shown to coincide with national context factors, such as immigration flows and changes in unemployment rates.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Available online 2 October 2008','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2009-07-07 12:03:44','2010-11-16 10:01:43','','Waiting'),(394,'A Monte Carlo sample size: how many countries are needed for accurate multilevel SEM?','A Monte Carlo sample size: how many countries are needed for accurate multilevel SEM?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recently, there has been growing scientific interest for cross-national survey research. Various scholars have used multilevel techniques to link individual characteristics to aspects of the national context. At first sight, multilevel SEM seems to be a promising tool for this purpose, as it integrates multilevel modeling within a latent variable framework. However, due to the fact that the number of countries in most international surveys does not exceed 30, the application of multilevel SEM in cross-national research is problematic.\nTaking European Social Survey (ESS) data as a point of departure, this paper uses Monte Carlo studies to assess the estimation accuracy of multilevel SEM with small group sample sizes. The results indicate that a group sample size of 20—a situation common in cross-national research—does not guarantee accurate estimation at all. Unacceptable amounts of parameter and standard error bias are present for the between-level estimates. Unless the standardized effect is very large (0.75), statistical power for detecting a significant between-level structural effect is seriously lacking. Required group sample sizes depend strongly on the specific interests of the researcher, the expected effect sizes and the complexity of the model. If the between-level model is relatively simple and one is merely interested in the between-level factor structure, a group sample size of 40 could be sufficient. To detect large (>0.50) structural effects at the between level, at least 60 groups are required. To have an acceptable probability of detecting smaller effects, more than 100 groups are needed. These guidelines are shown to be quite robust for varying cluster sizes and intra-class correlations (ICCs).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2009-07-07 14:15:56','2009-07-27 11:35:52','','Waiting'),(395,'A Monte Carlo sample size: how many countries are needed for accurate multilevel SEM?','A Monte Carlo sample size: how many countries are needed for accurate multilevel SEM?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recently, there has been growing scientific interest for cross-national survey research. Various scholars have used multilevel techniques to link individual characteristics to aspects of the national context. At first sight, multilevel SEM seems to be a promising tool for this purpose, as it integrates multilevel modeling within a latent variable framework. However, due to the fact that the number of countries in most international surveys does not exceed 30, the application of multilevel SEM in cross-national research is problematic.\nTaking European Social Survey (ESS) data as a point of departure, this paper uses Monte Carlo studies to assess the estimation accuracy of multilevel SEM with small group sample sizes. The results indicate that a group sample size of 20—a situation common in cross-national research—does not guarantee accurate estimation at all. Unacceptable amounts of parameter and standard error bias are present for the between-level estimates. Unless the standardized effect is very large (0.75), statistical power for detecting a significant between-level structural effect is seriously lacking. Required group sample sizes depend strongly on the specific interests of the researcher, the expected effect sizes and the complexity of the model. If the between-level model is relatively simple and one is merely interested in the between-level factor structure, a group sample size of 40 could be sufficient. To detect large (>0.50) structural effects at the between level, at least 60 groups are required. To have an acceptable probability of detecting smaller effects, more than 100 groups are needed. These guidelines are shown to be quite robust for varying cluster sizes and intra-class correlations (ICCs).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2009-07-07 14:25:15','2010-06-08 11:40:42','','Waiting'),(396,'Religious diversity in Europe and its relation to social attitudes and values orientations','Religious diversity in Europe and its relation to social attitudes and values orientations',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One of the prime objectives of cross-national survey research is to compare concepts and their inter-rrelations across countries or cultures. It is therefore important that these concepts are measured adequately in all of the countries involved in the survey. Moreover; in order that country-scores on items or scales can be compared in a valid way, concepts have to be measured in a sufficiently equivalent way. This paper tries to assess both scalar and metric equivalence of religious involvement and a set of theoretical related attitudinal variables and values that are measured in Round 2 of the European Social Survey. Special attention is on the equivalent measurement of religious involvement since not only samples of “christen” European countries are in round 2 but also a sample of Turkey. One may assume that at least one indicator does not function the same way in all countries. What are the implications for the analysis of the relations between religious involvement, background variables and social attitudes and values? After answering this question, it is investigated how far the effect of religious involvement on social attitudes (trust in political institutions, social trust, ethnic prejudice, attitude towards immigration) and some values (self transcendence and universalism) is indifferent over countries, and in case of strong differences, how one can explain these.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published in: Citizenship and cultural identities in the EU: old questions, new answers (pp. 83-105). Proceedings op the International ESSHRA Conference in Istanbul. Ankara: Tübitak','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2009-07-07 14:56:07','2009-07-27 11:36:52','','Waiting'),(397,'Who can enter? A Multilevel Analysis on Public Support for Immigration Criteria across 20 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Drawing on social psychological threat theories and extending them to a national level, this study investigated individual- and country-level predictors of Europeans’ support for immigration criteria. Endorsement of ascribed and acquired immigration standards was analysed with survey data across 20 nations. Multilevel regression analyses revealed that among the individual-level predictors, perceived threat had the strongest relationship with support for both entry criteria. Low gross domestic product (GDP) and low refugee rate predicted approval of ascribed criteria. Cross-level interactions revealed that relationships between perceived threat and approval of acquired entry criteria were intensified in high GDP and high refugee rate contexts. The results corroborate predictions of social psychological threat theories and underscore the importance of including macro-social factors in the cross-national study of immigration attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.green@unil.ch','2009-07-09 14:09:43','2010-11-09 09:31:44','','Waiting'),(398,'Sacrificing Their Careers for Their Families? An Analysis of the Penalty to Motherhood in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines the extent of and the mechanisms behind the penalty to motherhood in six European countries. Each country provides different levels of support for maternal employment allowing us to determine institutional effects on labour market outcome. While mothers tend to earn less than non-mothers, the penalty to motherhood is considerably lower in countries with policy support for working mothers. The paper establishes the United Kingdom and West Germany to have the least policy support for working mothers as well as the largest penalties to motherhood. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vanessa.gash@manchester.ac.uk','2009-08-17 18:53:42','2010-11-05 11:32:33','','Waiting'),(399,'Alienation and the Normative Value of Voting: Explaining Turnout Decline in Five Advanced Industrial Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Whilst declining turnout has been the hallmark of Western political participation over the past four decades, there has been little work that examines this trend in relation to the normative value of the vote.  This seems bizarre as, for all the literature produced on turnout and electoral participation, there has been very little work explicitly stating why voting is important.  This negation intuitively leads one to believe that electoral studies are therefore an irrelevance.  To rectify this negation this study seeks not only to establish the potential cause of declining participation, but to do so in relation to the normative value of the vote.\nTo begin with, by challenging the value of voting, it can be claimed that electoral participation is at best undesirable and at worst inhibiting for citizens.  It alienates them not only from the decision-making process but from themselves as self-determining individuals.  From this normative foundation it can then be claimed that declining turnout is primarily caused by alienation from the system of representative government.  Although there are problems proving this theory emphatically there is sufficient evidence that political alienation, as a concept, does help explain both abstention and declining turnout.\nAs a consequence of these two assertions a number of potential research areas open up.  These include examining the consequences of turnout decline, establishing whether its revival is normatively desirable and constructing democratic alternatives to the undesirable status quo.  It is hoped that by combining this normative element to existing questions on participation democratic and electoral studies can progress the stagnating debate surrounding democracy.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','stephen.goodrich@btinternet.com','2009-08-27 11:58:04','2009-08-31 10:09:12','','Waiting'),(400,'Events and Reliability of Measures: The Effect of Elections on Measures of Interest in Politics','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article aims to determine whether elections affect the level of interest in politics. The European Social Survey’s (ESS) long fieldwork periods make it possible to compare the change in levels of interest in politics as election time approaches and campaigns intensify, or as elections pass and the attention of the public turns toward other issues. The scope and comparability of the ESS allows for seeing possible effects on a cross-national level. The distance from the last parliamentary election and the distance to the next election are calculated for all cases in the database. The distance is then compared with the change of levels in variables measuring interest in politics throughout the fieldwork period. Additionally, changes in the mean values for each fieldwork month in countries where the ESS was fielded during elections is also compared. Results show that the distance from the last election and the distance to the next election are not correlated with a change in the levels of interest in politics. Furthermore, changes in the mean levels of interest in politics are within the error margins for fieldwork months that coincided with election months.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mihkel.solvak@ut.ee','2009-10-02 18:45:33','2010-11-09 09:24:28','','Waiting'),(401,'test','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'&lt;script type=\"text/javascript\"&gt;alert(\"Bø!\");&lt;/script&gt;',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a@b.no','2009-10-06 10:33:02','2010-06-08 11:39:26','','Waiting'),(403,'Cosi fan tutte: Information, Beliefs and the Compliance with Norms','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social   norms   help   to   solve   collective   dilemmas.   The   individual’s   compliance   with  social norms is based on reciprocity: individuals comply, as long as they hold the belief that the norm is valid, i.e. predominantly complied with in the society. Compliance is the rational thing to do in this situation. If the norm is no longer valid, compliance is the irrational thing to do. This paper tests the importance of information – in the form of public information and private experience – which allows the individual to update its beliefs about whether the norm is still valid or not. \nThe empirical findings based on survey data from 24 countries strongly confirm the prediction that beliefs about the validity of norms in the society are a major factor in deciding to deviate from norms, comparable in its strength to the internalization of norms.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Kotzian@pg.tu-darmstadt.de','2009-10-23 14:13:12','2009-11-02 14:59:58','','Waiting'),(404,'Norms of Citizenship: An Exploration into the Individual and System-Level Determinants of Norm Relevance.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Norms of citizenship are seen as an important precondition for a functioning polity. But what determines the importance of these norms in the society? Are individual-level features, such as education or social embeddedness relevant? Or, does the relevance of norms vary due to contextual effects, like the performance of societal institutions? \nAt the descriptive level, norms can be distinguished into three categories, Solidarity, Civic Duty and Civic Engagement, and it is not the case the same set of factors affect all three categories in a similar way.\nThe paper conducts an exploration in the individual and system-level factors. The findings indicate that  there are few factors in the public sphere, which affect the importance of norms in a noteworthy way. What can be explained well are differences in the average level of norm-importance among countries. At this level, it is a paradoxical result that in countries with well functioning institutions citizens perceive norms and rules as less important. Within a country, the explanatory power is substantially lower. Only few features stand out: higher institutional trust goes together with more attachment to the norms on which the system relies.  Subjective evaluations of system performance does not matter for norms. There is no generational effect in the sense that younger citizens hold other norms in higher regards. Elder citizens are more attached to “classical” Civic Duty norms, but are not less attached to the “modern” Civic Engagement norms. In accordance with other findings, there is a erosion, not a replacement of norms. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Kotzian@pg.tu-darmstadt.de','2009-10-25 09:54:24','2009-11-02 15:00:34','','Waiting'),(405,'Conditional Trust: The Role of Individual- and System-Level Features for Trust and  Confidence in Institutions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyzes the role of individual- and system-level factors and the interaction between both levels for citizen’s trust in the moral integrity of institutions and confidence in the capabilities of institutions. Starting from the culturalist framework, we argue that generalized trust is sometimes transferred to institutions, but this transfer is conditional on the institutions’ trustworthiness. This explanation is supplemented with performance based approaches to confidence in institutions, because the impact of institutional performance differs for citizens and might be conditional on their preferences and vulnerability to institutional failure. Because institutions are in charge of different tasks, the criteria for evaluating them can be expected to differ.\n\nOur analysis confirms the hypothesis that generalized trust is transferred only to trustworthy institutions, which explains why a relationship between social and institutional trust is found only in some countries. Different criteria are of varying relevance for different institutions, but there is no clear cut distinction between political and non-political institutions. The impact of an institution’s performance on institutional confidence is usually not conditional on citizen’s properties.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Kotzian@pg.tu-darmstadt.de','2009-10-25 09:57:41','2009-11-02 15:03:36','','Waiting'),(406,'Crisis on the horizon? Analyses of and based on the Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) 2008','Crisis in aantocht? Verdiepingsstudie Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven 2008',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A majority of Dutch people are very satisfied with their own lives, worried about society and dissatisfied with politicians. Which arguments do they use to support these views, how stable are those views and what differences are there between different sections of the population? This study looks for answers to these kinds of questions and explores the influence of education level. Special attention is devoted to the issue that caused most concern to the Dutch in 2008: the way in which we live together as a society, the way in which people behave towards each other. This latter aspect is also considered from the perspective of occupational groups who come into contact with ordinary members of the public on a daily basis.\nThis is the first in-depth annual study of the Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB). In addition to analyses of the data from the surveys and focus groups that were conducted for this study in 2008, the study presents a number of international comparisons. Four guest authors present their views on public opinion and the political climate in the Netherlands.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','voorlichting@scp.nl','2009-10-26 11:07:46','2009-11-02 15:04:42','','Waiting'),(407,'Social capital and suicide in 11 European countries: an ecological analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: ‘‘Social capital’’ refers to the existence of voluntary community networks and relationships based on trust, and the use of these networks and relationships to enable positive social action. Social capital is positively associated with selected indices of mental health.\nMethods: We performed an ecological investigation of the relationship between social trust (as one component of social capital) and national suicide rates in 11 European countries (n = 22,227).\nResults: There was an inverse relationship between social trust and national suicide rates (i.e. the higher the social trust, the lower was the suicide rate), after controlling for gender, age,marriage rates, standardised income and reported sadness.\nConclusions: Social capital may have a protective effect against suicide at the national level. Multi-level analysis, taking into account both group-level and individual-level variables, would help clarify this relationship further and guide appropriate interventions at both the group and individual levels.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','brendankelly35@gmail.com','2009-11-01 11:39:08','2010-11-09 09:22:45','','Waiting'),(408,'Schools of democracy? Disentangling the relationship between civic participation and political action in 17 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since Tocqueville’s seminal writings, voluntary associations have been proclaimed to be schools of democracy. According to this claim, which regained popularity during the 1990s, involvement in voluntary associations stimulates political action. By participating in these associations, members are socialised to become politically active. Supposedly, having face-to-face contact with other members induces civic mindedness – the propensity to think and care more about the wider world. Participating in shared activities, organising meetings and events, and cooperating with other members are claimed to induce civic skills and political efficacy. Over the years, many authors have elaborated on these ideas. This article offers a systematic examination of the neo-Tocquevillian approach, putting the theoretical ideas to an empirical test. It offers a critical overview of the literature on the beneficial role of voluntary associations and dissects it into five testable claims. Subsequently, these claims are tested by cross-sectional, hierarchical analyses of 17 European countries. The authors conclude that the neo-Tocquevillian theory faces serious lack of empirical support. In line with the expectations, they find a strong, positive correlation between associational involvement and political action. Moreover, this correlation is positive in all countries under study. However, more informative hypotheses on this correlation are falsified. First, the correlation is stronger for interest and activist organisations than for leisure organisations. Second, passive (or ‘checkbook’) members show much higher levels of political action than noninvolved, whereas the additional effects of active participation are marginal. Third, the correlation between associational involvement and political action is not explained by civic skills and civic mindedness. In sum, the authors find no evidence for a direct, causal relation between associational involvement and political action.The socialisation mechanism plays a marginal role at best. Rather, this article’s findings imply that selection effects account for a large part of the correlation between associational involvement and political action. The conclusion reached therefore is that voluntary associations are not the schools of democracy they are proclaimed to be, but rather pools of democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article first published online: 1 DEC 2008','e.j.vaningen@uvt.nl','2009-11-06 16:45:16','2010-11-08 14:56:40','','Waiting'),(409,'A Readiness to Accept Immigrants in Europe? Individual and Country-Level Characteristics','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper focuses on one aspect of spatial reflexivity—individual readiness to accept immigrants. The singularity of the article is an attempt to include in the analysis both micro- and macro-level characteristics of migration attitudes. European Social Survey data from 23 countries are analysed with a multilevel modelling method. In the theoretical part, Giddens\' structuration approach is used. The results of the analysis show that, although the interests of ethnic groups are important at the micro level, civil commitment to the country is dominant in encouraging individual readiness to accept immigrants. An integrated approach to the ethnic question is required at the macro level; a country\'s investments in innovation and human resources, in addition to multicultural politics, are essential. A combined analysis of micro- and macro-level variables reveals that individual characteristics tend to equalise different migration policies. Analysis also shows the universality of the structures of agencies and the heterogeneity of the structures of a system when comparing attitudes to migration. I suggest that, in countries where ethnic minorities are perceived as culturally more different, there is a greater need for \'skills to translate multiculturalism\', mostly in the form of language and media education.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anu.masso@ut.ee','2009-11-14 17:27:31','2010-11-09 09:20:30','','Waiting'),(410,'Time spent on television in European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study aims to explain the variation in time spent on watching television in 15 European Union countries, using determinants defined at the individual level, and characteristics defined at the national level, such as the number of channels and nature of the television supply. The results of the multi-level analysis show that the number of channels in countries has no effect on time spent on television. Yet, the more diverse the programme supply on public broadcasting channels in different countries, the less time people spend on watching television. However, this relation decreases when more commercial channels are available to watch. This suggests that EU citizens, having commercial channels as alternatives, avoid a diverse programme supply in favour of commercial programme supply.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','m.vergeer@maw.ru.nl','2009-11-24 03:24:45','2009-11-25 10:36:01','','Waiting'),(411,'Ethnic and Linguistic Minorities and Political Participation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Understanding the political behavior of ethnic minorities is important for their integration in contemporary European societies. We compare the political participation rates of ethnic and linguistic minorities to those of the majority population using data from the 2002—03 European Social Survey which covers 21 countries in Europe. Using a broad index of participation, we show that the differences between minority and majority groups are virtually zero. Only voting in national elections displays a gap between majorities and minorities. Based on a multivariate model we estimate that a person with a minority background both with reference to ethnicity and language has an 80 percent probability of voting in national elections compared to 89 percent for a person in the majority population. In making sense of these findings we have to remind ourselves that ethnic and linguistic minorities in Europe are groups that show great heterogeneity, and that not all characteristics of these groups should lead us to expect them to be less active than majority groups in every single act of political participation. This finding is in line with the emphasis of variation and heterogeneity in effects of ethnicity and language that Anderson and Paskeviciute (2006) have found in research based on aggregate indicators.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maria.sandovici@lamar.edu','2009-11-29 17:36:56','2010-11-05 10:07:07','','Waiting'),(412,'Are values in the Benelux countries comparable? Testing for equivalence with the European Social Survey 2004-05 ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'No abstract in this chapter',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','davidov@soziologie.uzh.ch','2009-11-29 17:45:28','2009-11-30 09:56:49','','Waiting'),(413,'Attitudes towards Immigrants and the Effect of Migration in European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article focuses on a comparison of attitudes on migration, based on data from ESS 2002. It looks at the question of whether attitudes towards immigrants are related to the numbers and structure or immigrants within a country. For these purposes, the past and the current state of migration in Europe are briefly outlined. Three thematic areas of attitudes toward migration are examined: 1) the host population´s willingness to accept immigrants; 2) perceptions of the impact of immigration on the host country; 3) attitudes towards different forms of integration of immigrants. \nThe findings indicate that Europeans are more willing to accept migrants from of the same race and from Europe than migrants of different races and from states outside Europe. The greatest unwillingness to accept people from other states and the strongest emphasis on the negative impact of immigration was observed in Greece and Hungary, while the greatest willingness to accept immigrants was found in Sweden and Switzerland, which was also connected to a more positive perception regarding the impact of immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jana.chaloupkova@soc.cas.cz','2009-11-30 10:53:32','2009-11-30 14:13:18','','Waiting'),(414,'Life Satisfaction, Happiness and Marital Status in Four Central European Countries: International Comparison Based on the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The text will focus on the relationship between life satisfaction and marital status in selected European countries. While up to date research indicates a positive effect of marriage on life satisfaction, it is less clear whether this effect is mediated by the level of divorce within the society. Theoretically, divorce could increase or decrease life satisfaction of married couples, depending on whether the selection effect or the effect of investments in the relationship is more important. The research has been conducted using OLS regression and multilevel modeling. Preliminary results show that married people are happier than singles, even though the strength of this effect varies. Analysis does not indicate that the effect of the marital status depends on the divorce rate in the society. The effect of cohabitation is much less clear: it resembles marriage in some countries and is more similar to a single lifestyle in others.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dana.hamplova@soc.cas.cz','2009-11-30 11:38:19','2009-11-30 14:33:23','','Waiting'),(415,'Types of Non-Electoral Political Participation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, the authors describe the forms of political participation outside the electoral process that the populations of twenty-one European countries tend to employ and the degree to which this is done.\nThe article begins with a general discussion of the types of political participation (conventional or unconventional) and their changes (for example, some forms conventional participation in contemporary democracies have become unconventional and vice versa, and new forms of participation have been identified in democracies). Differences between political participation in post-communist democracies and \"old\" democracies are discussed as well. The core of the article is basen on analyses of the data from European Social Survey, Round 1. Using factor analysis, the authors identify three types of non-electoral political participation in the societies under consideration: active-conventional, active-protest, and passive participation. The overall non-electoral political participation is considerably lower in the post-communist and Medirerranean countries than in Western European and Scandinavian countries. In the latter countries, the passive type of political participation is clearly a much stronger form of participation than the other two types. Conversely, in the Mediterranean countries, passive participation is weaker and is exceeded in places by the active-conventional type of participation. The Mediterranean area is also notable for the unusually strong presence of the active-protest type of participation. The authors try to explain the differences in non-electoral political participation between the countries by examining micro and macro variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','klara.plecita@soc.cas.cz','2009-11-30 12:03:14','2009-11-30 15:05:47','','Waiting'),(416,'Ideal age when to become a parent in Czech Republic and in European comparison','Ideální věk rodičovství v Čeké republice a v evropském srovnání',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper a comparison is made between the Czech Republic and other European countries regarding attitudes toward the ideal timing for childbirth. In 1990s there was a sharp increase in the postponement of the transition to parenthood in the Czech Republic. This development raises the question: Are normative beliefs in the Czech Republic regarding similar to the attitudes present in Western Europe? After a brief outline of the concept of age norms, beliefs regarding the ideal age of when to become a parent in European countries are explored using data from the European Social Survey 2006. In the final part of this paper there is a detailed analysis of Czech attitudes toward the ideal timing of the birth of the first child, using CVVM survey data from 2006, with a specific focus on cohort and educational differences. This research reveals that Czech attitudes toward the ideal age for mothers having a first child is intermediate between the patterns observed in (a) East European countries where ideal is for a younger age, and (b) West European countries where an older age preference is prevalent. In contrast, the ideal age for becoming a father for the first time in the Czech Republic is one of the oldest in Europe. Significantly, the proportion of the population that rejects age norms for reproduction exhibits little systematic pattern across Europe. Within the Czech Republic the survey evidence indicates that those who are less than 35 years old, and those who are most educated have a significantly older ideal age for having a first child than all others.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jana.chaloupkova@soc.cas.cz','2009-11-30 14:58:26','2009-11-30 15:11:07','','Waiting'),(417,'Reproduction of educational inequality in the Czech Republic after the Velvet Revolution in the European context','Reproduction of educational inequality in the Czech Republic after the Velvet Revolution in the European context',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter traces the effect of socio-economic, cultural, and gender factors on the reproduction of educational inequalities in access to tertiary education in the Czech Republic, Switzerland, Germany, Poland, and Sweden. While this text follows up on previous analyses, the authors also pursue two new directions of inquiry: 1) an international comparison, and 2) an update of the development of inequalities in all the mentioned countries since 2002.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','natalie.simonova@soc.cas.cz','2009-12-01 13:48:10','2009-12-03 10:53:42','','Waiting'),(418,'The Reproduction of Educational Inequalities in the Czech Republic since the Velvet Revolution in a European Context','Reprodukce vzdělanostních nerovností v České republice po sametové revoluci v evropském kontextu',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article analyzes the effect of socio-economic, cultural, and gender factors on the reproduction of educational inequalities in access to tertiary education in the Czech Republic, Switzerland, Germany, Poland, and Sweden. The results revealed that the access to tertiary education is determined most by the cultural component of social background (the father’s education) in the Czech Republic. The country closest to the Czech Republic in this regard is Switzerland.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','natalie.simonova@soc.cas.cz','2009-12-01 13:54:43','2009-12-03 10:58:49','','Waiting'),(419,'Evolution and determination of educational inequalities in the Czech Republic between 1955 and 2002 in the European context','Evolution and determination of educational inequalities in the Czech Republic between 1955 and 2002 in the European context',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this work was to identify the trends in the influence of socio-economic, cultural and gender factors in the reproduction of educational inequality in access to tertiary education in the five chosen countries (CR, Switzerland, Sweden, Germany and Poland) between 1955 and 2002. We were eminently interested in seeing whether educational inequality has increased or decreased since 1989, which factor drives the trend and which of the other countries is closest to the Czech context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','natalie.simonova@soc.cas.cz','2009-12-01 14:00:53','2009-12-09 13:19:10','','Waiting'),(420,'Inequalities in the transition to a university education – A comparison of the Czech Republic, Switzerland, Germany, Poland and Sweden','Srovnání nerovností při přechodu na vysokou školu v České republice, Švýcarsku, Německu, Polsku a Švédsku',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article shows the trends in the influence of socio-economic, cultural and gender factors in the reproduction of educational inequality in access to tertiary education in five countries: Czech Republic, Switzerland, Sweden, Germany and Poland. The analysis follows on previous research, but it also adds two new dimensions: 1) an international comparison, and 2) the most recent data on the trends in the inequality in all the aforementioned countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','natalie.simonova@soc.cas.cz','2009-12-01 14:13:27','2009-12-03 11:43:41','','Waiting'),(421,'Work life and mental wellbeing of single and non-single working mothers in Scandinavia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background\nThis study examined levels and predictors of mental wellbeing in Scandinavian working single and coupled mothers, with a special focus on financial stress, job characteristics, work-family conflict. \nMethods\nThe European Social Survey Round 2 (2005) provided questionnaire data from 73 single and 432 coupled working mothers in Denmark, Sweden and Norway.  Respondents answered questions about the outcome variables life satisfaction, happiness, and positive affect, and predictor variables financial stress, job characteristics, work-family conflict, and social support.  Hierarchical multiple regression was used to assess the relationships between predictor variables and mental wellbeing outcomes.\nResults\nSingle working mothers scored significantly lower on life satisfaction and happiness, but not on positive affect, than did coupled mothers.  Financial stress was higher in the single mother group. There were no significant differences in levels of enriching or stressful job characteristics, or in levels of social support.  While financial stress and work-family conflict were important predictors in both groups, the relationship between financial stress and wellbeing was far stronger in the single mother group. Confidant support was a significant predictor only in the single mother group, and social participation only in the coupled mothers group.\nConclusions\nThis study suggests that the Scandinavian welfare democracies have not yet been successful in relieving the financial pressure experienced by single working mothers.  Development of efficient financial support systems should be prioritized. Ways to reduce work-family conflict in both single and coupled mothers in Scandinavia should also be given increased attention.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','torill.bull@iuh.uib.no','2009-12-08 20:50:46','2010-11-05 10:54:01','','Waiting'),(422,'Questions about Translation – from the European Social Survey (ESS)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Questions about Translation – from the European Social Survey \n\nHigh-quality questionnaire translations are a prerequisite for data comparability in multilingual survey research. However, translating questionnaires is not as straightforward and simple as it may seem. Questionnaires are both special kinds of texts and tools of measurement and this turns questionnaire translation into a complex undertaking. \n\nThe European Social Survey (ESS) is quite unusual in the approach it takes to translation. Not only are participating countries provided with guidelines on how to conduct and review their translations, they also have the opportunity to approach a \"help desk\" with queries they may have during the course of translation. The people behind this virtual help desk are basically researchers working at ZUMA, Mannheim, Germany and researchers attached to the ESS central co-ordinating office in London. They in turn contact other experts if and as the need arises. \nAgainst the background of the general support system for the translation process in the ESS the paper presents and discusses the questions asked by countries translating during Round 3 of the ESS. It presents what we might learn from these \"FAQ\" with regard to translations, translators, the information countries may lack and, ultimately, also source questionnaires. The aim is to use insight gained from analysis of why questions are asked and where and how misunderstandings occur to work towards a better and pro-active training and briefing of translation teams.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dorothee.behr@gesis.org','2009-12-11 14:19:29','2009-12-14 15:12:26','','Waiting'),(423,'Role conflict and the second child. The influence of educational level, gender roles and family policy on second birth progression in Europe','Rolconflict en het tweede kind. De invloed van opleidingsniveau, genderrollen en gezinsbeleid op tweede geboorteprogressie in Europa',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article the progression to a second birth within Europe is studied, with specific attention to the effect of postponement of first births on family expansion. Hypotheses at the individual and the country level are tested with data from the European Social Survey’s second round. The main variables are women’s and their partners’ educational level, division of tasks and role attitudes within the household, and family policy at the macro-level. The analyses point at a role conflict between work and motherhood and a trade-off for women between career and second child. There are indications for possible solutions through the division of tasks within the household and family policy at the national level but these differ between social groups. The results show the importance of interactions with the mother’s age at first birth. Differences in postponement effects are observed between countries as well as between educational levels and families with different role divisions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article has been awarded the \'Acco-prize\' from the Flemish Society for Sociology ','hanno.vaneldik@soc.kuleuven.be','2009-12-15 16:20:57','2009-12-16 09:47:51','','Waiting'),(424,'Non-response bias in cross-national surveys: Designs for detection and adjustment in the ESS','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper is focused on process and output aspects of the obtained sample and deals with the measurement of non-response, and the study of non-response bias from a viewpoint of comparative research in which the concept of “equivalence” in measurement is central (Jowell et al., 2007). The paper starts with a theoretical reflection on several designs for the detection of non-response bias: comparing sample statistics with population statistics; using information from reluctant respondents based on converted refusals; asking a small set of crucial questions at occasion of first contact (and refusal) or in a period after the main survey, and collecting observed information of the live environment of the sampling units. Each of these methods are used in the past three round of ESS, but only the first and second approaches are fully documented for Rounds 1 and 2 till now. Problems related to each of these methods are considered, and the application of each of the procedures is (empirically) evaluated using information of past ESS surveys as far as the data are available. Methods that can be used for data based adjustment of the sample measures are considered. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Annual Journal published by Institute of Philosophy and Sociology. Polish Academy of Science','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2009-12-16 15:00:07','2010-01-28 10:30:03','','Waiting'),(425,'The influence of macro-sociological factors on attitudes toward immigration in Europe. A cross-cultural and contextual approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since the 1990s, Europe is experiencing increasing immigration flows and electoral successes of anti-immigration parties. These tendencies have revived sociological attention for anti-immigration attitudes. Previous research has sought the roots of anti-immigration attitudes predominantly in individual characteristics. Yet, this exclusive focus on individual explanation models exhibits important shortcomings. Individual va riables alone cannot explain why anti-immigration attitudes are more widespread in certain countries, or why negative feelings toward immigration suddenly in- or decrease in the population. In an attempt to fill out this gap, this study focuses on contextual rather than on individual det erminants of anti-immigration attitudes.\n\nTo investigate how the context shapes processes of attitude formation, a comparative design is used. A comparison of attitude patterns across European countries makes it possible to gauge the impact of differences in national context. The attitude measurements in this study come from the first three rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS), a large-scale international survey-project set up to monitor values, opinions and attitudes in Europe. Cross-national comparative research brings along additional methodological issues. In this study, extensive attention is paid to the cross-cultural comparability of measurements, the statistical consequences of the small number of units at the country-level and possible effects of differential non-response bias.\n\nWithout any doubt, group conflict theory is the best-known theory regarding the effects of context on anti-immigration attitudes. This theoretical framework departs from the idea that anti-immigration attitudes are a defensive reaction on ethnic competition for scarce goods, such as jobs or affordable housing. Conflict theory predicts that context variables, such as economic conditions or ethnic diversity, influence attitudes to ward immigration. In times of economic downturn and when sizeable immigration groups are present, ethnic competition is expected to intensify and, as a result, anti-immigration feelings could become more vigorous.\n\nThis study confirms several aspects of conflict theory. In European coun tries with low levels of prosperity and high unemployment rates, immigration is more frequently perceived as a threat and support for closing borders is more widespread. Also the presence of sizeable immigrant groups appears to reinforce anti-immigration sentiment. Yet, the results also make clear that certain aspects of conflict theory need to be put in perspective. The context effects that are found are relatively weak compared to alternative explanation models. Furthermore, evidence is found for processes that run counter to group conflict mechanisms. The presence of immigrant groups not only increases perceptions of ethnic threat, but at the same time offers opportunities for intergroup contact. The results show that such personal encounters contribute to a more immigration-friendly climate.\n\nBesides that, there appears to exist a relation between integration policies that are implemented in a country on the one hand, and public attitudes toward immigration on the other. In countries that have adopted so-called multicultural integration policies (i.e. policy that recognizes that immigrant groups form ethnic communities with distinct cultural and social practices), the population holds significantly more positive attitudes toward immigration. Integration policy aiming at assimilation or exclusion is found to coincide with stronger perceptions of ethnic threat.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bart.meuleman@ugent.ac.be','2009-12-16 16:47:57','2009-12-18 15:32:03','','Waiting'),(426,'Ethnic and Cultural Diversity, Integration Policies and Social Cohesion in Europe.  A Comparative Analysis of the Relation between Cultural Diversity and Generalized Trust in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The question whether social cohesion is under pressure due to increasing societal complexity and diversity has been at the core of social science research. The recent upsurge in immigration flows to European societies has renewed the interest in this puzzle both from an academic and policy point of view. In this doctoral dissertation, the research question that is analyzed is whether social cohesion is weaker in European societies that are highly diverse and whether integration policy are able to strengthen the social fabric of diverse societies.\nBefore this question can be tackled, it first of all needs to be assessed how social cohesion in diverse societies actually can be represented. Traditional definitions that, for instance, depart from a shared set of norms and values seem to imply a tense relation between diversity and social cohesion. However, classical sociological theories have emphasized that social solidarity in complex society is based on the interdependence of differentiated parts. Moreover, this interdependence is facilitated by trust in the generalized other. This kind of trust is moreover an individual attitude that is highly dependent from the national context and consequently lends itself to comparative research.\nDespite the fact that generalized trust is a valid representation of social cohesion in diverse societies, there are nevertheless various theoretical arguments that emphasize that trust is lower in diverse settings. Recent empirical research in the US has given additional leverage to these theoretical models by showing that trust is lower in diverse neighborhoods. Analyzing this relation across the continent, I have demonstrated that a similar strong erosion of social cohesion due to the share of immigrants, an upsurge in immigration or the social distance of the immigrant population and the native population, is not present in Europe.\nFinally, bringing in integration policy, countries that have adopted an open set of policy measures have on average a citizenry that ranks slightly higher on generalized trust compared with countries that are restrictive in their integration policies. However, the analysis also shows that the most diverse countries that are open in their policies are not more cohesive than diverse countries with restrictive integration measures.\nThe general conclusion thus, is that in Europe, diversity and social cohesion are not irreconcilable, in contrast with the dominant Anglo-Saxon models that have been proposed so far. Moreover, the analysis has shown that in order to strengthen the social fabric of societies, i.e. to craft trust among citizens, the best policy initiatives can be taken in ameliorating the socioeconomic position, both at the national level (a prosperous economy) as at the individual level (education and employment).\n\n \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','tim.reeskens@soc.kuleuven.be','2009-12-16 17:00:19','2010-01-05 12:20:07','','Waiting'),(427,'Trust in the Police in 16 European Countries. A Multilevel Analysis.','Trust in the Police in 16 European Countries. A Multilevel Analysis.',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is considerable variation in public trust towards the police in different European countries. Through multilevel analysis, the article explores what lies behind this variation. It first approaches the issue at the country level through factors related to the quality and structure of government. The quality of government is looked at and measured by examining corruption in government, and the structure of government by exploring the extent to which society invests its resources in public order and safety services. Here the assumptions are, first of all, that general corruption among public officials decreases public trust in the police and, second, that big investments in public order and safety institutions also decrease trust in the police. In addition, certain individual-level factors are identified that explain public trust in the police. Finally, empirical results are presented that corroborate the above assumptions: in particular, corruption in government strongly explains the country-level variation in public trust towards the police.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','juha.t.kaariainen@poliisi.fi','2009-12-18 09:38:19','2010-11-16 12:11:35','','Waiting'),(428,'Flexicurity as a moderator of the relationship between job insecurity and psychological well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Flexicurity has been heralded as the solution to simultaneously maintain the well-being of employees through employment security while allowing employers to benefit from flexibility. This paper examines one of the claimed benefits that countries with flexicurity policies will reduce the stress on employees who experience job insecurity. More specifically, it is argued that more generous unemployment benefits along with active labour market policies to facilitate rapid re-employment reduces the anxiety associated with insecurity. Analyses of two international data sets found little evidence for this moderation of the link between insecurity and well-being in countries that are assumed to be exemplars of flexicurity. The economic rationality behind these claims is questioned, and a psychological approach to job insecurity is suggested as an alternative.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bb101@cam.ac.uk','2009-12-18 13:38:55','2010-11-09 09:15:25','','Waiting'),(429,'National Accounts of Well-being: bringing real wealth onto the balance sheet','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report makes a radical proposal to guide the direction of modern societies and the lives of people who live in them. It says that national governments should directly measure people’s subjective well-being: their experiences, feelings and perceptions of how their lives are going. These measures should be collected on a regular, systematic basis and published as National Accounts of Well-being. A framework for such accounts is presented, using data from the third round of the European Social Survey. The proposal made by the report is inspired by the established national accounting systems that governments currently use to track aspects of their countries’ economic activity. However, it rejects measures of economic activity as sufficient to fully assess the progress of nations. It is a call to fundamentally re-evaluate established ideas of what we should collectively value, and hence what we should measure. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','juliet.michaelson@neweconomics.org','2009-12-18 13:46:49','2009-12-18 15:56:39','','Waiting'),(430,'Values of Bulgarians: A Contemporary Portrait On European Background','Ценностите на българите: съвременен портрет на европейски фон',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The author relies on the Schwartz values concept and PVQ (Personal Value Questionnaire) data from the third round of the European Social Survey. After a brief introduction into the Methodology, a comparative analysis is made, comparing Bulgarian value priorities and peculiarities with the rest of the European citizens both by values and by countries. \n\nBulgarians show interesting extreme results in preservation-openness to change dimension and in several value domains, e.g. achievement, power, tradition, etc.\n\nPart of the analysis is devoted to several aspects of life satisfaction (from democracy, job, course of life etc.) and trust (in politicians, police, judiciary system and so on), where Bulgarians again demonstrate extreme negative choices. The link between religion and values is also exploited here.\n\nAt the end, some conclusions for Human resources management and policy makers are drawn. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','paunovm@abv.bg','2009-12-18 16:42:01','2009-12-23 12:55:27','','Waiting'),(431,'The Religious Phenomenon and its Social Influences: Profiles and Trends of Religious Change in Portugal','El fenómeno religioso y sus influencias sociales: perfiles y tendencias del cambio religioso en Portugal',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Throughout the times people devoted a particular attention to the religious phenomenon. It was constantly redefined before its historical and social circumstances. However, it seems like it has survived to the several announcements of its disappearance, advanced either by intellectual alienation (Comte) and anthropologic (Feuerbach) ways, or by psychic (Freud) and socioeconomic (Marx) ones. Nonetheless, modernization, and its consequent social individualization, have undeniably left, and still leave marks of a progressive secularization of society.\nThis evidence leads to a progressive wear of the referents originating from habits and traditions of institutional religion, dragging the religious institutions, not only to a loss of influence in the religious institutions, but also to a private and intimate way of living the religious.\nThis transformation, reconfiguration and inclusively decomposition of the religious in the modern era shows that this phenomenon is in a constant process of change, adapting itself and assuming the socio-cultural contexts in which it is placed. It is nowadays, since the present diagnosis, and since the awareness of the society that surrounds us that we look to the past and to the future trying to figure out the religious situation in Portugal, in a way to, on one hand, characterize the religiosity of the Portuguese people, and understand to what extent it is similar to that of other European countries such as Austria, Belgium, Spain, France, Ireland, Italy or Poland; on the other hand, we try to specify the new shapes and tendencies of the religion in Portugal. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ejduque@gmail.com','2009-12-19 17:08:43','2010-01-04 09:18:01','','Waiting'),(432,'Social class and employment relations: comparisons between the ESeC and EGP class schemas using European data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As part of the ESeC project, a project aimed at constructing a new class schema - the European Socio-economic Classification, a number of analysis were done with ESS-data which aimed at a comparison between EGP (Erikson, Goldthorpe and Portocarero class schema) and ESeC concerning relevant outcomes. The schemes were found to be rather similar and in general to produce expected outcomes. Transparency and user-friendliness talks in favor of the ESeC schema.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','erik.bihagen@sofi.su.se','2009-12-21 10:54:44','2010-01-04 09:24:20','','Waiting'),(433,'Christian Religiosity and Voting for West European Radical Right Parties','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the relationship between Christian religiosity and the support for radical right parties in Western Europe. Drawing on theories of electoral choice and on socio-psychological literature largely ignored by scholars of electoral behaviour, it suggests and tests a number of competing hypotheses. The findings demonstrate that while religiosity has few direct effects, and while religious people are neither more nor less hostile towards ethnic minorities and thereby neither more nor less prone to vote for a radical right party, they are not ‘available’ to these parties because they are still firmly attached to Christian Democratic or conservative parties. However, given increasing de-alignment, this ‘vaccine effect’ is likely to become weaker with time.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','arzheimer@politik.uni-mainz.de','2009-12-22 22:29:21','2010-11-08 13:48:59','','Waiting'),(434,'Protest, Neo-Liberalism or Anti-Immigrant Sentiment: What Motivates the Voters of the Extreme Right in Western Europe? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the last three decades, the parties of the “Extreme”, “Radical” or “Populist” Right have become a political staple in Western Europe. However, comparative evidence on the motives of their voters is relatively scarce. This article assesses the empirical effects of the most prominent alleged motivational factors –“pure” (i.e. performance related) protest, anti-immigrant sentiment, and neo-liberal economic preferences – on the extreme right vote while controlling for a whole host of background variables. While protest and neo-liberalism have no statistically significant impact whatsoever, immigrant sentiment plays a crucial role in all countries but Italy. Its effect is moderated, however, by general ideological preferences and party identification. Consequentially, comparative electoral research should focus on the circumstances under which immigration is politicised. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','arzheimer@politik.uni-mainz.de','2009-12-22 22:35:57','2010-11-09 10:28:09','','Waiting'),(435,'Perception of in-group discrimination among immigrants in 14 member states of the European Union. ','Verschillen in groepsdiscriminatie, zoals waargenomen door immigranten uit verschillende herkomstlanden in veertien lidstaten van de Europese Unie',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Drawing on the second and third wave of the European Social Survey, we analyse the perception of in-group discrimination of 7034 immigrants from 177 different countries of origin in 14 European Union countries. In addition to testing the effects of individual factors, such as education, religion, and migration history, we estimate the effects of macro-characteristics of both origin and destination countries. We distinguish four dimensions of explanations: immigration, religion, economic circymstances and immigration policies. The influence of adherence to Eastern Orthodox, Jewish and non-Christian religions on perceived in-group discrimination is significant, and can not be explained by characteristics of the origin or destination countries. The migration history of these groups is also relevant for the perceived discrimination: immigrants who are citizens of the country of their destination, who speak the majority language at home and who are married to a native perceive in-group discrimination less often. There are strong effects of the macro-characteristics of the country of origin. Immigrants from poorer origin countries perceive in-group discrimination more often. There are also a significant effects of immigration policies of the country of destination: easy access to long term residence, more relaxed rules for family reunion, no special policy or a more easy entrance to the labour-market for immigrants and a higher level of job protection decreases perceived in-group discrimination among immigrants. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','j.dronkers@maastrichtuniversity.nl','2009-12-27 13:37:08','2010-01-04 09:56:58','','Waiting'),(436,'Conjugality and Transition to Adulthood','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Transitions to adulthood have become more reversible, de-standardized, individualized and fragmented. An excellent example of that is the fact that what was once a relatively single event - leaving the parental home, conjugal cohabitation and marriage - has been divided not only into three different or sequential destinations, but also into different courses of life. In fact, as we can see in the presented data, elderly generations tend to jointly evaluate the importance of conjugal cohabitationand residential autonomy, as these were one single event, while more recent generations tend to not only evaluate the importance of these three transitional events separately, but also to undervalue parenthood and especially conjugality as important events in the construction of an adult status. Having a full time job is, in all the generations considered, the most important event in that construction, but residential autonomy has gained importance throughout generations, as a new symbol of taking responsibilities for one self and of an adult status. \nThat mentioned division made the evaluation of conjugality as an important marker of adulthood,per se, possible. Although conjugality and parenthood are considered the least important transitional events as indicators of an adult status, the difference of attributed importance to these two events are the ones that differentiate the countries the most. Being so, the countries that tend to value the transitional events as best indicators of the adult status, are precisely the ones that value conjugality and parenthood the most and residential autonomy the least. On the other hand, the only countries that tend to argue that residential autonomy is important or very important to obtain the adult status are Sweden, Norway, Finland and Denmark.\nIn a gender perspective, we can see that women’s maturity is more taken for granted, as transitional events seam to be less important for the recognition of a female adult status than of a males’ one. This tendency is more present in more individualistic transitional events, such as having a full time job and residential autonomy, than in the familial ones (conjugality and parenthood). Thus, concerning the importance of transitional events to the recognition of an adult status, there are more gender differences within working young adults and within residentially autonomous young adults, than within young adults as members of a couple or as parents. \nAlthough there is a “‘yo-yo-ization’ of transitions between youth and adulthood” (Walther,2006:125), it is still possible to identify a sequence in the average ages at which transitional events such as first job, first residential autonomy, first conjugal cohabitation and first marriage. More important than the average age, at which these transitional events take place, and the temporal order established by them, is the fact that not all of these transitions are experienced in the life course, some of them are omitted. The most important omissions are non-conjugal residential autonomy (more prolonged in Denmark, Switzerland, Norway and also Finland, Sweden UK and Estonia); and nonmarital conjugal cohabitation, more frequent in the Scandinavian countries (especially Sweden) than in Southern and Eastern European countries. \nThe distinction between conceptions of adulthood and transitions to adulthood is only analytical. Furthermore, between these two “levels of transition” (Westerberg, 2004: 37) there isn’t a linear relation. Nonetheless, when combining these two levels of transition, we can conclude that conjugality can be experienced as a process, as an event or as a transition. As a process, conjugality is experienced and relatively soon and without marriage, and only after a few years (sometimes only after or due to the birth of the first child) does marriage take place. As an event, conjugality is experienced through the overlap of conjugal cohabitation with marriage (being a delayed or anticipated event). Finally, as a transition (where is included the majority of the countries), conjugality is considered a relatively good indicator of the transition to adulthood, and is concentrated in one single event that represents the most immediate recognition of adult status.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','magdalalanda@gmail.com','2009-12-29 16:32:19','2010-01-04 10:15:48','','Waiting'),(438,'Why a social psychologist is concerned with values','Warum eine Sozialpsychologin sich mit Werten beschäftigt',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It talks about personal relevance of values, especially about the acceptance of plurality as it is shown by the Values Circle. Three Figures from ESS 3 (2006) show the location of the 21 values in the circle, the location of Voters of German parties in the last election and the location of 20 countries from ESS3.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mstrack@uni-goettingen.de','2009-12-31 11:00:11','2010-01-04 10:38:00','','Waiting'),(439,'Ethics, State and Economy: Attitudes and Practices of Europeans','Ética, Estado e Economia: Atitudes e Práticas dos Europeus',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In a context of accelerated changes of the State and of economy, ethical issues have been emerging at the core of those changes. This book focuses on the study of attitudes and practices of citizens regarding the interplay of ethics, the State and economy. \nHow these three concepts are interconnected and how attitudes and practices of European citizens are important to understand the dynamics and specificities of this complex interaction are two of the questions this book tries to address. Using data from the ESS Round 2 module on “Economic Morality in Europe: Market Society and Citizenship”, this book explores normative patternings and backgrounds of European societies by analysing, on the one hand, the conducts of citizens within a perspective of victimization (regarding corrupt or fraudulent practices), and, on the other hand, their active involvement in improper practices or as offenders, i.e., as taking part of illicit pacts. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','luis.sousa@ics.ul.pt','2010-01-07 12:01:19','2010-06-08 11:39:05','','Waiting'),(440,'Economic Morality and everyday crimes','Moralidade Económica e crimes do dia-a-dia',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter focuses on the concepts and theories on economic morality that are on the basis of the rotating module of European Social Survey Round 2 on this topic. Using a comparative methodology, the author tries to characterise and analyse the phenomenon of everyday crimes in 26 European countries. The main point this chapter tries to achieve is to understand the meaning and the contexts of emergence of deviant economic behaviours, such as fraud or corruption by encompassing different levels of analysis: a macro level, which points out the moral vision of market society, in general, and relationships of the market with social and political institutions, in particular; a positional level, drawing on the concept of anomy; and a individual level, which aims to understand the motivational basis of deviant behaviour, by means of the concept of relative economic deprivation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2010-01-07 12:16:41','2010-06-08 11:18:32','','Waiting'),(441,'Economy and morality','Economia e moralidade',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, the authors, using data from the European Social Survey Round 2 rotating module on economic morality, try to evaluate the attitudes, perceptions and behaviours of European citizens regarding a set of economic transactions between citizens, and between them and the State, by confronting respondents with situations of violations of the norms that regulate those transactions, with the ultimate goal of addressing a theoretical deficit regarding current neoclassic debates. According to the authors, studies on economic morality should not be limited to a one-dimensional analysis of gains and losses, but to encompass also the relationship between economic agents and the norms framing economic transactions. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2010-01-07 12:23:43','2010-06-08 11:20:10','','Waiting'),(442,'Social capital and corruption ','Capital social e corrupção',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, drawing on a comparative analysis of data from the European Social Survey Round 2 rotating module on economic morality, the authors attempt an operationalization of the concept of “negative social capital”, i.e., social capital that favours corruption, resulting in negativities to democracies’ performance. The authors argue that the problem of corruption is not only related to sporadic bribing practices in administration, but that it should also encompass an analysis of the derived and/or impregnated social attributes within the organizational culture of a country (or region). On the one hand, the phenomenon reflects a civic culture that promotes individual success and that it is characterised by a conception of “commonweal”, residual or secondary, in relation to interests/needs of primary groups (family, clan, party), in which the confusion of powers and the mixture of goods are ethically accepted; on the other hand, it derives from the way the political-administrative power is structured in society, i.e., an opaque power, restricted (difficult to have access to), concentrated, insensitive to the problems of citizens and permeable to private interests and pressures. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2010-01-08 13:03:56','2010-06-08 11:20:45','','Waiting'),(443,'Pistas para uma análise da reputação de desonestidade dos funcionários públicos','Analysing the reputation of dishonesty in civil servants',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, the authors, drawing on data from the European Social Survey Round 2 rotating module on economic morality, explore, on the one hand, the factors that contribute to the creation of a certain negative image of civil servants’ performance, and on the other hand, and reflect on what citizens perceive as dishonesty. The authors intend to provide a definition of honesty and to understand to what extent that quality (or flaw), associated to civil servants’ behaviour, is perceived by citizens as fundamental to their performance in the administration. After summarising some of the general traits of social disapproval of the phenomenon within contemporary European societies, the authors try to contrast the levels of (declared) corruption, active and passive, in Europe and the levels of trust in civil servants’ honesty, so as to better understand the relationship between corruption and the image of integrity of administrations. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2010-01-08 14:38:19','2010-04-19 13:45:18','','Waiting'),(444,'Education and socialization as bridge builders in a multicultural society','Utdanning og sosialisering som brobyggere i et multikulturelt samfunn',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is an ongoing public and political debate in Norway pertaining to immigration and integration. Recent research has shown that there is a link between education and majority population acceptance for people from other cultures. In this article we investigate the link between the proportion of persons with another cultural background than the majority of a country, and people’s attitudes toward immigration. We perform a multilevel analysis of 22 European countries. The results show a cross-level interaction effect between the ratio of ethnic minorities in a given country, and the education level of the respondent. There is a strong positive (toward immigrants) effect of education. However, this effect is significantly smaller in countries with a large share of minorities. We explain this finding through “intergroup contact theory” i.e., countries with many immigrants will also have better opportunities for interaction between the minority and majority groups. This leads to more positive attitudes among those with lower education. Our conclusion is that a large percentage of immigrants do not automatically lead to more friction in a society. Nonetheless, we stress that one should focus on information and education of the majority population to make integration more successful.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','torgeoj@stud.ntnu.no','2010-01-19 19:01:01','2010-01-22 13:10:23','','Waiting'),(445,'Resistance to the presence of immigrants and refugees in 22 countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Study of the evolution of anti-immigrant attitudes and attitudes towards refugees, and the relations with background variables, in 22 European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-01-22 09:51:29','2010-01-22 13:08:17','','Waiting'),(447,'Immigration and the Imagined Community in Europe and the United States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Both Europe and the United States are confronting the challenges of economic and cultural integration posed by immigration. This article uses the ESS and CID surveys to compare transatlantic public opinion about immigrants and immigration. We find more tolerance for cultural diversity in the United States, but we also find that Americans, like Europeans, tend to overestimate the number of immigrants in their countries and tend to favor lower levels of immigration. The underpinnings of individual attitudes are similar in all countries and immigration attitudes are surprisingly unrelated to country-level differences in GDP, unemployment and the number and composition of the foreign born. An implication of these findings is that acceptance of higher levels of immigration, deemed by many to be an economic need, will require both more selective immigration policies and an emphasis on the cultural assimilation of newcomers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-01-22 10:09:29','2010-11-08 13:38:34','','Waiting'),(448,'Educated Preferences: Explaining Attitudes Toward Immigration in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent studies of individual attitudes toward immigration emphasize concerns about labor-market competition as a potent source of anti-immigrant sentiment, in particular among less-educated or less-skilled citizens who fear being forced to compete for jobs with low-skilled immigrants willing to work for much lower wages. We examine new data on attitudes toward immigration available from the 2003 European Social Survey. In contrast to predictions based on conventional arguments about labor-market competition, which anticipate that individuals will oppose immigration of workers with similar skills to their own but support immigration of workers with different skill levels, we find that people with higher levels of education and occupational skills are more likely to favor immigration regardless of the skill attributes of the immigrants in question. Across Europe, higher education and higher skills mean more support for all types of immigrants. These relationships are almost identical among individuals in the labor force (that is, those competing for jobs) and those not in the labor force. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, then, the connection between the education or skill levels of individuals and views about immigration appears to have very little, if anything, to do with fears about labor-market competition. This finding is consistent with extensive economic research showing that the income and employment effects of immigration in European economies are actually very small. We find that a large component of the link between education and attitudes toward immigrants is driven by differences among individuals in cultural values and beliefs. More educated respondents are significantly less racist and place greater value on cultural diversity than do their counterparts; they are also more likely to believe that immigration generates benefits for the host economy as a whole.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jhainm@fas.harvard.edu','2010-01-22 10:20:49','2010-11-16 12:14:29','','Waiting'),(449,'Foreigners\' Impact on European Societies: Public Views and Perceptions in a Cross-National Comparative Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The research examines the extent to which attitudes toward foreigners vary across European countries. Using data from the European Social Survey for 21 countries the analysis reveals that foreigners\' impact on society is viewed in most countries in negative rather in positive terms. The negative views are most pronounced with regard to foreigners\' impact on crime and least pronounced with regard to foreigners\' impact on culture. Multi-level regression analysis demonstrates that the negative views tend to be more pronounced among individuals who are socially and economically vulnerable and among individuals who hold conservative political ideologies. The analysis also reveals that negative attitudes toward foreigners tend to be more pronounced in countries characterized by large proportions of foreigners, where economic conditions are less prosperous, and where support for right-wing political parties is more prevalent. The analysis shows that inflated perception of the size of the foreign population is likely to increase negative views toward foreigners and to mediate the relations between actual size and attitudes toward foreigners\' impact on society. The findings are presented and discussed in light of sociological theories on individuals and structural sources of public attitudes toward out-group populations and on the role of perceptions in shaping such attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','moshes@post.tau.ac.il','2010-01-22 10:32:06','2010-11-05 10:06:01','','Waiting'),(450,' Diversity, Multiculturalism and Social Cohesion: Trust and Ethnocentrism in European Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Most of the research that finds a negative relation between racial or ethnic diversity and social cohesion is either based on observations of one country or uses just one attitudinal aspect of social cohesion. In this chapter, the authors expand earlier research on this relationship by combining attitudinal measurements from the European Social Survey (2002) with OECD data on migration patterns to include 20 European countries. Thus more detailed measurements of both social cohesion (including generalized trust and ethnocentrism) and diversity (including type and rise of diversity over time as well as the legal status of immigrants) are utilized in multilevel models. At the individual level, most of the familiar relations between individual characteristics and trust and ethnocentrism were confirmed. At the country level, on the other hand, and contrary to findings with US census tracts or neighborhoods, hardly any indicators for migration or diversity proved to be significantly related to social cohesion. This chapter contributes to theoretical insights on the development of generalized trust and other civic attitudes and suggests that the pessimistic conclusion about ethnic diversity\'s negative effects on social capital might have been drawn too early. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-01-22 11:53:13','2010-01-22 13:05:52','','Waiting'),(451,'Religious Involvement, Trust and Ethnocentrism: A Comparative Study of Christian Denominations in Europe','Kerkelijke betrokkenheid, vertrouwen en etnocentrisme: Een vergelijkende studie onder christelijke gelovigen in Europa',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Within the sociology of religion, the relation between religious involvement and ethnocentrism has been a major topic of research, already since the work of Gordon Allport (1958). While most studies demonstrate a positive relation between religious involvement and ethnocentrism, others assume that religion could have a negative impact on ethnocentrism. Using the results of a 1991 survey, Billiet (1995) demonstrated that among Flemish respondents, religious involvement effectively reduces ethnocentrism. In this article, we replicate the Billiet study, by constructing a structural equation model for the relation between religious involvement and ethnocentrism. The analysis is based on the 2004 wave of the European Social Survey. Contrary to the Billiet study, we do not find a significant relation between religious involvement and ethnocentrism, at least not among Catholic believers. It is only among Protestant believers that we can observe a significant negative effect between religious involvement and ethnocentrism. In the conclusion we argue that differences between the various Christian denominations should be considered more explicitly in the ongoing research about the relation between religion and ethnocentrism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-01-22 12:08:30','2010-01-22 12:10:14','','Waiting'),(452,'Effects of different dimensions of social capital on innovative activity: Evidence from Europe at the regional level','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This exploratory study investigates how different dimensions of social capital influence a region\'s innovative activity measured by patent applications. Human capital and R&D are also included in the analysis as factors of innovative activity. The novelty of the paper lies in the fact that for measuring social capital, instead of one overall index, six factors are constructed of 20 indicators using principal components analysis. Unlike many previous studies, this one uses the structural equation modelling approach instead of regression analysis in order to take into account the relationships between the factors of innovative activity. Regional-level data from Eurostat Regio and the European Social Survey are analysed. The findings provide strong support for the argument that social capital indeed influences innovative activity and furthermore, that different dimensions of social capital have dissimilar effects on innovative activity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2010-01-22 12:32:44','2010-11-16 12:16:07','','Waiting'),(453,'Data Collection Quality Assurance in Cross-National Surveys: The Example of the ESS','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The significance of cross-national surveys for the social sciences has increased over the past decades and with it the number of cross-national datasets that researchers have access to. Cross-national surveys are typically large enterprises that demand dedicated efforts to coordinate the process of data collection in the participating countries. While cross-national surveys have addressed many important methodological problems, such as translation and the cultural applicability of concepts, the management of the data collection process has yet had little place in cross-national survey methodology. This paper describes the quality standards for data collection and their monitoring in the European Social Survey (ESS). In the ESS, data are collected via face-to-face interviewing. In each country a different survey organisation carries out the data collection. Assuring the quality across the large number of survey organisations is a complex but indispensable task to achieve valid and comparable data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','achim.koch@gesis.org','2010-01-26 15:43:14','2010-01-27 10:11:44','','Waiting'),(454,'Item Nonresponse in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Item nonresponse is widely considered an important indicator of data quality. It decreases the available sample size for analyses and bears the risk of biased results if the missingness is not at random. The present study investigates item nonresponse rates in the first three rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS). The ESS is a biennial cross-national survey of attitudes and behaviours, first fielded in 2002. Our focus is on the average level of item nonresponse across 75 questions being part of the ‘core modul’ of the ESS questionnaire (cumulative item nonresponse). We describe the average amount of item nonresponse for all countries separately for the different types of item nonresponse: ‘don’t know’, ‘refusal’, and ‘no answer’. In addition we analyse the potential reasons for differences across countries in the main type of item nonresponse, i.e. ‘don’t know’ nonresponse. This is done by multi-level modelling; the three hierarchical levels of respondents, interviewers, and countries are distinguished.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','achim.koch@gesis.org','2010-01-26 16:00:11','2010-01-27 10:17:02','','Waiting'),(455,'The complex detection of racism and xenophobia through survey methods. A step forward in their measurement','La compleja detección del racismo y la xenofobia a través de encuesta. Un paso adelante en su medición',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Methodological adequacy of survey when measuring racism and xenophobia has been discussed in previous studies. The aim of this paper is to improve measurement through survey methods. First, a theoretical approach is made to the concepts of racism and xenophobia, considering the different forms and aspects of their measurement according to existing theoretical and empirical research. Secondly, the main errors that may crop up when recording such phenomena are dealt with. Then, we move down to the level of the indicators used. The effectiveness of the traditional indicators used in CIS surveys, which are compared with «new» indicators applied earlier in the European Social Survey (2002-2003), is assessed using the articulation of multivariate analytical techniques (cluster and discriminant) in both analysis and validation samples. These «new» indicators end up by showing greater effectiveness when measuring attitudes against immigration, due mainly to the question format adopted in the questionnaire. Nevertheless, measurement errors are still detected and some proposals for dimensions, indicators and question formats are given in order to help advancing in the complex detection of latent racism and xenophobia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','macda@cps.ucm.es','2010-01-27 10:07:17','2010-11-16 12:18:44','','Waiting'),(456,'Domestic Supply, Job-Specialisation and Sex-Differences in Pay','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article proposes an explanation of sex-differences in job-allocation and pay in different institutional contexts. Job-allocation calculations are considered to be related to (1) the distribution of housework and (2) the skill-specialization requirements of jobs. In a context of uncertainty and imperfect information, housework and job-specialization requirements generate a particular incentive structure for each sex. This incentive structure can, however, be altered by governmental action. Welfare policies and services are expected to affect allocation decisions at the micro-level both by reducing the risks of skill-depreciation for women as well as by increasing their intra-household bargaining power. Both effects combined should reduce the economic pay-offs of “traditional” sphere-specialization by sex. This model is tested using a sub-sample of married and cohabiting employees drawn for the second round of the European Social Survey. Results based on nested random-intercept regressions show that sex-differences in job-specialization and housework can explain the wage effects of occupational sex-composition and have a significant direct impact on hourly earnings. Welfare-regime interactions also suggest that the association between housework and earnings is much weaker in societies displaying high levels of defamilialization and decommodification.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','javier.polavieja@imdea.org','2010-01-27 10:13:46','2010-11-05 11:30:11','','Waiting'),(457,'The State and the Development of Social Trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The role of the state in the promotion of social or generalized trust is one of the most important ongoing topics in social capital research. We suggest that the state can play a positive role in the creation of social trust as a third-party enforcer of private agreements. This positive effect depends on the efficacy of the state. We also argue that the effects of the state on social trust will be unevenly distributed among majoritarian and minoritarian ethnic groups. These hypotheses are tested using the European Social Survey (2002—03) and confirmed for a dataset of 22 European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','herreros@iesam.csic.es','2010-01-27 10:27:11','2010-11-09 10:23:59','','Waiting'),(458,'The Effect of Occupational Sex-Composition on Earnings: Job-Specialization, Sex-Role Attitudes and the Division of Domestic Labour in Spain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Important theoretical controversies remain unresolved in the literature on occupational sex-segregation and the gender wage gap. These controversies can be summarized as a debate between cultural-socialization arguments and economic or rational-action theories of specialization. The article discusses these theories in detail and carries out a preliminary test of the relative explanatory performance of some of their most consequential predictions. This is done by drawing on the Spanish sample of the second round of the European Social Survey (ESS). Empirical results suggest that the effect of occupational sex-segregation on wages could be explicable by workers’ sex-role attitudes, their relative input in domestic production and the job-specific human-capital requirements of their jobs. Of these three factors, job-specialization seems clearly the most important one.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: November 19, 2007','javier.polavieja@imdea.org','2010-01-27 10:31:00','2010-11-08 11:55:33','','Waiting'),(459,'Immigration and Preferences for Redistribution: An Empirical Analysis of European Survey Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores the relationship between perceptions of immigration and preferences for redistribution, using survey data from the European Social Survey. Some recent literature argues that hostility toward immigrants will reduce the preferred level of redistribution, primarily because people care about who they redistribute towards (the anti-solidarity hypothesis). Less attention has been paid to the possibility that immigration might be perceived as increasing the risk of income loss, something that should increase the preferred level of redistribution (the compensation hypothesis). This paper finds some evidence in favour of both hypotheses. Furthermore, the paper argues that anti-solidarity effects should be stronger in countries classified within the Social Democratic welfare state regime type and compensation effects should be stronger in countries within the Conservative welfare state regime type. There is some empirical support for this argument in the data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','henning.finseraas@nova.no','2010-01-27 10:35:23','2010-11-09 10:21:36','','Waiting'),(460,'Corruption and the Disparity in Levels of Political Support by Winners and Losers','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent analyses of the determinants of levels of political support have stressed the role of institutions in producing the disparity in support by the winners and losers of an election. The authors claim that it is not only the countries\' institutional structures that matter in determining this disparity but also how the institutions work. Specifically, they claim that the disparity between winners and losers is greater in countries with a high level of political corruption. They test this hypothesis in a cross-national sample from the European Social Survey Database.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','herreros@iesam.csic.es','2010-01-27 10:40:04','2010-11-16 12:20:01','','Waiting'),(461,'Regional Differences Matter: Examining the Dual Influence of the Regional Size of the Immigrant Population on Derogation of Immigrants in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we examine which role the size of the immigrant population plays in explaining immigrant derogation within and between European regions. We draw upon   group threat- and intergroup contact theory to consider the following question: does a larger size of immigrant population increase perceived group threat and thereby  lead to greater immigrant derogation? Or does it increase intergroup contact and thereby ameliorate immigrant derogation? We test the empirical adequacy of these  alternative suggestions using regionalized European Social Survey 2002 and official data which will be analyzed by means of multilevel structural equation modeling.  Within regions, our results confirm that perceived group threat increases subsequent immigrant derogation. Likewise, intergroup contact reduces perceived group threat and thereby amends such derogation of immigrants. Between regions, our findings show   that a larger size of the immigrant population increases both greater perceived group threat and intergroup contact. At the same time, the effects of perceived   group threat and intergroup contact on immigrant derogation resemble those found within regions. In sum, these results lend evidence to the generalizability of both  group threat- and contact effects. Implications of these findings for future research are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','schlueter@wzb.eu','2010-01-28 11:05:01','2010-11-05 10:02:30','','Waiting'),(462,'Something about young people or something about elections? Electoral participation of young people in Europe: Evidence from a multilevel analysis of the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Turnout at general elections across Europe is in decline as it is in other established democracies. A particular cause for concern is that young people are less likely to participate than older voters. Evidence presented in this article, based on national election results and the 2002–2003 European Social Survey, shows the overall turnout rate for 22 European countries in elections between 1999 and 2002 was 70 per cent compared to 51 per cent for electors aged less than 25. The authors examine national variations in turnout for young people across Europe, and use multilevel logistic regression models to understand these variations, and to test the extent to which they are attributable to the characteristics of young people and the electoral context in each country. Variations in turnout among young people are partially accounted for by the level of turnout of older voters in the country and partly by the characteristics of young voters, including the level of political interest and civic duty. The authors conclude that both individual-level and election-specific information are important in understanding the turnout of young electors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ed.fieldhouse@manchester.ac.uk','2010-01-29 10:22:53','2010-11-08 14:55:11','','Waiting'),(463,'Social capital and self-rated health in the Republic of Ireland: evidence from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses the determinants of self-reported health in Ireland, conditioning self-reported health on a set of socio-economic, labour market and social capital variables. Ireland has the highest self-reported health rate in Europe. The results demonstrate statistically significant effects of income on self-reported health that are robust to different statistical specifications and statistically significant though modest effects of social capital variables such as associational membership and frequency of social meeting.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Liam.Delaney@ucd.ie','2010-01-29 10:48:38','2010-01-29 10:48:55','','Waiting'),(464,'Personal Value Systems in the European Social Survey','Persönliche Wertorientierungen im European Social Survey',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Schwartz\' assumptions about a universal value system, cannot be verified by his self-proposed analysis of data from the European Social Survey. This does not necessarily mean that his value system is not universal. Since Schwarz\' method for analysis is not always unambiguous, the failure to confirm a universal value system could be an artifact of a different interpretation of his method (even if this seems unlikely, given the large number of additional checks, not reported in this paper). The Schwarz scale deployed in the ESS is not, strictu sensu, a theoretical novelty developed from scratch. Rather, it has been constructed from existing scales, condensed into an \"optimised\" instrument, but without testing for bias and equivalence. Thus undiscovered design flaws could be the reason for the results presented here. Another reason may lie in the samples. It could be that students and teachers for a variety of reasons are more comparable across cultures than is the case with whole populations. Nevertheless, the conclusion remains that a standard analysis of the ESS data currently fails to support the universality assumption. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-01-29 11:41:08','2010-01-29 11:41:46','','Waiting'),(465,'Self-perceived Health and Socioeconomic Differences. European Social Survey 2004','Tervise enesehinnangu sotsiaalmajanduslikud erinevused Eestis: Euroopa sotsiaaluuring 2004',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study analyses socioeconomic differences in self-perceived health among adults in Estonia. The study was based on a subsample of the 35–54-years-old adult population (n=627) of the European Social Survey, conducted in Estonia in 2004. Self-perceived health was rated on the 5-point scale: very good, good, fair, poor and very poor. Socioeconomic status was measured by the level of education, employment, economic well-being, age, ethnicity, type of residence and marital status. Logistic regression analysis was applied to assess association between self-perceived health and socioeconomic status.\n49.5% of respondents rated their health at least good and 50.5% less than good. No significant difference was found in self-perceived health of men and women. Women rated their health as very good more frequently than men, but as very poor more rarely than men. Overall, the prevalent proportions of respondents were with secondary education, employed, married or co-habiting, and Estonians. In adjusted logistic regression analysis, less than good self-rated health was associated with lower education, unemployment, lower economic well-being and older age group in both genders. No relationship was found between less than good selfperceived health and marital status, ethnicity, and type of residence.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2010-02-03 18:22:54','2010-02-08 15:51:55','','Waiting'),(467,'Unequal Political Participation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The fact that social stratification factors are closely related to different levels of political participation is a classical issue that has relevant normative as well as explanatory implications for the study of participation. Research on this topic has focused mainly on unequal participation in the United States and we know little about contemporary patterns in other contexts. This article uses data from the European Social Survey to explore the effect of various possible sources of inequality (gender, age, social class, education, income, ethnicity, and working status) on four political activities: voting, working with parties and action groups, attending demonstrations, and boycotting products. Overall, age, education, and social class emerge as the most common causes of distortion, while gender membership in minorities, and occupational variables are less clearly related to participation. In conventional political activities the differences are more predictable in the direction of the disadvantaged, while demonstrators are in some respects undistinguishable from the general public. Finally the fact that socioeconomic inequalities in turnout are unambiguously visible in most European countries stands in contrast to past research and deserves further attention.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aina.gallego@upf.edu','2010-02-09 14:31:59','2010-11-09 09:49:47','','Waiting'),(468,'Monitoring and quality control of the European Social Survey’s fieldwork in Spain: Evaluation and Results','Supervisión del control de calidad del trabajo de campo de la Encuesta Social Europea en España: Evaluación y resultados',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aim is twofold. First, it seeks to provide a general outlook of the monitoring and quality control processes of the European Social Survey’s fieldwork in Spain. Second, the paper presents a preliminary analysis of the data collected in the interviewer contact forms, with the goal of providing a clear idea of the analytic potencial of this tool, and gaining some insights from the fieldwork strategies and design.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mariano.torcal@upf.edu','2010-02-09 14:43:49','2010-11-16 12:24:09','','Waiting'),(469,'Determinants of female labour supply in Europe: Evidence from the ESS round two data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present study has used ESS Round 2 (2002-2004) data. 10.619 working women from 24 European countries were asked to asses the existing relationship between female labour supply (measured with the number of weekly hours worked) and a list of its potential determinants such as income, education, present life circumstances (children living at home and unpaid help available), family background (whether mother was working when subject was 14) as well as beliefs regarding equal work opportunities between men and women. Results indicate that actual female labour supply does not coincide with women´s expectations in most countries. In some countries women report to work fewer hours than they would like and in other countries they affirm they work more hours than they would prefer. Differences across countries are also exploited in the paper.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Special issue no. IL-II/2008','aveira@polsoc.uc3m.es','2010-02-09 14:51:45','2010-02-10 16:15:01','','Waiting'),(470,'Nonresponse Bias Adjustments: What Can Process Data Contribute?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'To minimise nonresponse bias most large-scale social surveys undertake nonresponse weighting. Traditional nonresponse weights adjust for demographic information only. This paper assesses the effect and added value of weights based on fieldwork process data in the European Social Survey (ESS). The reduction of relative nonresponse bias in estimates of political activism, trust, happiness and human values was examined. The effects of process, frame and post-stratification weights, as well as of weights combining several data sources, were examined. The findings demonstrate that process weights add explanatory power to nonresponse bias adjustments. Combined demographic and process weights were most successful at removing nonresponse bias.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','blom@mea.uni-mannheim.de','2010-02-10 10:34:40','2010-02-10 16:00:29','','Waiting'),(471,'Inequality in Political Participation: Contemporary Patterns in European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The fact that social stratification factors are closely related to different levels of political participation is a classical issue that has relevant normative as well as explanatory implications for the study of participation. However, in the shift from the industrial to the information or knowledge society some patterns in that respect may be changing. This paper explores the effect of various possible sources of inequality on political participation (gender, age, social class, education, income, ethnicity, and working status) on four political activities, using data from the European Social Survey for 22 European countries. The frequency, consistency, and the mode specific patterns of the observed differences are taken into account to discuss which of these factors can be considered genuine sources of inequality. Overall, age and education emerge as the most widespread causes of distortion, while gender, membership in minorities, and occupational variables are less clearly related to participation. In conventional activity the differences are more predictable in the direction of the disadvantage, while demonstrators can be in some respects both under- and overrepresented among disadvantaged citizens. Finally, the fact that socio-economic inequalities in turnout are unambiguously visible in most European countries stands in sharp contrast with past research and deserves further attention.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aina.gallego@upf.edu','2010-02-09 13:13:47','2010-02-10 15:35:05','','Waiting'),(472,'Are cross-national surveys the best way to study the extreme-right vote in Europe?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In recent years, various authors have tried to develop a comprehensive explanation for the electoral success of extreme-right parties  in Europe. While some authors stress individual-level factors (ethnocentrism, political cynicism, distrust), others stress macro-level variables (party strategy, electoral system). In this field of research cross-national survey data  are often used to ascertain the strength of extreme-right parties  and the motivation of those who vote for them. Hooghe and Reeskens question the external cross-cultural validity of these measurements, on the grounds of both response and measurement bias. Using the European Social Survey  (29 observations) they find a huge diversity in the external validity of the data, with anything from 15 to 90 per cent of the electoral strength of the extreme-right party being covered in the survey. Using a multiple regression model, they identify survey response rate, voter turnout and the populist appeal of the party itself as possible causes for this selective under-representation. The only possible conclusion is that cross-national surveys do not succeed in establishing cross-cultural external  validity for questions of extreme-right voting. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Marc.Hooghe@soc.kuleuven.be','2010-02-11 10:30:42','2010-11-16 12:26:30','','Waiting'),(473,'Immigration and Natives’ Attitudes towards the Welfare State: Evidence from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Does immigration reduce natives’ support for the welfare state? Evidence from the European Social Survey (2002/2003) suggests a more qualified relation. For Europe as a whole, there is only weak evidence of a negative association between the perceived presence of immigrants and natives’ support for the welfare state. However, this weak average relationship masks considerable heterogeneity across countries. We distinguish two channels through which immigration could affect natives’ support for the welfare state: a pure dislike of immigrants and concerns about the economic consequences of immigration. We find that natives who hold both negative views react much more negatively to a given perceived share of immigrants than natives who hold neither view. However, there is no clear pattern concerning the relative importance of the two channels. Finally, we find that natives who hold either of these negative views of immigrants tend to be less supportive of the welfare state independently of the perceived presence of immigrants. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','stichnoth@pse.ens.fr','2010-02-11 10:39:29','2010-11-05 11:10:25','','Waiting'),(474,'Euro-scepticism and Extreme Voting Patterns in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An analysis of the effects of social cleavages and socio-political attitudes voting for the far left, the far right, and non-voting in European Countries, using ESS round 2 data. The discussion regarding whether euro-scepticism contributes to explain extreme voting behaviour next to the left-right dimension can be answered positively. The study tested the importance of euro-scepticism, not only controlled for the left-right wing dimension, but for other relevant socio-political attitudes taking into account in earlier research to explain far right-wing voting, far left-wing voting, and non-voting. Full and complex models are tested. It is revealed that political euro-scepticism and dissatisfaction with the European parliament affects both far right-wing and far left-wing voting. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','M.Lubbers@uu.nl','2010-02-11 11:00:54','2010-02-12 14:03:29','','Waiting'),(475,'Religiosity in Europe and in the Two Germanies: The Persistence of a Special Case – as revealed by the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Even more than a decade after unification, East Germans are less religious than West Germans – which mirrors the state-enforced secularization (Meulemann 2002: 76-91, 127) that the German Democratic Republic (GDR) shared with the remaining countries of the former Eastern bloc. In the following, two questions are examined: Is the lead of West over East Germany still the same today? And is the difference between West and East within Germany bigger than within Europe? In other words: Does the difference in Germany persist? And is Germany, as far as this difference is concerned, a special case within Europe? ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-02-11 11:10:37','2010-04-19 09:47:12','','Waiting'),(476,'Attitudes toward migration in Europe: a cross-cultural and contextual approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Given the tendency towards harmonization of the migration policies of the EU-member countries, international comparisons of attitudes to migration are highly relevant. In this contribution, individual and particularly contextual determinants of these attitudes are studied. Data from the European Social Survey (ESS) round 1 is used. In this large-scale international survey, 22 European countries participated.\nRealistic group-conflict theory is our theoretical point of departure. According to this theoretical framework, economic competition between ethnic groups is the main source of ethnocentrism. Consequently, we hypothesize that the overall performance of the national economy and the size of the immigrant population will influence attitudes towards migration among the autochthonous population. Apart from these variables at the national level, individual control variables (such as age, sex and education) are taken into account.\nMulti-level modelling is an appropriate statistical tool for the analysis of cross-cultural survey data, since respondents are nested within countries. This technique allows taking up individual as well as national variables in one and the same model. Furthermore, it is possible to test for cross-level interactions. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bart.meuleman@soc.kuleuven.be','2010-02-11 11:26:06','2010-02-12 14:07:00','','Waiting'),(477,'The combinability between work and motherhood and the ideal age to have children: An analysis based on 2006-2007 European Social Survey data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper asks whether what women perceive to be the ideal age of having children differs across countries, in line with the cross-country variation in the opportunity costs of having children. It hypothesizes that it does. Concretely, this paper hypothesizes that the lower the (perceived) opportunity costs of having children, the lower the perceived ideal age of having children, and the higher the (perceived) opportunity costs of having children, the higher the perceived ideal age of having children. This paper makes use of data from the third round of the European Social Survey (ESS), which was carried out in the period 2006-2007 in 25 European countries, and included a rotating module on the timing of major life course events.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Hideko.Matsuo@soc.kuleuven.be','2010-02-11 11:34:41','2010-02-12 14:10:25','','Waiting'),(478,'Work-Life Conflict and Social Inequality in Western Europe ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent debates on time-use suggest that there is an inverse relationship between time poverty and income poverty (Aguiar and Hurst in Q J Econ C(3):969–1006, 2007), with Hammermesh and Lee (Rev Econ Stat 89(2):374–383, 2007) suggesting much time poverty is ‘yuppie kvetch’ or ‘complaining’. Gershuny (Soc Res Int Q Soc Sci 72(2):287–314, 2005) argues that busyness is the ‘badge of honour’: being busy is now a positive, privileged position and it is high status people who work long hours and feel busy. Is this also true of work-life conflict? This paper explores the relationship between work-life tension and social inequality, as measured by social class, drawing on evidence from the European Social Survey. To what extent is work-life conflict a problem of the (comparatively) rich and privileged professional/managerial classes, and is this true across European countries? The countries selected offer a range of institutional and policy configurations to maximise variation. Using regression modelling of an index of subjective work-life conflict, we find that in all the countries under study, work-life conflict is higher among professionals than non-professionals. Part of this is explained by the fact that professionals work longer hours and experience more work pressure than other social classes, though the effect remains even after accounting for these factors. While levels of work-life conflict vary across the countries studied, country variation in class differences is modest. We consider other explanations of why professionals report higher work-life conflict and the implications of our findings for debates on social inequality. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Fran.McGinnity@esri.ie','2010-02-11 13:19:53','2010-11-05 11:29:03','','Waiting'),(479,'More Participation, Happier Society? A Comparative Study of Civil Society and the Quality of Life','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A ‘good society’ has recently been portrayed as one in which citizens engage in voluntary associations to foster democratic processes. Arguably, such a good society is considered as one where people are content with their own lives as well as public life. We consider whether participation in civil society leads to more satisfied individuals on the one hand and a better evaluation of society at a country level on the other. With data from the first round of the European Social Survey, we illustrate that participation in voluntary associations not only depends on individual characteristics, but that there is a clear country-level effect on civil society. This can be explained with measures of quality of society after socio-demographic determinants have been controlled for. Nonetheless, it remains difficult to say what comes first: a ‘good society’ or a thriving civil society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Claire.Wallace@abdn.ac.uk','2010-02-11 13:28:35','2010-11-05 11:27:59','','Waiting'),(480,'Measuring Active Citizenship through the Development of a Composite Indicator','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article defines Active Citizenship within a European context as a broad range of value based participation. It develops a framework for measuring this phenomenon which combines the four dimensions of Protest and Social Change, Community Life, Representative Democracy and Democratic values. The European Social Survey 2002 is used to populate the framework as this survey provided the best data coverage available and covered 19 European Countries. In total 61 indicators were selected. A composite indicator (CI), The Active Citizenship Composite Indicator (ACCI), is built using the framework provided and using experts’ weights. In addition, the robustness of the results is tested using sensitivity analysis. The limitations to the ACCI are explained in terms of the limitation of the data availability in particular concerning the new forms of participation and less organised forms of participation. Nevertheless, ACCI proved to be statistically robust and reliable and proved to be a useful tool for monitoring levels of citizenship in Europe. The results of ACCI exhibit interesting and quite distinct regional patterns. The results showed that the Nordic countries, and in particular Sweden, have the highest rate of Active Citizenship, followed by Central Europe and Anglo-Saxon countries. Mediterranean countries are next followed by Eastern European countries that close the ranking. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Bryony.Hoskins@jrc.it','2010-02-11 13:45:33','2010-11-05 11:26:47','','Waiting'),(481,'Preference Theory and Low Fertility: A Comparative Perspective ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The discussion on the causes of the most recent fertility decline in Europe, and in particular on the emergence of lowest-low fertility, emphasizes the relevance of cultural factors in addition to economic ones. As part of such a cultural framework, the heterogeneity of preferences concerning the “career vs. family” dichotomy has been systematized in the “Preference Theory” approach developed by Catherine Hakim. This heterogeneity in preferences, however, has so far been underinvestigated in a comparative framework. This paper makes use of comparative data from the 2004/2005 Round of the European Social Survey to test the links between individual-level preferences and both fertility outcomes and fertility intentions, in a variety of societal settings. Results confirm an association between work–family lifestyle preferences and realized fertility in a variety of European countries, while they do not show a relationship between lifestyle preferences and fertility intentions. Results further support the existence of heterogeneous patterns of association between lifestyle preferences and fertility choices among welfare regimes. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','agnese.vitali@unibocconi.it','2010-02-11 13:54:50','2010-11-08 13:55:55','','Waiting'),(482,'Subjective Quality of Life of Young Europeans. Feeling Happy but who Knows why? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Latest developments in modern societies have altered living circumstances. Upcoming insecurities concerning employment and family relationships make life more and more incalculable. Especially young adults throughout the modern world are forced to rethink their life concepts and to desist from the lives of former generations. As difficulties to achieve a successful life increase, one could assume that the young are confronted with the impossibility of feeling happy and satisfied with their lives anymore. Yet, latest social surveys prove wrong. Although increasing unemployment, lower net income and single parenthood make life more difficult for the young, they still enjoy very high subjective quality of life in comparison to the older population. Throughout the paper I argue that it is not the objective conditions that make young adults (15–29 years old) feel overwhelmingly happy. Looking for other sources of explanation of high quality of life among people aged 29 or below, I argue for indicators of social embeddedness as being influential on their assessment of life. But again, the proportion of explained variance is smaller compared to older people. With the help of empirical data taken from the European Social Survey I highlight the differences in life circumstances between the young and the total population. Concerning occupation, habitation (kind of inhabited household) and financial situation, most of the young live under different situations compared to the adult world. But surprisingly, the rates of perceived high quality of life among the young do not vary to such a large extent as among the adults. I show that young adults, often damned to fail social demands because of their withdrawal from social life, are still the most happy in modern (more and more individualizing?) societies. But it gets more difficult to account for the reasons of their happiness. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','florian_pichler@gmx.at','2010-02-11 14:01:04','2010-11-05 11:25:55','','Waiting'),(483,'Explaining Cross-Country Differences in Attitudes Towards Immigration in the EU-15 ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper, we use data from the first two rounds of the European Social Survey to analyze the extent to which differences in average attitudes towards immigration across the EU-15 countries may be explained by differences in socioeconomic characteristics and individually perceived consequences of immigration, using an extension of a decomposition technique developed by Fairlie (2005). We find that despite the significant effects of socioeconomic characteristics on attitudes, differences in the distributions of these characteristics can only explain a modest share of the cross-country variation in average attitudes. A larger part can be explained by differences in perceived consequences of immigration, but the main part is still left unexplained. Apart from providing useful input for policy makers working in the area of immigration policy, this raises a number of questions for further research for which the ESS data can be successfully applied. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jrs.eco@cbs.dk','2010-02-11 14:10:47','2010-11-05 11:24:45','','Waiting'),(484,'Reported Levels of Time-based and Strain-based Conflict Between Work and Family Roles in Europe: A Multilevel Approach ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What are the determinants of the subjective experience of conflict between work and family roles among dual-earner couples in Europe? Taking a demands-and-resources approach, this study investigates the individual and macro-level factors that generate perceptions of negative spill-over from work to family. Comparative survey data for 23 countries come from Round 2 of the European Social Survey. The empirical results support theoretical arguments for a conceptual distinction between time- and strain-based work-family conflicts. The findings also reveal important sex differences in the ways that perceptions of conflict are generated. Moreover, the results from multilevel analyses suggest that the experience of work-family conflict among dual-earner couples is only weakly moderated by institutional or cultural effects. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nadia.steiber@wu-wien.ac.at','2010-02-11 14:13:48','2010-11-05 11:23:25','','Waiting'),(485,'The Differentiation of Social Demands in Europe. The Social Basis of the European Models of Capitalism ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper tests the impact of various determinants of the preference for two key elements of the European social models: redistribution and trade unions, using individual data from the first round of the European Social Survey. The basic hypothesis is that the main determinant of an individual’s support for these elements of the European models is the social position of the individual in terms of income, status and risks attached to their labour market insertion. The paper also considers the relative importance of less ‘materialist’ influences such as religion or other cultural determinants. The estimations show that ‘materialist’ determinants are by far the most important influences on individual preferences, contrary to what most social theories of modernisation contend. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bruno.amable@univ-paris1.fr','2010-02-11 14:19:10','2010-11-05 11:22:12','','Waiting'),(486,'Happy to Help? Exploring the Factors Associated with Variations in Rates of Volunteering Across Europe ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The frequency of formal volunteering varies widely across European countries, and rates of formal volunteering are especially low among Eastern European countries. Why are there such large differences in volunteering rates when it is known that volunteering is beneficial for well-being? Using data from the latest round of the European Social Survey, we test three hypotheses to explain these cross-national differences in volunteering. We ask whether people in countries with low frequencies of volunteering spend more of their time on informal volunteering activities; whether they differ on socio-demographic variables which are known to be linked to volunteering rates; or whether they show less well-being benefit from formal volunteering. Contrary to the first hypothesis, we find a positive correlation between formal and informal volunteering. We further conclude that national differences in rates of volunteering cannot be fully explained by differences in the social, psychological or cultural factors associated with volunteering nor the outcome of volunteering. It is likely that contextual factors, such as a country’s historical background or institutions, determine levels of volunteering to a large extent. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','az266@cam.ac.uk','2010-02-11 14:32:35','2010-11-05 11:20:53','','Waiting'),(487,'Job satisfaction and self-employment: autonomy or personality? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Most studies in the economics discourse argue that the impact of self-employment on job satisfaction is mediated by greater procedural freedom and autonomy. Values and personality traits are considered less likely to explain the utility difference between self-employed and salaried workers. Psychology scholars suggest that entrepreneurial satisfaction also depends, at least in part, on specific values and personality traits. Utilising a large dataset derived from the 2006 European Social Survey, this study performs a complementary analysis by taking personality traits, personal values and indicators for workers’ autonomy explicitly into account. The empirical findings add further strength to economists’ argument that, net of values and personality traits, autonomy and independence are the mechanisms by which self-employment leads to higher levels of job satisfaction. These results hold true for both male and female sub-samples even when a multitude of socio-demographic characteristics, personal values and personality traits are controlled for. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Online First™, 4 December 2009','tlange@bournemouth.ac.uk','2010-02-11 14:37:52','2010-11-08 13:54:37','','Waiting'),(488,'Terms of exclusion: public views towards admission and allocation of rights to immigrants in European  countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper contends that exclusionary views towards out-group populations are formed along two dimensions: exclusion from the country and exclusion from equal rights. Data obtained from the European  Social Survey (for twenty-one countries) reveal that objection to the admission of foreigners to the country is more pronounced than objection to the allocation of \'equal rights\'. The data further suggest that objection to admission can be directed either at all non-nationals or only at ethnic and racial minorities. \'Total exclusionists\' (i.e. support exclusion of all non-nationals) are more likely to support the denial of foreigners from equal rights than \'racial exclusionists\' (i.e. support only exclusion of ethnic minorities). Multi-level analyses show that support for exclusion is also influenced by socio-economic characteristics of individuals (e.g. education, political orientation) and characteristics of their countries (e.g. size of the non-European  population). The findings are discussed in light of sociological theory. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','agorodzeisky@march.es','2010-02-12 10:02:52','2010-11-08 13:52:23','','Waiting'),(489,'Religion and Euroscepticism: Direct, Indirect or No Effects?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Taking as starting points the (growing) political significance of religion and increasing scepticism towards European  integration, this study sets out to investigate the impact of religious divides and religiosity on attitudes towards the EU, both on the micro and on the macro level. In addition to considering direct effects, it focuses on the mediated nature of relationships between religion and Euroscepticism through immigration attitudes and authoritarian value orientations. Drawing on data from the 2006 European  Social Survey the authors find that individuals\' religious attachments have only indirect relevance for explaining Euroscepticism when controlling for immigration attitudes and value orientations. Religious context, however, does contribute to explanatory models of Euroscepticism, with citizens of Protestant countries being more Eurosceptic than those in religiously mixed or in Catholic countries. The authors furthermore show that both authoritarianism and anti-immigration attitudes are to some degree influenced by individuals\' denomination and level of religiosity and in turn predict Euroscepticism. Yet, even indirect effects of religion on Euroscepticism are small or appear to cancel each other out. The article concludes that religion on the micro level is largely irrelevant for explaining Euroscepticism, whereas it is an important macro-level explanatory variable',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','H.Boomgaarden@uva.nl','2010-02-12 10:13:48','2010-11-08 13:47:58','','Waiting'),(490,'Health Promotion: People aged 65 and over. Elements for a comprehensive ageing policy.','Promoção da Saúde depois dos 65 anos. Elementos para uma política integrada de envelhecimento.',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The thesis explores contributions of a health promotion approach to the development of an integrated ageing policy. More specifically, it offers several elements in support of policies/ measures promoting the health and well-being of people aged 65+ in Portugal. A conceptual framework - PromS - clarifies the health promotion approach adopted, stressing a comprehensive and positive understanding of health and its multiple determinants and emphasising the values of equity and empowerment. Quantitative and qualitative data are combined to render an assessment of the health situation of the over-65 population in Portugal, comprising:\n - A qualitative study exploring older people’s lay views on health, discussed in terms of health literacy and favoured health dimensions, determinants and actions;\n - a health profile of the Portuguese population aged 65 and over, covering health status and well-being and several determining factors (individual and social /environmental); it uses indicators from several sources, including, whenever possible, a comparison with other age groups and other European countries;\n - an analysis of pattern and magnitude of social inequalities in health outcomes and in the distribution of some of it’s determinants among elderly people in Portugal (ESS3 data);\n - a brief review of some national policies/measures pertinent to this group’s health.\nObjectives and priority areas for action are suggested, along with possible strategies and guidelines on infrastructure and processes regarding the formulation and implementation of a national health policy for older people.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','correio_ma@hotmail.com','2010-02-22 18:49:28','2010-03-03 10:21:35','','Waiting'),(491,'Course of life of median resident','Расписание жизни среднестатистического человека',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Infographic about major lifetime events of residents of Russia, Ukraine, USA, UK, Netherlands and Germany. The ages of key events are marked on the timeline of life expectancy. The key events are: age of becoming adult, age of the first sexual intercourse, age when the first child is born, age of the first marriage, middle age, age of reaching old age, age when the first grandchild is born, age of retirement.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.snob.ru/magazine/entry/12102','opppexa@gmail.com','2010-02-24 07:40:49','2010-02-25 15:35:39','','Waiting'),(492,'The Structural Organization of Human Values – Evidence from Three Rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since 1987, a multitude of studies referring to the Schwartz (1992) structural model of human values have been published. Although most studies support this conceptual approach, few were based on representative samples. The implementation of the biennial European Social Survey (ESS) in 2002, made responses from 71 representative national samples from 32 countries to a 21-item version of the Portrait Values Questionnaire available for assessing this model of human values. We present structural analyses of these data using a theory-based approach to multidimensional scaling (Bilsky, Gollan & Döring, 2008) that can be applied to optimally assess the fit of data to diverse theories. The analyses support the circular structure of basic values across countries and within countries across time. They also replicate two findings based on other samples, surveys, and methods of analysis (Fontaine et al., 2008): Deviations from the structure are fewer and the contrast between protection and growth values is sharper in more developed societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology OnlineFirst, published on July 20, 2010 as doi:10.1177/0022022110362757','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2010-03-07 16:04:05','2010-11-05 08:56:12','','Waiting'),(493,'Whence Differences in Value Priorities? Individual, Cultural, or Artifactual Sources','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'To what extent do value priorities vary across countries and to what extent do individuals within countries share values? We address these questions using three sets of data that each measure values differently: the Schwartz Value Survey for student and teacher samples in 67 countries (N=41,968), the Portrait Values Questionnaire for representative samples from 19 European countries (N=42,359), and the World Value Survey for representative samples from 62 countries (N=84,887). Analyses reveal more consensus than disagreement on value priorities across countries, refuting strong claims that culture determines values. Values associated with autonomy, relatedness, and competence show a universal pattern of high importance and high consensus. Only conformity values show patterns suggesting they are good candidates for measuring culture as shared meaning systems. We rule out reference-group and response style effects as alternative explanations for the results and discuss their implications for value theory, cross-cultural research, and value-based intergroup conflict.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology OnlineFirst, published on September 9, 2010 as doi:10.1177/0022022110381429','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2010-03-07 16:17:22','2010-11-05 09:52:28','','Waiting'),(494,'Values: Cultural and Individual','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During the past two decades, I have developed, validated, and applied two separate theories of value related constructs. The first concerns the basic human values on which individual people in all societies differ (e.g., security, achievement, hedonism, concern for others). Basic individual values are an aspect of personality. The second theory deals with normative value orientations on which cultures differ (e.g., hierarchy, egalitarianism, harmony). These orientations underlie and justify the functioning of societal institutions. \nAre two value theories really necessary? Could the same value constructs or dimensions serve at both individual and cultural levels of analysis? It would certainly be more parsimonious to do with one theory. Logically, one theory would suffice if we could assume that culture is simply personality writ large or that individual values are culture writ small. Sadly—for accepting either assumption would make life easier—I find them both unacceptable. In addressing the question of the relationship between individual and culture levels, I hold that we need separate theories of values.\nThis chapter presents and contrasts my individual-level and culture-level theories and suggests how to apply them fruitfully together. It is structured as follows: First, I explicate each theory, specifying its constructs and the relations among them and citing evidence to support them. Next, I compare the empirical structures obtained when the same values data are analyzed at the two levels of analysis and discuss how to interpret these structures as expressions of individual personality and of societal culture. I then contrast the causes of individual differences in basic values and the causes of societal differences in cultural orientations. Next, I present and illustrate the questions that cultural orientations are suited to address and the different questions that individual values are suited to address. Finally, I discuss and illustrate how multi-level analyses that exploit both types of values together can explain national and individual differences in behavior and attitudes.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2010-03-07 16:30:23','2010-03-08 09:27:10','','Waiting'),(495,'well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'well-being\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kpi5@hotmail.com','2010-03-09 12:12:17','2010-06-08 11:22:59','','Waiting'),(496,'The everyday life as compass of change in family\'s gender relations','De Johny Guitar à incerteza do novo: a vida de todos os dias como compasso de mudança das relações de género na família.',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The film \'Johnny Guitar\' (Nicholas Ray, 1954) allows us to create a common, contextualising set of images, operating as an analytical metaphor for hesitant changes in the gender social relations and uncertain recompositions of masculinity that occur on the family plateau. In spite of the popularity of modernist values justifying equality and freedom of choice, which deconstruct traditional ideas of femininity and hegemonic masculinity, these movements do not cancel out the social force of another order of gender structured on inequality; two times coexist: that of change and that of continuity. What interests us here is to analyse what is hidden in the uncertainty accompanying the emergence of new meanings for masculinity, femininity and family. A grey area in daily life, occupied by processes of negotiation and recomposition of gender relations and the man\'s place in the family and in a more particular way, the reconfigurations of what it means to be a man and a woman.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bernardo.coelho@iscte.pt','2010-03-10 12:05:01','2010-03-17 10:52:11','','Waiting'),(497,'Consumer morality in times of economic hardship: evidence from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Crimes of everyday life, often referred to as unfair or unethical practices committed in the marketplace by those who see themselves and are seen as respectable citizens, have burgeoned as a result of the transformations in the European economy in the late 20th century, namely the transition to neo-liberal markets and the emergence of consumer society. A \'cornucopia of new criminal opportunities\' has given rise to a new range of crimes such as ripping software, making false insurance claims or paying cash on hand to circumvent taxes. These shady behaviours (legal or not) are part of people\'s experience, albeit they are collectively regarded as morally dubious. Taken collectively, crimes of everyday life are indicators of the moral stage of a particular society and therefore a valuable instrument for social and political analysis. This paper addresses the question of whether and under which conditions feelings of economic hardship trigger crimes of everyday life. A multilevel theoretical and empirical perspective that integrates theories stemming from political science, sociology, and social psychology is adopted. I start by exploring the embeddedness of economic morality in social institutions, followed by an elaboration of the concept of market anomie to account for deviant behaviour in the marketplace, to finally step down to the examination of the correspondence between social attitudes and consumer behaviour, as postulated by the Theory of Planned Behaviour. The empirical study relies on micro data from the European Social Survey (ESS) (Round 2) and attempts to model, for each country, a formative measure of crimes of everyday life based on socio-demographic variables and the current economic situation, as it is perceived by the individual (taken as a measure of relative deprivation). The resultant country-specific regression coefficients are mapped onto the broader economic and normative context of 23 European countries. The results reveal that crimes of everyday life are driven by feelings of economic hardship only in countries where normative factors dictate their deviance. In countries where fraudulent behaviour is more generalized, inner motivations to offend play a secondary role as the more privileged consumers are more likely to commit fraud as they interact more often with the market. In turn, normative aspects result from a dynamic interplay of cultural and economic factors. As the economy grows faster, the tendency to offend in the market becomes more visible, but only in countries whose gross domestic product (GDP) stands above the European average. In countries with low GDP, the normative landscape is shaped by cultural factors that seem to obfuscate the power of economic factors favourable to consumer fraud.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','c.i.lopes@lse.ac.uk','2010-03-13 13:42:53','2010-11-08 11:47:32','','Waiting'),(498,'Preferences for the sex-composition of children in Europe: A multilevel examination of its effect on progression to a third child','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Comparative research on the preferred sex of children in Western societies has generally focused on women only and ignored the role of gender equity and the need for children’s economic support in old age. A multilevel analysis extends existing research by examining, for both men and women and across 24 European countries, the effect of the preferred sex composition of offspring on whether parents have or intend to have a third child. Using the European Social Survey (2004/5), a multilevel (random coefficient)ordered logit regression of that intention (N=3,323) and a binary logistic multilevel model of the transition to a third child (N=6,502) demonstrate the presence of a mixed-sex preference. In countries with a high risk of poverty in old age, a preference for sons is found, particularly for men. In societies where there is lower gender equity, both men and women have a significant preference for boys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','m.c.mills@rug.nl','2010-03-17 10:56:27','2010-11-08 11:45:13','','Waiting'),(499,'Gender differences in depression in 25 European countries after eliminating measurement bias in the CES-D 8','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cross-national comparisons of the prevalence of depression in general populations are hampered by the absence of comparable data. Using information on the frequency and severity of depressive symptoms from the third wave of the European Social Survey (ESS-3), we are able to fill this gap. In the ESS-3, depression is measured with an 8-item version of the Center for Epidemiological Studies-Depression (CES-D 8) scale. Using multigroup confirmatory factor analysis, we assess configural, metric, and scalar measurement invariance of the CES-D 8. Next, best fitting factor models are used for latent mean comparisons of women and men in the 25 participating European countries. The present study is the first to present highly comparable data on the prevalence of depression in women and men in Europe. Results show that, after eliminating measurement bias, the gender difference in depression stays significant and regional clustering can be noted.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','piet.bracke@ugent.be','2010-03-25 08:57:15','2010-11-05 10:16:27','','Waiting'),(500,'Evaluating Migrant Integration: Political Attitudes Across Generations in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article engages debates about migrant integration by analyzing political trust and satisfaction in twenty-four European countries.  The evidence suggests that first-generation migrants have the most positive attitudes, while native-origin and second-generation migrant-origin individuals have similar political trust and satisfaction scores.  To explain these outcomes, I focus on the importance of subjective integration factors related to the stages of migration.  I claim that first-generation migrants, who have gone through the disruptive process of changing countries, will have lower expectations and be more likely to have positive evaluations of the host society. In comparison, native-origin and second-generation migrant-origin individuals have been raised in the same society and are likely to share perspectives towards that society’s political institutions.     ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','rahsaan@polsci.umass.edu','2010-03-25 17:22:36','2010-11-05 11:02:30','','Waiting'),(501,'Improving Survey Response: Lessons Learned from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'High response rates have traditionally been considered as one of the main indicators of survey quality. Obtaining high response rates is sometimes difficult and expensive, but clearly plays a beneficial role in terms of improving data quality. It is becoming increasingly clear, however, that simply boosting response to achieve a higher response rate will not in itself eradicate nonresponse bias. In this book the authors argue that high response rates should not be seen as a goal in themselves, but rather as part of an overall survey quality strategy based on random probability sampling and aimed at minimising nonresponse bias. \n\nKey features of Improving Survey Response: \n\nA detailed coverage of nonresponse issues, including a unique examination of cross-national survey nonresponse processes and outcomes. \n\nA discussion of the potential causes of nonresponse and practical strategies to combat it. \n\nA detailed examination of the impact of nonresponse and of techniques for adjusting for it once it has occurred. \n\nExamples of best practices and experiments drawn from 25 European countries. \n\nSupplemented by the European Social Survey (ESS) websites, containing materials for the measurement and analysis of nonresponse based on detailed country-level response process datasets. \n\nThe book is designed to help survey researchers and those commissioning surveys by explaining how to prioritise the reduction of nonresponse bias rather than focusing on increasing the overall response rate. It shows substantive researchers how nonresponse can impact on substantive outcomes. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Other contacts:\n\njaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be\nachim.koch@gesis.org\nr.fitzgerald@city.ac.uk','i.stoop@SCP.NL','2010-03-29 16:02:40','2010-04-12 13:12:05','','Waiting'),(502,'A chorus of disapproval? European attitudes to non-traditional family patterns','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter attempts to describe and explain variations in the extent to which individuals express personal disapproval of lifestyle choices that run counter to established social norms such as marriage, family formation and the role of mothers in looking after children. The clearest message is that in most countries, including the UK, there will not be a ‘chorus of disapproval’ if these traditional social norms are transgressed. Rather, we are likely to hear only a minority of the choir singing with a disapproving tone. Certain sections are likely to sing more loudly than others, including men, older cohorts, the less educated and the more religious. However, the prevailing attitude towards individuals’ lifestyle choices can perhaps best be described as indifference.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','r.fitzgerald@city.ac.uk','2010-03-29 16:24:41','2010-04-12 13:26:39','','Waiting'),(503,'The value patterns of the Estonian population','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter examines values of the Estonian population. A large part of the comparative studies dealing with values has focused on differences between cultures, ethnic groups and/or generations, assuming by default that intra-cultural differences in the values of men and women are insignificant. Based on the previous research conducted in Estonia, which does not confirm this assumption, the chapter pays special attention to the differences and similarities in the values of men and women in Estonia. Empirical data derive from the Me. The World. The Media survey that was conducted by the Institute of Journalism and Communication at the University of Tartu in cooperation with the Faktum and Saar Poll research companies (survey waves in December 2002, November 2005 and September-October 2008; sample size 1,470, 1,475 and 1,507 people respectively, aged 15–74). For the contextualisation and comparison of the cultural processes taking place in Estonia, the chapter also relies on data from the 2008 European Social Survey. The pronounced difference in the values of men and women distinguishes Estonia from other European countries, especially from Northern Europe. Estonian men are characterised by greater value scepticism as compared to women; their value set is more one-sided and stressful, being more oriented towards success and progress. Estonian women and girls place greater importance on the majority of the remaining values, including orientation towards a secure environment, the harmonious development of personality, and self-expression. It can be expected that the failure of goals related to success and progress, caused by the economic crisis, will have a more devastating impact on men’s health and quality of life, since alternative ideals and interests that could provide support exist to a lesser degree in the value sets of men.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','veronika.kalmus@ut.ee','2010-04-02 10:39:21','2010-04-19 09:26:11','','Waiting'),(504,'Poverty Impacts and Coping with Poverty','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The poverty analyses presented in this publication have revealed that females, children, if elderly,  people  living  in  rural areas, single-person households and the unemployed constitute the main risk groups of poverty. Inclusion in the poverty risk group is, on the one hand, related to the labour status and income level of the adult members of a household and on the other hand, influenced by the household structure - ratio between wage earners and dependents. Persons who simultaneously belong to several risk groups, i.e. persons whose, poverty risks tend to cumulate, e.g.  single elderly women or children of unemployed single-parent family are the most vulnerable. Despite the fact that the economic condition of the whole population improved during the period of economic growth, traditional poverty risk groups still continue to exist. Persons with higher level of education whose work is usually of temporary nature feel more confident; but the comparative analysis: the poverty risks among the immigrant and native population revealed that knowledge of Estonian language has a determining role in alleviating poverty risks, which, in turn, is directly connected to finding a job.\n\nImpacts of poverty on a personality as well as on the society can be of direct as well as a long-term nature and differ by stage of life. The analysis highlights the direct and long-term consequences of poverty on the individual as well as on the society, and discusses the coping strategies targeted at escaping poverty.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2010-04-06 15:14:38','2010-04-12 15:04:30','','Waiting'),(505,'Self-perceived Health and Socioeconomic Differences. European Social Survey 2004','Tervise enesehinnangu sotsiaalmajanduslikud erinevused Eestis: Euroopa sotsiaaluuring 2004',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present study showed that 49.5% of the respondents rated their health at least as good and 50.5% as less than good. No significant difference was found in self-perceived health between men and women. Women rated their health as very good more frequently than men but as very poor less frequently than men. Overall, the overwhelming majority of the respondents had secondary education, were employed, married or cohabiting, and their nationality was Estonians. Compared to women more men had basic education and fewer had higher education. Economic well-being was rated as good by over half of the respondents and as poor by almost half of them. In adjusted logistic regression analysis, lower than good self-rated health was associated with lower education, unemployment, lower economic well-being and older age group for both genders. No relationship was found between self-perceived health and marital status, ethnicity, and type of residence.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.eestiarst.ee/static/files/065/tervise_enesehinnangu_sotsiaalmajanduslikud_erinevused_eestis_euroopa_sotsiaaluuring_2004.pdf','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2010-04-06 15:32:14','2010-04-08 09:19:25','','Waiting'),(506,'Comparison of socioeconomic differences in self-perceived health in Estonia and Finland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Aim: To compare self-perceived health in relation to socioeconomic factors in Estonia and Finland. Methods: This study was based on the 25—69 year old adult population of the European Social Survey, conducted in Estonia and in Finland in 2006. Self-perceived health was rated on the five-point scale as very good, good, fair, poor, and very poor. The socioeconomic position was measured by the level of education, economic activity, and self-rated financial situation. Logistic regression analysis was applied to assess the association between self-perceived health and the socioeconomic factors. Results: The prevalence of less-than-good health was significantly higher in Estonia than in Finland. Significant associations with less-than-good self-perceived health were found for less educated, economically non-active respondents with poorer self-rated financial situation in both countries. After adjustment, economic non-activity among women and self-rated financial situation among men appeared not to be associated with less-than-good self-perceived health in Finland. Conclusions: Self-perceived health was poorer in Estonia than in Finland, but Estonia shares with Finland a similar socioeconomic pattern of health. Further research is needed to monitor socioeconomic variations in health behaviour and mortality in both countries. \n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2010-04-06 15:39:02','2010-11-05 11:00:25','','Waiting'),(507,'Age, Class, and Attitudes Towards Government Responsibilities: In Search of the Mechanisms','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the ESS2008 module on Welfare Attitudes, our basic research question is to what extent risk perceptions, beliefs (about claimant groups and about the sustainability of the welfare state), and values work as micro-level mechanisms that tie class/age categories with attitudes towards government responsibilities. \nFurthermore, we explore these class/age differences in a comparative perspective: to what extent do they differ between different national contexts? We ask whether the structural and institutional contexts in which actors are located affect the magnitudes of class/age differences. Are there factors at the country-level that systematically affect the relative size of class and age differences? \nWe also ask if class and age work as cross-cutting cleavages, so that small class differences tend to coincide with large age differences, and vice versa. \nThe results show that there is indeed astonishing variation across Europe in the extent to which class and age structure welfare attitudes. Some countries are characterised by considerable class and age variation, others by more modest or even negligible differences. But these differences-within-differences do not form any easily interpretable pattern. The findings that relative age/class differences are non-patterned across countries are basically confirmed by the attempts to find macro-variables that are systematically associated with the size of the attitude differences between categories. These exercises were on the whole negative, in that few if any of the macro-variables were clearly associated with the size of class differences, while none had any impact on the age differences. \nFurthermore, there is little support for the notion that age and class work as crosscutting cleavages, so that small class differences in attitudes are found where age differences are large and vice versa. On average across different dependent variables, age and class differences vary independently of each other. \nNor did the search for micro-level mechanisms that link class/age location with welfare attitudes turn out particularly successful. To some extent, perceptions about individual risk and beliefs about the extent of social problems mediated the class-attitudes relation. But most of the original association between class and welfare attitudes persisted, showing that other factors than the ones tested here must be at play. Age differences were not affected at all by the suggested mechanisms. \n ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','stefan.svallfors@soc.umu.se','2010-04-26 11:43:54','2010-06-08 11:24:05','','Waiting'),(508,'The axiology of welfare in the EU','The axiology of welfare in the EU',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The axiology of welfare in the EU\n\nPreliminary results on the attitudes and values expressed by respondents\nof the ESS Round 4.\n\nProf. Moreno presented a study on the relationship between social values\nand welfare regimes. Using data for 21 countries included in the ESS 2008\ndatabase he analysed: a) until what extent the distribution of eleven\nfundamental social values followed welfare regimes borders; b) what are\nthe values associated with support for the WS in Europe as a whole and in\neach particular country. On the basis of these analyses he described the\n“Axiology of the European WS”.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ines.calzada@cchs.csic.es','2010-04-26 12:25:58','2010-05-04 09:20:41','','Waiting'),(509,'Europe, Women, and Work: Is the \'Adult Worker\' Ideal Achieved?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Against the background of an overall increase in female labor force participation in Europe, this article presents a comparative analysis of the development of the extent and quality of women\'s participation in market work over the last 15 years in relation to selected sectoral and, with regard to the service sector, subsectoral sites in which women perform their market work. This is an explorative test of the utility of the theoretical perspective that focuses on the gendered division of total necessary work in society, production as well as reproduction, in order to explain gender inequality. Countries examined are the \"old E.U.\" member states in various constellations. Data from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, International Labor Organization, European Social Survey, and Luxembourg Income Study are used.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Ingalill.montanari@sofi.su.se','2010-04-29 16:31:33','2010-11-16 12:29:52','','Waiting'),(510,'Europeans\' Preference for Ethnic Residential Homogeneity: Cross-National Analysis of Response to Neighborhood Ethnic Composition','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines Europeans\' preference to reside in neighborhoods without ethnic minorities. The analysis is based on data from 20 countries obtained from the 2003 European Social Survey (Jowell and the Central Coordinating Team 2003) . The data show that in most countries very few Europeans report living in areas with some or with many ethnic minorities, and that in most countries a substantial number of respondents consider their ideal neighborhood one that does not have residents who are ethnic minorities. Multilevel regression analysis reveals that preference for place of residence as a response to its ethnic composition is significantly affected by both individual-level and country-level characteristics. At the individual level, preference for ethnically homogeneous residence tends to be more pronounced among socioeconomically weak and vulnerable populations, conservative populations, and individuals who reside in communities without ethnic minorities. The country-level analysis demonstrates that preference to live in neighborhoods without ethnic minorities tends to increase with the relative size of the non-European ethnic population and to decrease with economic prosperity. Further analysis reveals that in Europe, preference for residing in ethnically homogeneous neighborhoods is influenced by three major social psychological factors: social distance, perceptions of the negative impact of foreigners, and preference for cultural homogeneity. The findings are discussed and evaluated in light of the general literature on structural sources of threat, prejudice, and choice of community, and are compared to findings revealed by research in the United States.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','moshes@post.tau.ac.il','2010-04-30 09:07:30','2010-11-16 12:31:27','','Waiting'),(511,'Health differences between European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines self-reported health among individuals in 21 European countries. The purpose is to analyze how both individual- and country-level characteristics influence health. The study is based on data from the European Social Survey (ESS) conducted in 2003 and employs hierarchical modelling (N=38,472). We present three main findings: (1) individual-level characteristics, such as age, education, economic satisfaction, social network, unemployment, and occupational status are related to the health of individuals, both for women and men; (2) we tested how societal features, such as public expenditure on health, socioeconomic development, lifestyle, and social capital (social trust) were related to subjective health. Among the country-level characteristics, socioeconomic development, measured as GDP per capita (logarithm), is the indicator that is most strongly associated with better health, after controlling for individual-level characteristics; (3) the eastern European countries stand out as the countries where individuals report the poorest health. In our models, the individual-level variables explain 60% of the variance between countries, whereas 40% is explained by the macro-level variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','karenm.olsen@snf.no','2010-04-30 09:13:50','2010-11-05 10:38:40','','Waiting'),(512,'Income and happiness across Europe: Do reference values matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using cross-sectional data from the first two rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS), we examine the relationship between income, relative income and happiness across 19 European countries. We find that a positive and statistically significant relationship between income and happiness does exist, but such a relationship is weakened by reference income. We also find that while reference income exerts a negative impact on happiness in the case of Western European countries, its effect is positive in the case of the Eastern European countries, a finding that is consistent with the ‘tunnel effect’ hypothesis. This suggests that for Eastern Europeans reference income is likely to be a source of information for forming expectations about their future economic prospects, rather than a yardstick measure for social comparisons.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Available online 15 September 2008.\n','Guglielmo-Maria.Caporale@brunel.ac.uk','2010-04-30 09:47:06','2010-11-08 13:44:15','','Waiting'),(513,'The Right Amount of Trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A vast literature has investigated the relationship between trust and aggregate economic performance. We investigate the relationship between individual trust and individual economic performance. We find that individual income is hump shaped in a continuous measure of trust beliefs. We show that heterogeneity of trust beliefs in the population, coupled with the tendency of individuals to extrapolate beliefs about others from one’s own level of trustworthiness, could generate the non-monotonic relationship between trust and income. Highly trustworthy individuals think others are like them and tend to form beliefs that are too optimistic, causing them to assume too much social risk, to be cheated more often and ultimately perform less well than those who happen to have a trustworthiness close to the mean of the population. On the other hand, the low-trustworthiness types form beliefs that are too conservative and thereby avoid being cheated, but give up profitable opportunities too often, and, consequently, perform below average. Using the European Social Survey, we find that people who trust more are cheated more often by banks, when purchasing goods second hand, when relying on the services of a plumber or a mechanic and when buying food. We complement the survey evidence with experimental evidence showing that own trustworthiness and expectations of others’ trustworthiness in a trust game are strongly correlated and that this correlation does not vanish when the game is repeated many times.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeff.butler@eief.it','2010-04-30 10:00:41','2010-05-03 11:19:19','','Waiting'),(514,'Attitudes towards Immigration--Perceived Consequences and Economic Self-Interest','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the European Social Survey 2002/3, we develop a new test of whether economic self-interest influences people\'s attitudes towards immigration, exploiting that people have widely different perceptions of the consequences of immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jrs.eco@cbs.dk','2010-04-30 10:10:59','2010-11-09 10:10:54','','Waiting'),(515,'Workers and the Demand for Trade Unions in Europe: Still a Relevant Social Force?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In many European countries since the 1980s there has been a considerable decline in union density. Using the European Social Survey, this article examines whether declining union density reflects declining worker demand for the protective and enabling functions traditionally provided by union membership. Results indicate that a substantial majority of respondents believe that employees need the protection of strong unions. Irrespective of the respondent\'s occupational level, the extent of job autonomy, gender, age or political orientation, positive attitudes towards unions are consistently in the majority. The results show not only the persistence of a strong belief in the necessity for trade unions but a strengthening of this conviction among employees since the early 1980s.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daryl.dart@dcu.ie','2010-04-30 10:21:21','2010-11-09 10:09:21','','Waiting'),(516,'The Distribution of Well-Being in Ireland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives: There is a substantial knowledge gap about the distribution of mental heath in community populations. The European Social Survey is particularly useful as it contains information on over 40,000 individuals, including 2,286 Irish adults. The objective of this study is to conduct a large scale statistical analysis to examine the distribution and determinants of mental well-being in a large representative sample of the Irish population. Method: Analysis of the European Social Survey using robust multiple linear and non-linear regression techniques. The data-set contains WHO-5 scores and subjective well-being for a sample of 2,286 Irish people interviewed in their homes in 2005. Results: Ireland has the second highest average WHO-5 score among the 22 countries in the European Social Survey. Multiple linear regression analysis across the distribution of WHO-5 reveals a well-being gradient largely related to education and social capital variables. A probit model examining the determinants of vulnerability to psychiatric morbidity reveals that a similar set of factors predict scores below the threshold point on the WHO-5 scale. Conclusions: The results are consistent with marked differences in mental well-being across education levels and variables relating to social capital factors. Such indicators provide a useful index for policy-makers and researchers. However, much further work is needed to identify causal mechanisms generating observed differences in mental health across different socioeconomic groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liam.delaney@ucd.ie','2010-04-30 10:31:16','2010-05-03 11:18:22','','Waiting'),(517,'Social Trust, Social Capital and Perceptions of Immigration ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analyses of social capital and immigration have stressed the negative impact that culturally diverse societies have for the development of social trust. Ethnic heterogeneity, according to these studies, is associated with lower levels of social trust. However, social trust has not been studied as an independent variable in order to explain attitudes towards immigration. This article argues that societies with high levels of social capital facilitate the integration of immigrants because those members with high levels of social trust will tend to have more positive attitudes towards immigration. This hypothesis is empirically tested in a cross-country multi-level empirical analysis for sixteen European countries, drawing on the 2002-3 European Social Survey. This analysis shows that, regardless of the impact of other individual-level variables and contextual variables such as levels of unemployment or percentage of foreign population, those with high social capital do exhibit more positive attitudes towards immigration than the rest of the population. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article first published online: 28 JUN 2008','francisco.herreros@cchs.csic.es','2010-04-30 10:43:52','2010-11-08 13:29:55','','Waiting'),(518,'Dark Side of Party Identification? An Empirical Study of Political Trust among Radical Right-Wing Voters  ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Scholars argue that party identification is a predictor of support for the political system. In this study we explore the relationship between party identification and political trust on the far right of the political spectrum, i.e. among radical right-wing voters known to be anti-elitist and suspicious about political institutions and actors. Political trust is measured as trust in parliament and trust in politicians. Our empirical analyses concentrate on Austria, Denmark and Norway, where radical right parties have attracted widespread public support. Individual-level data from the European Social Survey (2002/2003) are analysed by applying ordinary least squares (OLS) multiple regression analysis. Unlike the general theory of political trust would lead us to argue, the analysis shows overall that party identification of radical right-wing voters does not necessarily increase their trust in parliament and politicians. The results suggest that party identification is negatively related to political trust among radical right-wing voters in Norway while the results are more ambiguous in Denmark and Austria.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','peter.soderlund@abo.fi','2010-04-30 10:58:57','2010-11-08 13:27:12','','Waiting'),(519,'Immigration sceptics, xenophobes or racists? Radical right-wing voting in six West European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Given how central the immigration issue has been for the new radical right-wing parties in Western Europe, many have turned to immigration-related factors in trying to explain their emergence and electoral mobilisation. This research has convincingly shown that immigration scepticism (i.e., wanting to reduce immigration) is among the principal factors for predicting who will vote for a radical right-wing party. However, earlier studies have often uncritically equated immigration scepticism with xenophobia or even racism. By using data from the first round of the European Social Survey (2003) involving six West European countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, the Netherlands and Norway), this article differentiates between immigration scepticism and xenophobic attitudes. The analyses strongly indicate that xenophobic attitudes are a far less significant factor than immigration scepticism for predicting who will vote for the new radical right. Moreover, this article analyses the extent to which anti-immigration frames employed by radical right-wing parties resonate with attitudes held by supporting voters, and to what extent they make a difference for people\'s decision to vote for the radical right. The analyses indicate that frames linking immigration to criminality and social unrest are particularly effective for mobilising voter support for the radical right. Finally, the article criticises earlier research that explained radical right-wing voting with reference to ethnic competition theory. In contrast to much of the earlier research that used macro-level measures and comparisons, this study uses (self-reported) individual-level data on the degree of ethnic heterogeneity of people\'s area of residence. Hypotheses derived from ethnic competition theory receive less support than expected, which indicates that earlier research may have overestimated the significance of these factors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jens.rydgren@sociology.su.se','2010-04-30 11:04:27','2010-11-08 14:54:03','','Waiting'),(520,'Political Support: Taking into Account the Institutional Context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The analysis of the causes of political support for political institutions has been focused either on one-case studies that stress the relevance of individual variables or cross-national studies that stress the role of institutions. In this article, the authors suggest that to understand the logic of political support, it is necessary to combine both types of explanations. Using evidence from 17 European countries of the 2002 to 2003 European Social Survey data set, the authors show that the effect of the performance of the institution on political support is higher in majoritarian democracies, where the attribution of responsibility for policy outcomes is clear, than in proportional democracies. They also show that the effect of ideology on political support depends on the type of democracy: Those citizens ideologically far from the government will show higher levels of political support in proportional democracies than in majoritarian ones.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online before print September 17, 2007','francisco.herreros@cchs.csic.es','2010-04-30 11:14:09','2010-11-08 13:06:40','','Waiting'),(521,'European Opinion About Immigration: The Role of Identities, Interests and Information','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article assesses the influence of material interests and cultural identities on European opinion about immigration. Analysis of respondents in twenty countries sampled in the 2002–03 European Social Survey demonstrates that they are unenthusiastic about high levels of immigration and typically overestimate the actual number of immigrants living in their country. At the individual level, cultural and national identity, economic interests and the level of information about immigration are all important predictors of attitudes. ‘Symbolic’ predispositions, such as preferences for cultural unity, have a stronger statistical effect than economic dissatisfaction. Variation across countries in both the level and the predictors of opposition to immigration are mostly unrelated to contextual factors cited in previous research, notably the amount of immigration into a country and the overall state of its economy. The ramifications of these findings for policy makers are discussed in the context of current debates about immigration and European integration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jsides@gwu.edu','2010-05-03 09:56:23','2010-11-16 12:32:28','','Waiting'),(522,'The Globalization of Public Opinion Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As globalization has opened up channels of communication between different countries and increased interest in cross-national analysis, public opinion survey research has expanded its reach in the world. This article examines both the breadth and the depth of the globalization of public opinion research. First, we discuss the growth of cross-national surveys such as the World Values Survey, the International\nSocial Survey Program, the European Social Survey, and the various Global Barometers. We then turn to the issues of data quality and comparability. Has the\nglobalization of survey research meant the spread of a standard “product” of known and equivalent quality to diverse countries? Can survey research in diverse countries and contexts deliver meaningful comparisons of public opinion? Has globalization led to the dominance of an intellectual framework and set of assumptions that may not be quite appropriate outside their original homes? Finally, the article suggests a new standard for “grading” cross-national programs of survey research, inspired by debates in evidence-based medicine.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anthony.heath@sociology.ox.ac.uk','2010-05-03 10:21:23','2010-11-16 12:36:14','','Waiting'),(523,'Patterns of paid and unpaid work in Western Europe: gender, commodification, preferences and the implications for policy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article explores how parents in couple families reconcile employment and child-care, and how far the current emphasis of EU-level policy on enhancing the formal provision of child-care fits with patterns and/or preferences in Western European member states. We use European Social Survey data from 2004—05 on working patterns and preferences, and on child-care use and preferences regarding the amount of formal provision. We find that working hours remain a very important dimension of work/family reconciliation practices, with large differences in both patterns and preferences. There is very little evidence of convergence towards a dual, full-time worker model family outside the Nordic countries, although the balance between the hours which men and women spend in paid work is becoming less unequal. The part that kin (partners and grandparents) play in providing child-care remains important in all but three countries, and, for the most part, mothers report that they are content with the amount of formal child-care available. We suggest that work/family reconciliation measures need to encompass a more extended policy package, the components of which are likely to be specific to member states.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','j.lewis@lse.ac.uk','2010-05-03 12:31:22','2010-11-08 13:21:27','','Waiting'),(524,'Social Contact, Cultural Marginality or Economic Self-Interest? Attitudes Towards Immigrants in Northern Ireland  ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although scholars of mass political behaviour have proposed various explanations for why an individual would oppose immigration, the relative impact of these various explanations has rarely been assessed. It is with this omission in mind that this study assesses empirically three alternative theories in explaining attitudes towards immigrants: the social contact hypothesis, cultural marginality and economic self-interest. Using the 2003 Northern Ireland component of the European Social Survey, the results suggest that social exposure and cultural marginality are the two key explanations, independently important, in predicting pro-immigration attitudes within this society. Of these two theoretical perspectives, however, social exposure, particularly in terms of having a previously established friendship network of immigrants, stands out as the most important and consistent predictor of attitudes. It is to these two factors, especially prior social exposure, that pro-immigrant politicians and policy makers should direct their attention. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','b.hayes@abdn.ac.uk','2010-05-03 12:44:46','2010-11-16 12:40:21','','Waiting'),(525,'Developing quality standards for cross-national survey research: five approaches ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\nThis paper addresses methods for the development of quality standards for cross-national quantitative surveys. Five conceptual approaches to the development of standards are presented and the properties and consequences of each are discussed. The aim is to provide researchers with a rational set of arguments for choosing a particular approach in a given situation. The development of quality standards is particularly complicated in the case of cross-national research, owing to variability between nations in a number of factors which might typically be considered as \'fixed\' design constraints in the context of single-country studies. This variability is illustrated by a number of examples that arose in the course of development of the European Social Survey. The paper also touches upon some related issues in the implementation and maintenance of quality standards.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','p.lynn@essex.ac.uk','2010-05-03 12:51:51','2010-11-16 12:41:39','','Waiting'),(526,'Voting LPF: Stratification and the Varying Importance of Attitudes  ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Large differences exist between socio-cultural specialists and technocrats in the extent they voted for the List Pim Fortuyn (LPF), showing us that support for the party was aligned by social class. Distinguishing between the two specialist types provided the opportunity to test Kitschelt\'s hypothesis on the importance of communicative experiences and capabilities in the labour market and the importance of cultural and economic ethnic threats. Cultural ethnic threat explains social class differences in LPF voting better than economic ethnic threat, though we cannot claim that the latter is of no relevance. We show this using the Dutch sample of the European Social Survey (n = 2,260). Moreover, we show that socio-political attitudes that affect voting for the LPF do so to a much smaller extent among lower-educated people and non-socio-cultural specialists. The interactions between socio-political attitudes and education and social class are significant. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','m.lubbers@uu.nl','2010-05-03 13:03:04','2010-11-08 13:26:00','','Waiting'),(527,'Educational homogamy in 22 European countries ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on socioeconomic homogamy was developed by stratification researchers who used marriage patterns to describe how open stratification systems are. In cross-national studies primary concern on marriage homogamy lies in examination of commonality and differences in their social structures. Following large-scale international studies we use the European Social Survey data 2004-2005 to examine the association between spouses\' educational levels. Loglinear analysis is applied to assess: (i) degree of association between education of spouses, (ii) patterns of barriers to intermarriage, (iii) variation in homogamy for partners with the same education for primary, uncompleted secondary, secondary, and university levels, and (iv) asymmetry in marriage patterns between women and men. The strongest association between spouses\' education is in Slovakia, followed by Czech Republic, Norway, Germany, Ukraine, Poland, Hungary, Estonia, and Slowenia, whereas the lowest association displays in Luxembourg, France, Sweden, Finland and Belgium. In addition to previous research we found inter-country variation in division into post-communist and Western democracies. In line with all earlier studies we found - upon examination of parameters estimated for educational levels - a uniform tendency according to which the difficulties of intermarriage varies monotonically with differences between educational level of spouses. The tendency toward in-marriage proved to be the strongest in the lowest educational levels - such pattern takes place in the 14 countries. Finally, our analysis substantiated presence of net tendency to \'marry up\' higher educated husbands by women but we find that it is by no means an universal rule and in seven, out of 22 countries examined, it is men who \'marry up\' higher educated wives. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','hdomansk@ifispan.waw.pl','2010-05-03 13:11:29','2010-11-16 12:42:36','','Waiting'),(528,'Explanations of political Euro-scepticism at the individual, regional and national levels ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates to what extent nationalist and anti-out-group drives contribute to the explanation of political euro-scepticism, in addition to economic and political drives. The authors disentangle individual-level, regional-level and country-level effects by using the European Social Survey, covering 21 European countries (n=34,160), which is enriched with region and country characteristics. Perceived threat from immigrants as well as political distrust increase political euro-scepticism, explaining low levels of euro-scepticism among higher educated people, higher income categories and socio-cultural specialists. At the contextual level, the authors find that scepticism increases with the distance to Brussels. Moreover, it is found that in countries where television broadcasts are dubbed, euro-scepticism is lower than in countries using subtitles. The authors find small effects from intra-EU trade and number of foreign tourists. In particular, differences between countries in political euro-scepticism are explained by duration of EU membership. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','p.scheepers@maw.ru.nl','2010-05-03 13:22:04','2010-11-16 12:44:03','','Waiting'),(529,'Anti-party sentiment among young adults. Evidence from fourteen West European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study seeks to explore antipartyism in Western Europe. Particularly,  it focuses on the extent to which the young adults differ from  their elders in terms of trust in parties in fourteen West European countries. Pooled data, based on the European Social Survey 2006/2007, is employed and analyzed by means of ordinary least squares multiple regression. The other socio-economic background variables of the model, as well as the political background, interpersonal trust and the country of origin, are controlled in order to isolate the effect of age. The analysis shows that trust in parties of 18–30 year olds is, on average, significantly higher than in the rest of the population which contradicts the assumptions of the post-modernization theory and the empirical fact that electoral participation among West European young adults is constantly decreasing. Thus, the article suggests that antipartyism and political participation should be seen as distinct processes at different birth cohorts and perhaps also at different stages of the lifecycle.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','elina.kestila-kekkonen@utu.fi','2010-05-03 13:29:04','2010-11-08 13:24:12','','Waiting'),(530,'Migration and welfare state solidarity in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In recent decades Western Europe has had to face increasing migration levels resulting in a more diverse population. As a direct consequence, the question of adequate inclusion of immigrants into the welfare state has arisen. At the same time it has been asked whether the inclusion of non-nationals or migrants into the welfare state may undermine the solidaristic basis and legitimacy of welfare state redistribution. Citizens who are in general positive about the welfare state may adopt a critical view if migrants are granted equal access. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002/2003) for European OECD Countries we examine the relationship between ethnic diversity and public social expenditure, welfare state support and attitudes towards immigrants among European citizens. The results indicate only weak negative correlations between ethnic diversity and public social expenditure levels. Multilevel regression models with support for the welfare state and attitudes towards the legal inclusion of immigrants as dependent variables in fact reveal a negative influence of ethnic diversity. However, when controlling for migration in combination with other contextual factors, especially GDP, the unemployment rate and welfare regime seem to have a mediating influence.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','smau@bigsssuni-bremen.de','2010-05-03 14:48:26','2010-11-08 13:20:25','','Waiting'),(531,'Personal Values as Mitigating Factors in the Link Between Income and Life Satisfaction: Evidence from the European Social Survey ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the first two rounds of the European Social Survey, we examine the link between income, reference income and life satisfaction across Western Europe. We find that whilst there is a strong positive relationship between income and life satisfaction, reference or comparison income exerts a strong negative influence. Interestingly, our results confirm the importance of personal values and beliefs not only as predictors of subjective well-being, but also as mitigating factors in the relationship between income, reference income and life satisfaction. While our findings provide additional empirical support for the relative utility hypothesis, they are also consistent with Rojas’ (J Econ Psychol 28:1–14, 2007) Conceptual-Referent-Theory (CRT), which is based on the premise that the salience of income and comparison income depends on one’s intrinsic values and personal beliefs. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','yannis.georgellis@brunel.ac.uk','2010-05-03 15:14:21','2010-11-05 11:19:20','','Waiting'),(532,'Measuring Well-being Across Europe: Description of the ESS Well-being Module and Preliminary Findings ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It has become customary to judge the success of a society through the use of objective indicators, predominantly economic and social ones. Yet in most developed nations, increases in income, education and health have arguably not produced comparable increases in happiness or life satisfaction. While much has been learned from the introduction of subjective measures of global happiness or life satisfaction into surveys, significant recent progress in the development of high-quality subjective measures of personal and social well-being has not been fully exploited. This article describes the development of a set of well-being indicators which were included in Round 3 of the European Social Survey. This Well-being Module seeks to evaluate the success of European countries in promoting the personal and social well-being of their citizens. In addition to providing a better understanding of domain-specific measures, such as those relating to family, work and income, the design of the Well-being Module recognises that advancement in the field requires us to look beyond measures which focus on how people feel (happiness, pleasure, satisfaction) to measures which are more concerned with how well they function. This also shifts the emphasis from relatively transient states of well-being to measures of more sustainable well-being. The ESS Well-being Module represents one of the first systematic attempts to create a set of policy-relevant national well-being accounts. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','fab2@cam.ac.uk','2010-05-03 15:27:53','2010-11-05 11:18:09','','Waiting'),(533,'Education and self-reported health care seeking behaviour in European welfare regimes: results from the European Social Survey ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives  This study investigates educational inequalities in the perception of need for seeking health care in 24 European countries belonging to five different welfare regimes (Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon, Bismarckian, Eastern and Southern).\nMethods  Based on the European Social Survey Round 2 (N = 38,122), associations between years of education and intended doctor consultation in case of four hypothetical symptoms (backache, sore throat, sleeping problems and headache) are analysed by multiple logistic regressions.\nResults  People with less years of education tend to be more likely to consult a doctor compared to people with more education years after adjustment for age and gender. Associations are significant in all welfare regimes, except for the Southern.\nConclusion  Educational inequalities in the perception of need for seeking health care can be found in different welfare regimes.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','o.knesebeck@uke.uni-hamburg.de','2010-05-03 15:40:11','2010-11-09 09:17:57','','Waiting'),(534,'Association between attendance at religious services and self-reported health in 22 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There are consistent reports of protective associations between attendance at religious services and better self-rated health but existing data rarely consider the social or individual context of religious behaviour. This paper investigates whether attendance at religious services is associated with better self-rated health in diverse countries across Europe. It also explores whether the association varies with either individual-level (gender, educational, social contact) or country-level characteristics (overall level of religious practice, corruption, GDP). Cross-sectional data from round 2 of the European Social Survey were used and 18,328 men and 21,373 women from 22 European countries were included in multilevel analyses, with country as higher level.\n\nCompared to men who attended religious services at least once a week, men who never attended were almost twice as likely to describe their health as poor, with an age and education adjusted odds ratio of 1.83 [95% CI, 1.49–2.26]. A similar but weaker effect was seen in women, with an age and education adjusted odds ratio of 1.38 [1.19–1.61]. The associations were reduced only marginally in men by controlling for health status, social contact and country-level variables, but weakened in women. The relationships were stronger in people with longstanding illness, less than university education and in more affluent countries with lower levels of corruption and higher levels of religious belief.\n\nThese analyses confirm that an association between less frequent attendance at religious services and poor health exists across Europe, but emphasise the importance of taking individual and contextual factors into account. It remains unclear to what extent the observed associations reflect reverse causality or are due to differing perceptions of health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a.c.nicholson@bsms.ac.uk','2010-05-04 09:16:50','2010-11-05 10:36:28','','Waiting'),(535,'Welfare state regimes, unemployment and health: A comparative study of the relationship between unemployment and self-reported health in 23 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: The relationship between unemployment and increased risk of morbidity and mortality is well established. However, what is less clear is whether this relationship varies between welfare states with differing levels of social protection for the unemployed.\n\nMethods: The first (2002) and second (2004) waves of the representative cross-sectional European Social Survey (37?499 respondents, aged 25–60 years). Employment status was main activity in the last 7 days. Health variables were self-reported limiting long-standing illness (LI) and fair/poor general health (PH). Data are for 23 European countries classified into five welfare state regimes (Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon, Bismarckian, Southern and Eastern).\n\nResults: In all countries, unemployed people reported higher rates of poor health (LI, PH or both) than those in employment. There were also clear differences by welfare state regime: relative inequalities were largest in the Anglo-Saxon, Bismarckian and Scandinavian regimes. The negative health effect of unemployment was particularly strong for women, especially within the Anglo-Saxon (ORLI 2.73 and ORPH 2.78) and Scandinavian (ORLI 2.28 and ORPH 2.99) welfare state regimes.\n\nDiscussion: The negative relationship between unemployment and health is consistent across Europe but varies by welfare state regime, suggesting that levels of social protection may indeed have a moderating influence. The especially strong negative relationship among women may well be because unemployed women are likely to receive lower than average wage replacement rates. Policy-makers’ attention therefore needs to be paid to income maintenance, and especially the extent to which the welfare state is able to support the needs of an increasingly feminised European workforce. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published Online First 17 October 2008 ','clare.bambra@durham.ac.uk','2010-05-04 09:27:21','2010-11-08 13:18:59','','Waiting'),(536,'Class related health inequalities are not larger in the East: A comparison of 4 European regions using the new European Socio-Economic Classification','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background:  The article investigates whether people in Eastern Europe have larger health inequalities compared to their counterparts in three West European regions (North, Central and the South).\n\nMethods: Data were obtained for 63 754 individuals in 23 countries from the first (2002) and second (2004) waves of the European Social Survey. The health outcomes were self-reported limiting longstanding illness and fair/poor general health. Occupational class was defined according to the European Socio-economic Classification (ESeC). The magnitude of absolute and relative inequalities according to nine occupational classes for men and women separately were identified, analysed and compared in all four regions of Europe.\n\nResults: For both sexes and within all European regions, the higher and lower professionals, self-employed and higher service workers reported fewer cases of ill-health compared to other occupational classes. In contrast, lower technical and routine workers reported the poorest health, excluding the relatively small number of farmers. Income and education did not explain more, nor less, of the class related health inequalities in the East compared to the other regions.\n\nConclusions: We found little evidence for the hypothesis that East European countries have larger class related health inequalities than other European regions. People\'s income and educational attainment both contribute to occupational health inequalities in the East as well as in the West. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','terje.andreas.eikemo@svt.ntnu.no','2010-05-04 09:33:42','2010-11-08 13:14:55','','Waiting'),(537,'Welfare state regimes and income-related health inequalities: a comparison of 23 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objective: The objective of this study was to determine whether  the magnitude of income-related health inequalities varies between welfare regimes (Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon, Bismarckian, Southern and Eastern). Specifically, it examined whether the Scandinavian welfare state regime has smaller income-based health inequalities than the other welfare state regimes. Methods: The first (2002) and second (2004) waves of the representative cross-sectional European Social Survey (ESS), which comprised more than 80 000 respondents, were used to analyse income inequalities (relative health difference between the first and third income tertile) in self-reported health (general health, limiting longstanding illness) amongst those aged 25 or more. Data related to 23 European countries classified into five welfare state regimes. The study controlled for age and adjusted for educational attainment. Results:  When comparing the health of the first income tertile with the third, the Scandinavian countries only seemed to hold an intermediate position: they did not have the smallest, or the largest, health inequalities. However, the Anglo-Saxon welfare states had the largest income-related health inequalities for both men and women, while countries with Bismarckian welfare states tended to demonstrate the smallest. This pattern was unchanged after controlling for educational attainment. However, education seemed to explain the largest part of income-related health inequalities in the Southern regime. Conclusion: This study shows that the magnitudes of income-related health inequalities indeed vary by welfare state regime. However, this variation was not always in the direction expected as the Scandinavian countries did not exhibit the smallest health inequalities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','terje.a.eikemo@sintef.no','2010-05-04 09:43:27','2010-11-16 12:46:45','','Waiting'),(538,'Emotional support, education and self-rated health in 22 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background\nThe analyses focus on three aims: (1) to explore the associations between education and emotional support in 22 European countries, (2) to explore the associations between emotional support and self-rated health in the European countries, and (3) to analyse whether the association between education and self-rated health can be partly explained by emotional support.\nMethods\nThe study uses data from the European Social Survey 2003. Probability sampling from all private residents aged 15 years and older was applied in all countries. The European Social Survey includes 42,359 cases. Persons under age 25 were excluded to minimise the number of respondents whose education was not complete. Education was coded according to the International Standard Classification of Education. Perceived emotional support was assessed by the availability of a confidant with whom one can discuss intimate and personal matters with. Self-rated health was used as health indicator.\nResults\nResults of multiple logistic regression analyses show that emotional support is positively associated with education among women and men in most European countries. However, the magnitude of the association varies according to country and gender. Emotional support is positively associated with self-rated health. Again, gender and country differences in the association were observed. Emotional support explains little of the educational differences in self-rated health among women and men in most European countries.\nConclusion\nResults indicate that it is important to consider socio-economic factors like education and country-specific contexts in studies on health effects of emotional support.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','o.knesebeck@uke.uni-hamburg.de','2010-05-04 09:52:17','2010-11-09 09:41:10','','Waiting'),(539,'Comparing Work-Life Conflict in Europe: Evidence from the European Social Survey ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This special issue compares work-life conflict in Europe using the European Social Survey: this introductory article attempts to provide a synthesis of the issue. It sets the scene for the papers that follow, discussing the concept of work-life conflict and its measurement. It considers previous research and approaches, before considering the themes of individual articles. All the articles, and this editorial essay, draw on the valuable insights of an excellent team of reviewers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Fran.McGinnity@esri.ie','2010-05-04 09:59:17','2010-11-05 11:17:07','','Waiting'),(540,'Work-Family Conflict and Working Conditions in Western Europe ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article explores the influence of working conditions on work-family conflict (WFC) among married/cohabiting employees across seven European countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, the paper first investigates the role of working conditions relative to household level characteristics in mediating work-family conflict at the individual level. It then considers whether perceived conflict is lower in countries with coordinated production regimes and where social policy is more supportive of combining paid work and care demands. For men the lowest rates of WFC occurred in Denmark, Sweden and Norway, so for men there was a distinct ‘Nordic’ effect consistent with the welfare and production regime expectations. For women, we find paradoxically that ‘raw’ levels of work-family conflict are particularly high in France, Denmark and Sweden where supports for reconciling work and family life are high. Our models show that the high conflict among French women can be explained by household composition factors and so is due to higher levels of family pressures. Higher levels of conflict among Danish and Swedish women appear to be associated with their longer hours of work. Work conditions are found to play a larger role than family characteristics in accounting for work-family conflict, both in the country level models and in the pooled models. While this partly reflects our focus on the spillover of work into family life, it is notable that family characteristics have little effect in mediating work pressures. The results suggest that a policy emphasis on improving work conditions is likely to have major leverage in reducing work-family conflict. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','duncan.gallie@nuffield.ox.ac.uk','2010-05-04 10:04:45','2010-11-05 11:14:28','','Waiting'),(541,'European norms and equations for a two dimensional presentation of values as measured with Schwartz\'s 21-item portrait values questionnaire','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present study utilizes European Social Survey (ESS) data to introduce European norms and equations for computation of the Self-Transcendence - Self-Enhancement and Conservation - Openness to Change value dimensions, as measured with the 21-item Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ). Our analysis of ESS round 1 and 2 data suggest that the two-dimensional structure and the equations based on this structure are extremely robust. Presenting the two value dimensions besides the 10 basic values offers the advantages of (a) heightened reliability, (b) control of response tendency, and (c) possibility to present results in two-dimensional space.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article first published online: 4 OCT 2008','markku.verkasalo@helsinki.fi','2010-05-04 10:10:15','2016-08-16 16:49:49','','Waiting'),(542,'Determinants of Work-life Balance: Shortcomings in the Contemporary Measurement of WLB in Large-scale Surveys ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on work-life balance (WLB) has presented important insights into the problems of combining family aspirations with paid work in relation to policy relevant agendas. Using the ESS II (2004/2005), we examine work-related and household/family-related causes of WLB. We can corroborate other research findings that show that work-related aspects explain by far the largest part of the variation in WLB. However, we illustrate that the measurement of WLB is partly problematic. Because WLB scales conceptualize the work component more specifically than the life component, what ‘life’ means remains rather intangible apart from general references to the ‘home’, ‘housework’ and ‘family responsibilities’. This largely neglects different emic dimensions to WLB common to specific subgroups and renders the measurement rather abstract. Second, the wordings of WLB indicators already include their most probable explanations. There is the danger of a circular argument here and many explanations seem tautological. This makes it difficult to conclude on the effects of other than work-related aspects on WLB, which are, arguably, also important aspects of WLB. Finally, WLB scales hardly correlate with relevant external criteria, for instance subjective well-being. Following from these findings, we discuss what these WLB scales could really measure and propose to broaden quantitative empirical approaches to it. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','florian.pichler@abdn.ac.uk','2010-05-04 10:14:15','2010-11-05 11:13:24','','Waiting'),(543,'Risks and Redistribution. An Individual-Level Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Much of the disagreement in the debate about globalization and its present or absent effects on the welfare state stems from competing assumptions about the individual-level determinants of redistributional preferences. This article calls for and provides testing of these causal mechanisms at the individual level. Traditional accounts suggest that risks at the industry level are important determinants of redistributional preferences. This article argues that risks at the occupational level should also be considered. A comprehensive new data set is used to test whether and what types of risks in the labor market play an important role in shaping preferences. Statistical analyses of public opinion surveys (European Social Survey) show strong evidence for the assumed causal mechanism. Contrary to much of the literature, but in line with this article\'s claims, it is the occupational, rather than the industry level, that is most important. The article lays out implications of these findings.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online before print January 30, 2009','rehm.16@osu.edu','2010-05-04 10:19:58','2010-11-08 13:03:05','','Waiting'),(544,'The measuring of confessional membership and non-membership in major European surveys','La mesure de l\'appartenance et de la non-appartenance confessionnelle dans les grandes enquêtes européennes',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The author aims to examine the main European surveys dealing with social and political issues—the European Values Survey (EVS), the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) and the European Social Survey (ESS)—to observe how religious affiliation and non-affiliation are measured. Are the questions similar in these surveys? Are the results for the same years identical with different indicators? The author gives information about the different available surveys but also highlights the effects of different wording. He looks into the reliability of answers (is there bias linked to social \"desirability\", as some sociologists have shown for the USA?), and finally he emphasizes that this very simple data allows complicated issues to be dealt with (singling out paradoxical categories like \"believing without belonging\" and \"belonging without believing\"), and quite comprehensive profiles of typical attitudes of each denomination and of those without religion to be described.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Pierre.Brechon@iep-grenoble.fr','2010-05-04 10:24:25','2010-11-08 12:52:27','','Waiting'),(545,'Happiness is not Enough: Cognitive Judgements as Indicators of National Wellbeing ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey, on which this issue of the journal focuses, is a 30-nation multi-funded survey series measuring attitude change. Started in 2001, it is characterised by unusually high standards of sampling and data equivalence. Its data are made available on-line with equal access to all, and have already attracted over 20,000 users. Many papers, articles and books based on the ESS have already appeared. But none has yet employed the data—whether alone or with other sources—to derive indicators of citizens’ cognitive judgements of their society. A recent EC grant is enabling the authors to fill this gap, covering topics such as trust in national institutions, tolerance, social cohesion, social trust and fear of crime. The aim is to be able to monitor changes over time in the distance between what citizens believe their society ought to be in these respects and how they actually perceive it to be.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','r.jowell@city.ac.uk','2010-05-04 10:28:08','2010-11-05 11:12:25','','Waiting'),(546,'The Rise and Fall of Fuzzy Fidelity in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Two issues have been especially contentious in debates over religious change in Europe: the unity or diversity of the trends observed across the continent, and the significance of the large subpopulation that is neither religious nor completely unreligious. This article addresses these problems. An analysis of the first wave of the European Social Survey (ESS) shows that each generation in every country surveyed is less religious than the last. Although there are some minor differences in the speed of the decline (the most religious countries are changing more quickly than the least religious), the magnitude of the fall in religiosity during the last century has been remarkably constant across the continent. Despite these shifts in the prevalence of conventional Christian belief, practice and self-identification, residual involvement is considerable. Many people are neither regular churchgoers nor self-consciously non-religious. The term ‘fuzzy fidelity’ describes this casual loyalty to tradition. Religion usually plays only a minor role in the lives of such people. Religious change in European countries follows a common trajectory whereby fuzzy fidelity rises and then falls over a very extended period. The starting points are different across the continent, but the forces at work may be much the same.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: July 19, 2008','voas@man.ac.uk','2010-05-04 10:31:20','2010-11-08 11:53:41','','Waiting'),(547,'Analyzing Contact Sequences in Call Record Data. Potential and Limitations of Sequence Indicators for Nonresponse Adjustments in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In recent years more and more survey organizations have begun collecting data at every contact attempt; such call record data are increasingly and  successfully used for fieldwork management purposes, often to enhance efforts to reduce nonresponse. These paradata are also seen as candidates for post-survey nonresponse adjustment because they are available for both respondents and nonrespondents. In the past, summary measures from contact data, for example the number of contact attempts or the occurrence of a soft refusal, have been used to study nonresponse. Such summary measures are not without problems. Here we will discuss an alternative set of indicators that take the sequence of contacts into account. We examine different characterizations of contact sequences. The richness of the European Social Survey data allows us to discuss reliability by replicating our analyses across three time points and fourteen countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','fkreuter@survey.umd.edu','2010-05-04 10:39:42','2010-05-06 12:36:22','','Waiting'),(548,'Gender Segregation in the Labour Market Placed in the Context of Educational Segregation: Cross-National Comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The position of women in the labour market may be analysed in many possible ways. In general, we can distinguish between two main approaches. The first one brings into focus the access to the labour market and works with indicators such as labour market participation, employment rates, unemployment rates, inactivity rates, duration of employment etc. The second approach deals with the issue of quality of labour market participation, which includes problems like occupational gender segregation, gender gap and labour market discrimination. This article focuses on the latter approach, in particular on the occupational gender segregation in relation to the gender segregation in education. The theory of human capital suggests that the increasing level of qualification, talents and productive skills of women acquired in the educational system, training and experience at work, should have a positive impact on quality of women position in the labour market and enhance gender equality. Given the increasing educational attainment of women over the past decades, one would assume that their position in the labour market, including the gender segregation in occupational categories, has improved as well. However, the results of current research prove that despite all the changes and progress made with respect to the level of education of women, the level of occupational segregation tends to remain relatively stable over time. Thus, the increasing level of education does not seem to have a very strong impact on the overall level of gender segregation in occupations. One of the possible explanations may be the fact that women and men tend to choose different fields of study which predetermine their participation in particular categories of occupational structure to a larger extent than their level of education. Men are still over-represented in different fields of education than women and this tendency seems to persist even in the countries where a campaign has been led for the promotion of democratic and non-discriminatory practices in the system of education. The main aims of this article are: 1) to conduct a cross-national comparison of levels of occupational gender segregation and 2) to examine the relation between the level of occupational gender segregation and gender segregation in education (both vertical and horizontal). The analyses include 18 European countries covered by the European Social Survey (ESS) conducted in 2004. The comparison pays a special attention to differences and similarities between the EU-15 countries and the new EU member states, i.e. post-socialist countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Marie.Valentova@ceps.lu','2010-05-04 11:18:49','2010-05-04 11:21:19','','Waiting'),(549,'Fear of crime and perception of security and insecurity in Europe','Unsicherheitsbefindlichkeit als \"sozialer Tatbestand\". Kriminalitätsfurcht und die Wahrnehmung von Sicherheit und Unsicherheit in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It can be shown that feelings of insecurity in European\ncountries are extremely stable over a longer period. The ranking of countries according to the proportion of people who are feeling insecurity changes very little in the period from 2002 to 2008. This gives rise to the assumption that feeling of insecurity can be understood and explained as a “social fact” in terms of the sociology of Emile Durkheim. With data of the European Social Survey (round 1 to 4) and considering further indicators for the social structures of the ESS-countries it can be shown that especially two conditions are of great importance for the explanation of the proportion of alienated people: the stability of the state monopoly of force and the degree of social welfarism and distributive justice. As conditions of the context these two variables contribute as well to the explanation of the experience of security and insecurity of persons.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','baldo.blinkert@soziologie.uni-freiburg.de','2010-05-18 15:32:59','2010-05-18 15:34:28','','Waiting'),(550,'Never too old? Atitudes towards longer working lives','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An analysis of attitudes towards longer working lives and age discrimination.  Most of the analysis is for the UK, and based on the British Social Attitudes Survey 2008.  This is supplemented by analysis of the European Social Survey to look at attitudes towards age discrimination across Europe - where the UK is shown as one of the more positive countries towards older people remaining in paid work.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','s.d.mckay@bham.ac.uk','2010-05-24 11:21:16','2010-06-08 11:24:48','','Waiting'),(551,'Where do we stand on inequality?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article reviews and extends existing research on levels of income inequality and of intergenerational social mobility in the UK. Whilst there continues to be widespread concern about inequality of incomes, this is declining and focused mostly on higher earners – there appears to be less public concern about any injustice in terms of the numbers on lower incomes.\nRecent research on social mobility has been influential and may be one means of focusing attention on the effects of a widening income distribution. Even so, such research could do more to highlight the differences in outcomes based on personal characteristics (e.g. disability and ethnic minority background) as well as parental characteristics. Overall it is argued that an egalitarian agenda faces considerable challenges in the UK.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','s.d.mckay@bham.ac.uk','2010-05-24 11:25:49','2010-11-05 11:04:01','','Waiting'),(552,'Gender differences in depression in 23 European countries. Cross-national variation in the gender gap in depression.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One of the most consistent findings in the social epidemiology of mental health is the gender gap in depression. Depression is approximately twice as prevalent among women as it is among men. However, the absence of comparable data hampers cross-national comparisons of the prevalence of depression in general populations. Using information about the frequency and severity of depressive symptoms from the third wave of the European Social Survey (ESS-3), we are able to fill the gap the absence of comparable data leaves. In the ESS-3, depression is measured with an eight-item version of the Center for Epidemiological Studies–Depression Scale. In the current study, we examine depression among men and women aged 18–75 in 23 European countries. Our results indicate that women report higher levels of depression than men do in all countries, but there is significant cross-national variation in this gender gap. Gender differences in depression are largest in some of the Eastern and Southern European countries and smallest in Ireland, Slovakia and some Nordic countries. Hierarchical linear models show that socioeconomic as well as family-related factors moderate the relationship between gender and depression. Lower risk of depression is associated in both genders with marriage and cohabiting with a partner as well as with having a generally good socioeconomic position. In a majority of countries, socioeconomic factors have the strongest association with depression in both men and women. This research contributes new findings, expanding the small existing body of literature that presents highly comparable data on the prevalence of depression in women and men in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sarah.vandevelde@ugent.be','2010-06-02 14:48:23','2010-11-05 10:34:15','','Waiting'),(553,'Measurement Equivalence of the CES-D 8 in the General Population in Belgium: a Gender Perspective.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'International research consistently finds gender differences in depression, but do women genuinely experience more complaints or are the findings contaminated by group-specific elements unrelated to depression but affecting its measurement? The study of gender differences in depression depends on the measurement quality of the instrument used to evaluate depression.  In the present study we test the measurement equivalence of a shorter version of a commonly used instrument in mental health research, the Center for Epidemiologic Studies - Depression Scale (CES-D), using data from the Belgian sample of the third round of the European Social Survey (N=1794). Evidence for measurement invariance can be established within the multigroup confirmatory factor analysis framework. This method allows us to evaluate a nested hierarchy of hypotheses to test different levels of cross-group measurement invariance: configural, metric, scalar and residual invariance and clarifies under what conditions meaningful comparisons between the male and female respondents can be made. The best fitting factor model is then used to estimate the ‘true’ prevalence of depressive symptoms for both groups. In our study measurement equivalence is established at all levels, indicating that the current depression scale allows defensible quantitative gender comparisons. Our data also confirm the epidemiological finding that women report more complaints of depression than men.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sarah.vandevelde@ugent.be','2010-06-02 15:00:53','2010-06-08 11:33:49','','Waiting'),(554,'The Axiological Environment of Public Servants','L\'univers axiologique des fonctionnaires',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article has been written on the basis of a long-term research on public service motivation. It aims to examine empirically civil servants’ values by comparing them to those of employees in the private sector, and in several European countries. The axiological dimension plays a vital role in the perception of reforms and management tools. The article demonstrates that French civil servants differ from their European counterparts in their egalitarianism, their quest for autonomy at work and their refusal to allow social success to be a major criterion for assessment. It can be seen that certain tools which are supposed to affect motivation, such as merit- or performance-based pay, have no effect on the degree of satisfaction at work, including in countries that have undertaken the most extensive public management reforms. There are major variations between teachers and civil servants whoare managers. In contrast, the gap with employees in the private sector is fairly narrow.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','luc.rouban@sciences-po.fr','2010-06-17 09:36:35','2010-11-05 10:31:17','','Waiting'),(555,'Faith and Trust: Tracking patterns of religious and civic commitment in Greece and Europe.An empirical approach.','Faith and TrustFaith and Trust: Tracking patterns of religious and civic commitment in Greece and Europe.An empirical approach.',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter offers a comparative empirical approach to religious attitudes, perceptions and practices, and the way in which they may correlate to levels of public trust in institutions, an apect of  social capital, both  in Greece and in Europe.\nThe data used in this approach were taken from the two rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2003 and 2004-2005), conducted in more than 20 countries and designed to record and interpret changes in a number of social and political issues of critical importance to European policy. Greece was the only Orthodox country to be included in the study and in this sense constitutes a distinct case for analysis of the relationship between religion, the state and society in the changing world of Europe. Analysis of the empirical data demonstrated that Greece differs from the other countries studied only in respect of the subjective indicators of religiosity, mainly the indicator of self-definition in relation to religion, and in the high level of trust shown in supranational institutions like the European Parliament, in contrast to most of Greece’s European partners. The study also revealed a broad dispersal of types of religiosity in Europe, regardless of formal religious denomination, while religious neutrality or indifference were found to be associated with low levels of social capital.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','theosta@ekke.gr','2010-06-25 15:05:54','2010-07-19 10:07:36','','Waiting'),(556,'Measuring Individualism in an Eastern Orthodox Context: the Cases of Ukraine and Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Individualism on a religious level is considered to be a marker of secularization and at a societal level is linked to social isolation and political disengagement. The loss of communitarian orientation and the absence of social solidarity are reflected in the declining levels of social trust interpersonally or institutionally.\n\nThis paper will focus on the indicators of social trust and religious commitment as well as the changing value orientations in two countries with a common eastern Orthodox background. Though Ukraine and Greece have uniquely distinct historical and socio-cultural backgrounds leading to different secularization trajectories, they will be used as test cases illustrating societal and religious transformations evolving in Europe today. They will also be used to compare changing trends in individualism and secularization in non-Orthodox Western European countries. Data will be drawn from the second round of the European Social Survey (2004-2005), a large scale cross-national survey conducted in over 20 nations.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','theosta@ekke.gr','2010-06-25 15:22:19','2010-07-19 10:08:17','','Waiting'),(557,'The identification of immigration issues through the use of event data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The basic aim of this analysis is to explore the extent to which immigration and minority issues concern EU countries, that participated in the European Social Survey, through the utilisation of event data (Rounds 2 and 3).  A fundamental premise for our analysis is that the degree to which such events become important is illustrated by the degree to which the Mass Media present them.\nMore specifically, this analysis focuses on the following questions: \n1. To what extent do participating countries address immigration and/or minority issues?\n2. Do some countries regularly address issues of immigration policy and/or minorities more often than others?\n3. Is it possible that participating countries address immigration policy issues only as a result of the occurrence of important immigration events? \n4. Do immigration issues within one country also affect neighbouring countries?\n5. What were the most important immigration and/or minority issues that concerned EU participating countries for the period covered by Rounds 2 and 3 of ESS event data collection?  How long did they last? In which countries did events occur, which countries appear to have been affected and how soon after the event?\nWe will attempt to provide answers to the above questions through the use of appropriate methods of textual analysis. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','theosta@ekke.gr','2010-06-25 15:32:05','2010-07-19 10:08:50','','Waiting'),(558,'Analyzing and measuring Event Data Across Europe: a comparison between weekly and monthly event reporting','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The collection of media-reported event data for the European Social Survey (ESS) aimed at adding timing and context to the formation of survey respondents’ opinions and attitudes. In an effort to extract the most out of the database created by the first round of the ESS, we proposed a new model for events analysis. This model used a combination of text mining, time series, and cluster analysis techniques to monitor the evolution of the events in time and space and map the impact of events in various countries, thus tracking the formation and flow of “event identities” across the participating countries of the survey.\n\nWhile the event data of ESS Round 1 were collected on a monthly basis, the event data of ESS Round 2 were collected weekly. On the basis of the methodology developed after ESS Round 1 outlined above, this paper will compare the weekly data with the monthly data in order to:\n\n1. 	study the quality of incoming information on a weekly basis; \n2. 	study the degree to which the weekly information creates clearly defined groups over time as regards content and quality; and\n3. 	study the degree to which the weekly collection of events increases or decreases noise levels in the analysis as compared to monthly collection.  \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','theosta@ekke.gr','2010-06-25 15:38:44','2010-07-19 10:09:26','','Waiting'),(559,'Aspects of religiosity in Greece and Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is to undertake a comparative analysis of religious attitudes and beliefs in Greece and Europe. \nThe European Social Survey, carried out in 2003, revealed recent trends in the attitudes, opinions and values of European citizens concerning, among other issues, interest in politics, trust in institutions and society, immigration, and the relationship between nation states and the European Union. The survey also tracked aspects of religiosity, and the ways in which these are expressed in a secularized and ever-changing world. \nGreece stands out in the survey for two reasons: it was the only Orthodox Christian country to have been included, and its levels of religious practice (including church attendance, and more subjective indices of religiosity) were shown to be relatively high in comparison to the other surveyed countries. This paper will attempt to study religious practices and beliefs through the prism of the specific historical and socio-cultural conditions that have shaped the religious and national identity of Greece, with a special emphasis placed on the intertwined nature of the Church and the State.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','theosta@ekke.gr','2010-06-25 15:58:00','2010-07-19 10:09:58','','Waiting'),(560,'Event Data in European Social Survey. Problems of recording and analysis.','Τα γεγονοτολογικά δεδομένα στην Ευρωπαϊκή Κοινωνική Ερευνα. Προβλήματα καταγραφής και ανάλυσης.',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey has supplemented its questionnaire with the creation of the event database in order to methodologically integrate the survey responses. The aim of this database is to record and evaluate the impact of historical circumstance, as reported by the media, in the shaping of attitudes. While event data anaslysis is a powerful methodological tool in the field of international relations for crisis monitoring, its application in the case of the survey has presented some difficulties, particularly concerning the combination of macro and micro levels of analysis. In order to overcome these difficulties the author proposes a model for analysing the events. This model would better serve the needs of the particular survey in the long term, and may also   be of use to similar surveys. The chapter focuses on the specific problems of collecting and recording event data for ESS and especially for Greece.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','theosta@ekke.gr','2010-06-25 16:28:52','2010-07-19 10:10:44','','Waiting'),(561,' Romanians’ Trust in the Police','Romanians\' Trust in the Police',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on recent cross-sectional data from the European Social Surveys Round 4 (2008/2009), in Romania the average level of confidence in the country’s police appears to be lower than in most European Union states. However, Romanians tend to trust more the local police than they trust the country’s legal system, the main political parties, the country’s parliament, and the national government. Using ESS4 data collected from a national representative sample of Romanians (N=2101), the present quantitative analysis attempts to assess the relative influence on attitudes toward the police of subjective (e.g., perceptions of important legal and political institutions; perceived sense of safety) and objective individual-level factors, such as socio-demographic characteristics and experiences with victimization.   ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper has been published in a volume (conference proceedings);\nAndreescu, V. & Keeling, D. (2010). Romanians’ Trust in the Police. Conference Proceedings – “Internal Affairs and Justice in the Process of European Integration and Globalization” – A. I. Cuza Police Academy, Bucharest, Romania, May 13-14, 2010. pp. 993-1003. Bucuresti, Romania: Editura Universul Juridic. ISSN 2066-995X.','v0andr01@louisville.edu','2010-06-27 22:28:11','2010-07-19 10:13:42','','Waiting'),(562,'Increasingly normal, never the norm. Acceptance of homosexuality in the Netherlands','Steeds gewoner, nooit gewoon. Acceptatie van homoseksualiteit in Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Homosexuality is becoming more and more accepted in the Netherlands: in fact, compared with other Western countries, the Dutch public hold the most positive attitudes towards homosexuality. Despite this, there are still groups in the Netherlands who have difficulty with homosexuality and bisexuality. Moreover, people are not equally tolerant on all fronts.\n\nBased on information from large-scale population surveys and in-depth interviews with young heterosexuals, in this report we present a picture of Dutch attitudes to homosexuality. Gay and bisexual men and lesbian and bisexual women were also asked how accepted they feel, and whether they have experienced any negative reactions because of their sexual preferences. Under the name SameFeelings, a detailed online survey was also conducted to ascertain the experiences of young gays. Finally, interviews were conducted with key stakeholders from five minority groups: orthodox Protestants plus Dutch citizens with a Surinamese, Moroccan, Turkish and Chinese background. What are the attitudes in these groups to homosexuality, and have those attitudes changed in recent decades?\n\nThis report was compiled at the request of the fourth Balkenende government, which set itself the objective of improving public attitudes towards homosexuality. The Netherlands Institute for Social Research/SCP was requested to carry out periodic studies to monitor the achievement of this objective. The report was written jointly by SCP, the University of Amsterdam, Maastricht University and the Movisie research institute.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'abridged version in English: Monitoring Acceptance of homosexuality in the Netherlands','info@scp.nl','2010-06-30 10:59:18','2010-07-19 10:16:58','','Waiting'),(563,'Monitoring Acceptance of homosexuality in the Netherlands','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Promoting acceptance of homosexuality is the main objective of current Dutch policy on the emancipation of gays and lesbians. At the request of Ronald Plasterk, the former Dutch government minister with responsibility for this policy, the Netherlands Institute for Social Research/SCP is monitoring developments in society in this regard. This preliminary publication, which precedes a report to be published in June 2010, contains data from population surveys. What are the attitudes of the Dutch public to homosexuality? What trends are taking place in those attitudes? How does the Netherlands compare with other European countries in this regard? And which groups in society hold relatively negative attitudes towards homosexuality?\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2010-06-30 11:03:13','2010-07-19 10:18:00','','Waiting'),(564,'Strategic Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Markets and power in 2030 and public opinion on the European Union',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2010-06-30 11:26:54','2010-07-19 10:19:27','','Waiting'),(565,'Digging culture and doing culture. Trends in cultural participation and media use','Cultuurbewonderaars en cultuurbeoefenaars. Trends in cultuurparticipatie en mediagebruik',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There are people who love art and culture and there are people who practise it; people who enjoy it and people who are themselves creative in their leisure time. Who are these culture-lovers and practitioners? How has participation in culture changed over recent decades? Have there been any shifts in the profiles of those who admire and those who practise culture? How has the use of media developed, such as books, television and the Internet, and more specifically the use of media for art and culture? How culturally interested and active are the Dutch compared with other Europeans? These kinds of questions are discussed extensively in this report.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2010-06-30 11:46:49','2010-07-19 10:20:48','','Waiting'),(566,'The Social State of the Netherlands 2009. A translation of De sociale staat van Nederland 2009.','De sociale staat van Nederland 2009.',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How is the Dutch population faring? That is the central question addressed in The Social State of the Netherlands 2009. In this book we describe the present status of the Netherlands and the Dutch in a number of key areas of life, and also highlight the changes that have taken place in people\'s life situation over the last ten years. Have people\'s incomes improved? Are there more or fewer people in work? And which groups in the population have made the greatest progress or fallen back furthest? Are the educational achievements of young people improving or deteriorating? What about our (unhealthy) habits and lifestyles? How do the Dutch use their time? People\'s own subjective experiences are also explored. How do Dutch citizens view the future: Do we have confidence in it or are we deeply worried? Is social cohesion in the Netherlands fragmenting? Are some groups in danger of becoming marginalised? Do those in need of help receive proper support? And what about voluntary work and club and society life?\n\nBy describing all these diverse themes in their mutual relationship, we arrive at an overall picture of the life situation of the Dutch. Naturally, we also devote attention to separate groups - after all, people\'s capacities, opportunities and preferences for the way they structure their lives differ and are related, causally or otherwise, to their age, sex, whether or not they are disabled, their ethnic origin and their financial position. The impact of the financial crisis which began in 2008 is also described for those themes for which data were available. And because Europe is coming ever closer and a great deal of government policy is today actually European policy, we indicate in several places how the Dutch compare with their European neighbours.\n\nThe Social State of the Netherlands (SSN) is part of a long and international research tradition in which an attempt is made using social indicators to monitor the living conditions and quality of life of citizens over time, and to identify trends in these areas. The availability and comprehensiveness of data are improving, and this is creating better opportunities for charting social trends within the population as a whole.\n\nThe Social State of the Netherlands has been published every two years since 2001; this is the fifth edition.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,' A translation of De sociale staat van Nederland 2009.','info@scp.nl','2010-06-30 13:20:51','2010-07-19 10:22:08','','Waiting'),(567,'The Social State of the Netherlands 2009','De sociale staat van Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How is the Dutch population faring? That is the central question addressed in The Social State of the Netherlands 2009. In this book we describe the present status of the Netherlands and the Dutch in a number of key areas of life, and also highlight the changes that have taken place in people\'s life situation over the last ten years. Have people\'s incomes improved? Are there more or fewer people in work? And which groups in the population have made the greatest progress or fallen back furthest? Are the educational achievements of young people improving or deteriorating? What about our (unhealthy) habits and lifestyles? How do the Dutch use their time? People\'s own subjective experiences are also explored. How do Dutch citizens view the future: Do we have confidence in it or are we deeply worried? Is social cohesion in the Netherlands fragmenting? Are some groups in danger of becoming marginalised? Do those in need of help receive proper support? And what about voluntary work and club and society life?\n\nBy describing all these diverse themes in their mutual relationship, we arrive at an overall picture of the life situation of the Dutch. Naturally, we also devote attention to separate groups - after all, people\'s capacities, opportunities and preferences for the way they structure their lives differ and are related, causally or otherwise, to their age, sex, whether or not they are disabled, their ethnic origin and their financial position. The impact of the financial crisis which began in 2008 is also described for those themes for which data were available. And because Europe is coming ever closer and a great deal of government policy is today actually European policy, we indicate in several places how the Dutch compare with their European neighbours.\n\nThe Social State of the Netherlands (SSN) is part of a long and international research tradition in which an attempt is made using social indicators to monitor the living conditions and quality of life of citizens over time, and to identify trends in these areas. The availability and comprehensiveness of data are improving, and this is creating better opportunities for charting social trends within the population as a whole.\n\nThe Social State of the Netherlands has been published every two years since 2001; this is the fifth edition.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'English translation available: The Social State of the Netherlands 2009','info@scp.nl','2010-06-30 13:26:16','2010-07-19 10:22:29','','Waiting'),(568,'At home in the Netherlands. Trends in integration of non-Western migrants. Annual Report on Integration 2009.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The integration of migrants has been exercising minds in the Netherlands for several decades now. The tone of the debate in both the political and public arena has frequently been sombre, reflecting the widespread feeling that large sections of the migrant population, and especially migrants with a Muslim background, had little connection with Dutch society. This report describes the position regarding the integration of migrant groups in the Netherlands and looks in depth at trends in the integration process. Integration is broken down into several dimensions in this report. This means that attention is devoted among other things to trends in education and on the labour market, but also to trends in spatial segregation, crime, interethnic contact, religious behaviour and command of the Dutch language. The picture that emerges is a mixed one. Migrants still lag behind considerably in many areas; at the same time, however, they are making up ground fast on several fronts. Members of the second generation are in many respects the driving force behind the improving position of migrant groups.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'translation of Jaarrapport integratie 2009','info@scp.nl','2010-06-30 14:41:08','2010-07-19 10:23:56','','Waiting'),(569,'At home in the Netherlands. Trends in integration of non-Western migrants. Annual Report on Integration 2009.','Jaarrapport integratie 2009',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The integration of migrants has been exercising minds in the Netherlands for several decades now. The tone of the debate in both the political and public arena has frequently been sombre, reflecting the widespread feeling that large sections of the migrant population, and especially migrants with a Muslim background, had little connection with Dutch society. This report describes the position regarding the integration of migrant groups in the Netherlands and looks in depth at trends in the integration process. Integration is broken down into several dimensions in this report. This means that attention is devoted among other things to trends in education and on the labour market, but also to trends in spatial segregation, crime, interethnic contact, religious behaviour and command of the Dutch language. The picture that emerges is a mixed one. Migrants still lag behind considerably in many areas; at the same time, however, they are making up ground fast on several fronts. Members of the second generation are in many respects the driving force behind the improving position of migrant groups.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'English translation: At Home in the Netherlands. Trends in integration of non-Western migrants. Annual Report on Integration 2009','info@scp.nl','2010-06-30 14:50:06','2010-07-19 10:24:32','','Waiting'),(570,'European citizenship in the 21st century.  Comparative study of its attitudes, public opinion and political behavior','La ciudadanía europea en el Siglo XXI. Estudio comparado de sus actitudes, opinion pública y comportamientos políticos',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European citizenship in the 21st century.  Comparative study of its attitudes, public opinion and political behavior.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','recsm@upf.edu','2010-07-12 14:22:58','2010-07-19 10:25:34','','Waiting'),(571,'Design, Evaluation, and Analysis of Questionnaires for Survey Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Modern survey design requires the consideration of many variables that will ultimately impact the quality of the collected data. Design, Evaluation, and Analysis of Questionnaires for Survey Research outlines the important decisions that researchers need to make throughout the survey design process and provides the statistical knowledge and innovative tools that are essential when approaching these choices. Over fifteen years of survey design research has been referenced in order to conduct a meta-analysis that not only unveils the relationship between individual question characteristics and overall questionnaire quality, but also assists the reader in constructing a questionnaire of the highest relevance and accuracy.\n\nAmong the book\'s most outstanding features is its introduction of Survey Quality Prediction (SQP), a computer program that predicts the validity and accuracy of questionnaires based on findings from the meta-analysis. Co-developed by the authors, this one-of-a-kind software is available via the book\'s related Web site and provides a valuable resource that allows researchers to estimate a questionnaire\'s level of quality before its distribution.\n\nDesign, Evaluation, and Analysis of Questionnaires for Survey Research succeeds in illustrating how questionnaire design influences the overall quality of empirical research. With an emphasis on a deliberate and scientific approach to developing questionnaires, this book is an excellent text for upper-level undergraduate or beginning graduate-level survey research courses in business and the social sciences, and it also serves as a self-contained reference for survey researchers in any field.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','recsm@upf.edu','2010-07-12 14:39:48','2010-07-19 10:26:25','','Waiting'),(572,'Wellbeing in the Netherlands. The SCP life situation index since 1974 ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study is concerned with the background and history of the SCP life situation index. SCP uses this index to track trends in the life situation of the Dutch population from 1974 to the present. Life situation is defined here as a combination of welfare and well-being. It covers a wide range of key social domains: health, participation (volunteering, social isolation, socio-cultural leisure activities, sport), housing situation, ownership of consumer goods, mobility and holiday patterns. The report describes precisely what the SCP life situation index is, how it originated, how it has changed over time and which conceptual framework is used to describe the results. In doing so, it looks among other things at the historical and international context and discusses the various choices that have to be made, such as the choice of domains and indicators (are the right domains and indicators included in the index?) and the way in which those domains and indicators are combined to form a single index. The report also looks at the question of whether using such an index is actually helpful.\nThe report concludes with proposals for improving the index and the related conceptual framework.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2010-07-19 14:25:06','2010-07-22 10:50:04','','Waiting'),(573,'Public services in perspective. SCP Memorandum for the government formation process - 2010','Publieke dienstverlening in perspectief. SCP-memorandum voor de kabinetsformatie 2010',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the light of the forthcoming formation of a new Dutch government, the Netherlands Institute for Social Research/scp has performed an analysis of the output and costs of public services in the period 1995-2008, as well as forecasts for the period 2010-2014. The forecasts offer pointers for decisions about the allocation of public sector funding and are part of an ongoing assignment for scp, which has published similar studies on six previous occasions for the formation of new governments (scp 1986, 1989, 1994, 1998, 2002a, 2007) under the title Public services memorandum (Memorandum quartaire sector). This Memorandum is cast in the same form as previous editions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2010-07-20 14:59:45','2010-07-22 10:51:25','','Waiting'),(574,'Unemployment among immigrants in European labour markets: an analysis of origin and destination effects','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article presents a multilevel analysis of 1363 male and female first- and second-generation immigrants’ unemployment rates. In addition to individual characteristics, the effects of macro-characteristics of 13 destination countries in the EU and of more than 100 origin countries of the immigrants are analysed. Immigrants are found to be more often unemployed in countries where natives have higher unemployment rates. Immigrants’ unemployment rates are lower in countries with a larger segment of low-status jobs, with higher immigration rates and with a higher GDP per capita. Destination countries’ integration policies and welfare state regimes do not affect the unemployment risk of immigrants. At the level of origin countries, immigrants from more politically stable and free, more developed and more wealthy societies are found to be less often unemployed. Immigrants coming from Islamic countries have higher rates of unemployment, while those originating from Western Europe are less likely to be unemployed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','F.Fleischmann@uu.nl','2010-07-21 10:42:34','2010-11-05 10:28:53','','Waiting'),(575,'To vote or not to vote? Electoral participation of immigrants from different countries of origin in 24 European countries of destination.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Electoral participation of immigrants is an important issue in Europe. Immigrants vote less often in national elections than non-immigrants; this may suggest a lack of political integration of immigrants into their host society. Besides, a low electoral participation rate of immigrants might also result in proportionately lower representation in parliament. This reflects on the legitimacy of the democracies concerned. This research analyses the electoral behaviour of 8132 immigrants from 62 countries and regions of origin in the 24 countries included in this study- the countries of destination. The data that we used are the second and third round of the European Social Survey. We find that although the largest differences in electoral participation of immigrants are at the level of the country of destination, the characteristics of the country of origin are more powerful for the explanation of  differences in electoral participation of immigrants from certain countries of origin in countries of destination. We conclude that immigrants from countries with more political opportunities, social-economic opportunities and that are prevalently Roman-Catholic or Protestant have a higher propensity to vote. Also immigrants who live in countries with a higher economic level will vote more often. To heighten the electoral participation of immigrants it is suggested that the political integration together with the social-economic integration of immigrants should be advanced in the countries of destination, promotion of education might do part of the trick.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','stefanieandre@gmail.com','2010-07-21 10:54:34','2010-07-22 10:52:59','','Waiting'),(576,'The Educational Attainment of Second Generation Immigrants from different Countries of Origin in the EU member-states','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Drawing on the second wave of the European Social Survey, we analyse the educational attainment of 1039 second generation immigrants from different countries of origin in 13 EU countries, relative to that of the natives of these EU countries. In addition to testing the effects of individual factors, such as parental education and religion, we estimate the effects of macro characteristics of both origin and destination countries. Next to parental educational level, the average educational level of the natives of the countries of desti-nation and the generosity of the naturalization laws have positive ef-fects on the educational level of both male and female second gen-eration immigrants. Other macro-characteristics of countries of origin and destination have no significant effects on educational out-comes of these immigrants. However, Muslim men of the second generation are found to have lower levels of education. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','j.dronkers@maastrichtuniversity.nl','2010-07-21 16:29:59','2010-07-22 10:53:33','','Waiting'),(577,'Testing for comparability of human values across countries and time with the third round of the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study tests the compatibility and comparability of the human values measurements from the third round of the European Social Survey (ESS) to measure the 10 values from Schwartz’s (1992) value theory in 25 countries. Furthermore, it explains the dangers associated with ignoring non-invariance before comparing the values across nations or over time, and specifically describes how invariance may be tested. After initially determining how many values can be identified for each country separately, the comparability of value measurements across countries is assessed using multigroup confirmatory factor analysis (MGCFA). This is necessary to allow later comparisons of values’ correlates and means across countries. Finally, invariance of values over time (2002-07) is tested. Such invariance allows estimating aggregate value change and comparing it across countries meaningfully. In line with past results, only four to seven values can be identified in each country. Analyses reveal that the ESS value measurements are not suitable for measuring the 10 values; therefore, some adjacent values are unified. Furthermore, a subset of eight countries displays metric invariance for seven values, and metric invariance for six values is found for 21 countries. This finding indicates that values in these countries have similar meanings, and their correlates may be compared but not their means. Finally, temporal scalar invariance is evidenced within countries and over time thus allowing longitudinal value change to be studied in all the participating countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','davidov@soziologie.uzh.ch','2010-08-06 11:31:10','2010-11-05 10:01:15','','Waiting'),(578,'True-Value Regression Theory','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Design-based regression regards the survey response as a constant waiting to be observed. Bechtel (2007) replaced this constant with the sum of a fixed true value and a random measurement error. The present paper relaxes the assumption that the expected error is zero within a survey respondent. It also allows measurement errors in predictor variables as well as in the response variable. Reasonable assumptions about these errors over respondents, along with coefficient alpha in psychological test theory, enable the regression of true responses on true predictors. This resolves two major issues in survey regression, i.e. errors in variables and item non-response. The usefulness of this resolution is demonstrated with three large datasets collected by the European Social Survey in 2002, 2004 and 2006. The paper concludes with implications of true-value regression for survey theory and practice and for surveying large world populations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bechtel@ufl.edu','2010-08-17 12:18:22','2010-08-17 12:18:53','','Waiting'),(579,'Who Compares To Whom? The Anatomy of Income Comparisons in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article provides unprecedented direct evidence from large-scale survey data on both the intensity (how much?) and direction (to whom?) of income comparisons. Income comparisons are considered to be at least somewhat important by three-quarters of Europeans. They are associated with both lower levels of subjective well-being and a greater demand for income redistribution. The rich compare less and are happier than average when they do, which latter is consistent with relative income theory. With respect to the direction of comparisons, colleagues are the most frequently-cited reference group. Those who compare to colleagues are happier than those who compare to other benchmarks.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Andrew.Clark@ens.fr','2010-09-01 19:43:46','2010-11-05 10:25:58','','Waiting'),(580,'Satisficing among Reluctant Respondents in a Cross-National Context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Declining response rates have led to extended efforts to convert reluctant respondents. If respondents with low motivation are likely to use cognitive shortcuts in survey responding (to engage in satisficing), bringing reluctant respondents into the respondent pool may result in an increase of measurement error. In a cross-national setting, the differential efforts of converting reluctant respondents across countries may result in differential data quality, potentially leading to non-equivalence. This study examines the relationship between reluctance and respondents? likelihood to engage in satisficing, controlling for cognitive ability in Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain and Sweden. The study is based on the European Social Survey (ESS), third round, conducted in 2006 and 2007. Latent class analysis is used to develop two main constructs of interest, including reluctance and satisficing. The results of the latent class analysis indicate a presence of a single satisficing factor for all the countries with the exception of Germany and Spain. Thus, Structural Equation Modeling is used for Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden, and regression models are used for Germany and Spain.\n\nThrough an overview of the separately developed literature on reluctance and satisficing a number of common factors are identified. As hypothesized, a positive relationship between reluctance and satisficing is found in Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden, and in a number of instances in Germany and Spain. Nevertheless, the results suggest that in Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden the relationship between reluctance and satisficing is spurious, and is completely explained by cognitive ability. Similarly, in Germany and Spain, the effect of reluctance on satisficing decreases or becomes statistically nonsignificant after controlling for cognitive ability. The cross-country comparison suggests that the direction and the magnitude of the relationship among satisficing, reluctance, and cognitive ability are generally invariant across the countries. However, this does not guarantee the equivalence of estimates. Potential impacts of differences in cognitive ability, reluctance and in the overall likelihood to satisfice on equivalence are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaminol@gmail.com','2010-09-28 02:41:48','2010-10-04 12:57:30','','Waiting'),(581,'Atypical working time and reconciliation of work and family life in Estonia: case of evening and night time workers','Paindlik tööaeg töö- ja pereelu ühitamise teenistuses õhtusel ja öisel ajal töötavate Eesti elanike näitel',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the thesis is to analyse atypical working time (working in evenings and nights, E/N) in Estonia and its impact to lives and families of individuals. New working patterns of post-industrial economy are eroding the boundaries of time dedicated to work and family. Non-fixed working time has become the reality for many people. Much research has been conducted to analyse the extent of flexible working forms and how these are influencing the economy and labour market. Lesser attention has been paid to positive and negative effects of flexibility both in organisational and individual point of view, especially to the workers\' private life and family. Using the dataset of ESS 2004, current thesis identified big distinction between regular and irregular E/N working modes. Regular E/N working mode means long working days, bigger work stress, but rather fixed working time and smaller work-life conflict. Irregular E/N working mode creates much higher pressure to workers to find the balance between work and family. Especially women who are working irregularly in E/N time, feel that fulfilling work and family responsibilites are time and energy consuming and it is difficult to find the balance in rather complicated situation.\n\nKeywords: atypical working time, work-life balance, European Social Survey, ESS',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','talves@ut.ee','2010-09-29 10:11:32','2010-10-04 13:01:31','','Waiting'),(582,'Investigating value structure: Using theory-based starting configurations in Multidimensional Scaling','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Multidimensional Scaling (MDS) has been a central tool of psychological research into value structure for more than two decades. MDS is usually applied in an exploratory way because strict confirmatory analyses are still difficult to realize, due to the manifold problems of how to impose regional constraints on MDS solutions. “Weak confirmatory approaches” (Borg &  Staufenbiel, 2007) which use a theory-based starting configuration could be an acceptable compromise. In this paper, we outline how such a configuration can be derived from Schwartz’s (1992, p. 14) original model,  which is characterized by a strict circular structure. Such a “parsimonious” structure seems particularly suited for multi-method studies. We also apply this configuration to the Spanish value data from the first three rounds of the European Social Survey to illustrate the procedure. Finally, we show how to test whether and to what extent regional adjustments of single items affect the overall fit of the respective MDS solution.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bilsky@uni-muenster.de','2010-10-01 15:33:43','2010-10-04 12:47:40','','Waiting'),(583,'The structural organization of human values - evidence from the European Social Survey (ESS) - updated','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We analyzed data of Schwartz\'s Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ) available from the ESS by means of multidimensional scaling, applying theory-based starting configurations. Using data from the first three ESS-rounds does not only allow for comparisons between countries but also for comparisons of structural stability over time. The vast majority of our analyses corroborate Schwartz\'s (1992) structural model. This finding suggests that his theoretical approach is a conceptually and empirically appropriate and sound basis for cross-cultural research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bilsky@uni-muenster.de','2010-10-08 13:46:02','2010-10-08 16:33:31','','Waiting'),(584,'enda en test','',35,NULL,NULL,NULL,'bla bla',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2010-10-11 10:16:47','2012-12-14 11:20:58','','Waiting'),(585,'Basic Values: How They Motivate and Inhibit Prosocial Behavior','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter demonstrates the key role that basic values can play in prosocial behavior. It elaborates a theory of the decision making processes that underlies such behavior, emphasizing the role of values and supports this theory with findings from a wide variety of studies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2010-10-21 20:22:32','2010-10-25 16:12:26','','Waiting'),(586,'Job satisfaction and job performance - consequenses for leadership','Jobbtilfredshet og jobbytelse - konsekvenser for ledelse',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper investigates empirically what factors drive job satisfaction in Norwegian workers, using data from ESS Round 3 (2006). The authors then discuss how leadership can affect job satisfaction through these variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anne.s.haugset@tfou.no','2010-10-22 14:55:31','2010-10-25 16:14:36','','Waiting'),(587,'Victimization and Fear of Crime in Romania and Hungary: A Comparative Analysis','Victimization and Fear of Crime in Romania and Hungary: A Comparative Analysis',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using multivariate analyses on cross-sectional data from the European Social Survey Round 3 - 2006/2007 conducted on representative samples of persons age 15 and over in Romania (N=2139) and Hungary (N=1518), the present comparative study will mainly explore the relationship victimization – trust in the police – fear of crime in two Eastern European neighboring countries that recently became EU member states. Socio-demographic and personal-level indicators more likely to influence one’s perception of safety will be also examined. Based on the number of crimes reported to the police in 2005, total crime rates in Hungary appear to be significantly higher than in Romania. However, the fear of victimization is, on average, significantly more intense in Romania than in Hungary. Although results show that in both countries, persons with higher levels of trust in the police are less likely to be afraid of being victimized, direct and indirect experience with victimization is the most important predictor of fear of crime in Hungary and Romania, as well. Consistent with previous research, gender, age, and urban residency are additional significant correlates of fear of crime.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','v0andr01@louisville.edu','2010-10-23 19:59:50','2011-07-13 12:52:56','','Waiting'),(588,'Explaining immigrant citizenship status. First and second generation immigrants in fifteen European states ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Citizenship acquisition is often seen as a crucial step in the process of integrating immigrants in host societies. This paper analyzes the question why some immigrants are more likely to have acquired destination country citizenship across European states than others and tests legal-formal, socioeconomic, cultural and micro-level explanations. We use a pooled dataset of first and second generation immigrants resident in 15 European states and apply a logistic multilevel analysis to measure country of origin effects, destination country effects, as well as the effects of individual level characteristics. Our analysis shows that second generation and first generation immigrants who arrived more than 20 years ago, immigrants with one parent born in the destination country, retired workers and persons speaking the host country language at home, are more likely to become a citizen of their country of residence. Second generation Muslim immigrants are less likely to have host country citizenship than comparable non-Muslim immigrants of the second generation. Immigrants from former colonies or from poor or political instable countries are more likely to become a citizen of their country of residence. Immigrants are also more likely to have acquired citizenship in destination countries with a low net migration rate and with citizenship laws that make citizenship accessible in comparative perspective. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','j.dronkers@maastrichtuniversity.nl','2010-10-26 03:34:13','2010-10-28 15:01:19','','Waiting'),(589,'What is and What Generates Personal Well-Being?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Most researchers seem to share the opinion that GDP per capita has many weaknesses as an overall indicator of quality of life or social well-being. However, it has been difficult to develop widely accepted alternatives.\nThe well-being module included in round 3 of the European Social Survey is one of the first attempts to create a database suitable for both national and cross-national studies of subjective well-being. In this study we analyze the properties of the measures of personal well-being included in the ESS core or well-being module on the individual level using data from the Finnish survey. The study confirms results in earlier studies concerning the multidimensionality of personal well-being and the relative independence of many of the proposed measures.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','leif.nordberg@abo.fi','2010-11-01 10:31:16','2010-11-04 09:08:47','','Waiting'),(590,'How important is it to compare one\'s income with other\'s? An explorative study.','Hur viktigt är det att jämföra sina inkomster med andras? En explorativ studie.',3,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is a well-known fact that in most industrialized countries average happiness as measured in various surveys has remained almost constant for many years despite a significant rise in GNP per head. This fact known as the Easterlin paradox has been much discussed in the literature. Of the suggestions for explaining the paradox many stress the importance of relative income.\nIn this paper we analyze which factors affect the interest for income comparisons using the Finnish data in the welfare module included in round three of ESS. We also analyze how gender, age, marital status, education and employment relation influence the choice of the reference group. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','leif.nordberg@abo.fi','2010-11-02 09:52:41','2010-11-04 08:13:43','','Waiting'),(591,'What affects the interest for income comparisons in a comparative perspective?','Vad påverkar intresset för inkomstjämförelser i ett komparativt perspektiv?',3,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is a well-known fact that in most industrialized countries average happiness as measured in various surveys has remained almost constant for many years despite a significant rise in GNP per head. This fact known as the Easterlin paradox has been much discussed in the literature. Of the suggestions for explaining the paradox many stress the importance of relative income.\nIn this paper we analyze which factors affect the interest for income comparisons using data in the welfare module included in round three of ESS.  As variables explaining the variation in the interest for income comparisons we use gender, age, marital status, education, position on the labour market, household income and variables describing how satisfied the respondents are with their present life, how worried they are about their future and how important it is for them to be admired by other people. \nOn the basis of the estimated models we group the included countries into five clusters.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','leif.nordberg@abo.fi','2010-11-02 10:11:43','2010-11-04 08:14:40','','Waiting'),(592,'Understanding Attitudes to Immigration: The Migration and Minority module of the first European Social Survey','Understanding Attitudes to Immigration: The Migration and Minority module of the first European Social Survey',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Immigration control is an issue that figures prominently in public policy discussions and election campaigns throughout Europe. Although immigration may have positive effects on economic efficiency and growth in the receiving economy, it is often the negative aspects -or perceived negative aspects - of immigration that attract the most attention. In this paper, we use the immigration module of the European Social Survey (ESS), which we developed in collaboration with the ESS survey team, to investigate public opinions about immigration, and the various dimensions of economic, public and private life that individuals feel are affected by immigration. We show that that there is substantial variation in the strength of anti-immigrant opinion across European countries, and that attitudes toward immigration also vary systematically with characteristics such as age, education, and urban/rural location. We propose possible interpretations of some of these regularities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@nsd.uib.no','2008-09-11 11:17:20','2010-11-10 11:45:25','','Waiting'),(593,'The Determinants of Tax Morale in Comparative Perspective: Evidence from European Countries','The Determinants of Tax Morale in Comparative Perspective: Evidence from European Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Applying a multilevel model, we argue that tax morale is a function of individual- and contextual-level variables. Evidence presented in this article, based on the 2004–2005 European Social Survey and information on institutional settings, shows that tax morale in European countries varies systematically with socio-demographic characteristics, personal financial experiences, political attitudes, on the one hand, and regional GDP and tax arrangements on the other hand. Moreover, cross-national differences in tax morale are also related to ethnic and linguistic fractionalizations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Available online 23 June 2010.\n','ignacio.lago@upf.edu','2010-11-16 13:12:22','2010-11-17 15:41:51','','Waiting'),(594,'Strategies to Increase the Response Rate and Results of the European Social Survey in Spain','Estrategias para aumentar la tasa de respuesta y los resultados de la Encuesta Social Europea en España',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The longitudinal analysis of the contact form data of the third round of the European Social Survey in Spain allows us to identify the most successful strategies in order to increase response rates in social and political surveys in Spain. The analysis of these data provides us with very useful information to estimate what are the likely gains in response rate due to the improvements of fieldwork design and supervision. More especially, we show in this paper that concentrating fieldwork efforts in locating and converting refusals with specific strategies such as a better controlling of interviewers, increasing incentives, and targeting respondents after the regular working hours and during weekends really pay off.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','clara.riba@upf.edu','2010-11-16 13:29:01','2010-11-17 15:51:30','','Waiting'),(595,'A New Approach to Evaluating the Quality of Measurement Instruments: The Split-Ballot MTMM Design','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Two distinctly different quantitative approaches are used to evaluate measurement instruments: the split-ballot experiment and the multitrait-multimethod (MTMM) approach. The first approach is typically used to indicate whether variation in the method causes differences in the response distribution; the second approach evaluates the reliability and validity of different methods. The new approach, suggested in this paper, combines the more attractive features of both methods. The strength of the split-ballot experiment is its use of independent random samples from the same population to provide information about differences in response distributions. This is also possible with the new approach, but this approach provides more detailed information about the reasons for the differences. The MTMM approach provides information about reliability and validity on the basis of repeated observation of the same traits using different methods. This information is also provided by the new design. The difference is that the new approach reduces the need for repeated observations of the same trait. Each sample is provided with a different combination of only two methods and the complete model with all methods is estimated as a multiple-group model. This reduces the burden for respondents and also reduces memory and order effects. Alternative designs and estimation methods are discussed, their efficiency is analyzed, and illustrations are provided.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article first published online: 26 NOV 2004','opovrebo@hotmail.com','2010-11-17 16:12:44','2010-11-17 16:13:17','','Waiting'),(596,'Usual suspects? Public views about immigrants’ impact on crime in European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the 2002/3 module of the European Social Survey project, this study examines the relationship between public views about immigrants’ impact on crime and measures of criminal behavior in 21 countries of Europe. The results from hierarchical regression models show that perceptions about immigrants’ impact are unaffected by personal experience with crime and by contextual measures such as the homicide rate, prison population rate, and ratio of foreign inmate to non-European foreign population. The analysis further reveals that perceived immigrants’ impact on crime is sensitive to having friends among immigrants, residing in an ethnic neighborhood, having affinity with right-wing ideologies, as well as several socio-demographic characteristics. At the country level, perceptions that immigrants worsen crime problems are more evident in societies harboring larger stocks of non-European immigrants, but such views are not affected by economic circumstances. These findings imply that Europeans’ expressions of concern regarding immigrants’ impact on crime may be a guised form of prejudice against foreigners, as they seem to be nurtured less by fear of crime and more by fear of immigrants. The reported results are discussed with respect to the restrictiveness of immigration regimes and the practice of criminalizing foreigners. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online before print October 8, 2010','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-11-18 14:09:37','2010-11-18 15:07:08','','Waiting'),(597,'Who are the Europeans that Europeans prefer? Economic conditions and exclusionary views toward European immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article suggests that the economic standing of foreigners’ country of origin may become grounds for the emergence of an inclination to exclude an out-group population from the country. Moreover, exclusionary attitudes based on the economic standing of the immigrant’s country of origin may vary according to the economic conditions of the destination country. Data obtained from European Social Survey for 21 countries show that exclusionary views directed exclusively at foreigners from ‘poorer countries in Europe’ or at foreigners ‘from richer countries in Europe’ are quite substantial. Multi-level analyses reveal that differential preferences of immigrants from relatively rich and poor European countries indeed interact with the economic conditions of the host societies. Support for the exclusion of European foreigners from ‘poorer countries’ tends to be less pronounced in economically prosperous places while support for exclusion of European foreigners from ‘richer countries’ tends to be less pronounced in economically depressed places. The findings are discussed in the light of sociological literature and the context of modern European society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online before print October 1, 2010','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-11-18 14:13:05','2011-05-10 11:41:31','','Waiting'),(598,'What Unites Right-Wing Populists in Western Europe? Re-Examining Grievance Mobilization Models in Seven Successful Cases','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Unlike for the green party family, no empirically backed scholarly consensus exists about the grievances mobilized by populist right parties in Western Europe. To the contrary, three competing grievance mobilization models can be distinguished in the existing literature. These models focus on grievances arising from economic changes, political elitism and corruption, and immigration. This study discusses these three grievance mobilization models and tests them on comparable cross-sectional survey data for all seven relevant countries using multinomial probit analysis. The study finds that no populist right party performed well in elections around 2002 without mobilizing grievances over immigration. However, it finds several examples of populist right parties experiencing electoral success without mobilizing grievances over economic changes or political elitism and corruption. This study therefore solves a long-standing disagreement in the literature by comprehensively showing that only the appeal on the immigration issue unites all successful populist right parties. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online before print September 17, 2007','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-11-18 14:31:49','2010-11-18 15:07:51','','Waiting'),(599,'Constructing Tolerance: How the Welfare State Shapes Attitudes About Immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the past 30 years, the hitherto rather homogeneous welfare states in Europe have been experiencing a dramatic influx of immigrants, making them much more diverse. The central purpose of the early development of the welfare state was twofold: to bridge class divisions and to mollify ethnic divisions in the vast multiethnic empires of 19th-century Germany and Austria. This research examines the impact of the programmatic and expenditure dimensions of the welfare state on attitudes of natives across modern publics, theorizing that nativist resentment and welfare chauvinism should be reduced in more comprehensive welfare systems. Individual, aggregate, and multilevel analyses reveal that the more comprehensive the welfare state is, the more tolerant natives are of immigrants, indicating that contemporary welfare states have a similar capacity to bridge ethnic divisions as their 19th-century incarnations. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online before print December 9, 2008','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-11-18 14:41:34','2010-11-18 15:08:07','','Waiting'),(600,'Generalized trust and political support: A cross-national investigation ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Citizen support for political institutions is a key component of any representative democracy. Two main approaches to explain political support can be found in the relevant literature: (i) Socio-cultural theories assume that political support is politically exogenous and emphasize factors such as social trust when explaining political support. (ii) Proponents of performance-based explanations, in contrast, see political support as primarily driven by politically endogenous factors, such as people\'s experiences of political authorities and institutions and evaluations of their performance. In this article I argue that the earlier research has missed an important source of interaction between these two sets of explanatory factors. More precisely, I hold that generalized or social trust plays a central but hitherto misunderstood role in explaining political support. The main hypothesis states that the effects on political support of performance-related factors are greater among low trusters compared to high trusters. I test this interaction hypothesis in a multilevel model, using cross-national survey data from 23 European countries. The results strongly confirm the stated hypothesis. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-11-18 15:04:07','2010-11-18 15:08:24','','Waiting'),(601,'How Many Immigrants? Foreign-Born Population Innumeracy in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Individuals frequently perceive immigrant and minority population sizes to be much larger than they are in reality. To date, little is understood about the extent or causes of this phenomenon, known as innumeracy, which may have consequences for inter-group relations. However, before the literature can assess these consequences, a better understanding of the development of these misperceptions is needed. The extant literature focuses only on the United States and lacks a clear understanding of how innumeracy arises. Drawing from the 2002 European Social Survey (ESS), this study attempts to make sense of this phenomenon by proposing and testing a framework that views innumeracy among majority group members as developing in two ways: as cognitive mistakes and emotional responses. I establish the existence and extent of the phenomenon across 21 European nations, test new key predictors such as media exposure and socio-economic status, and find independent associations with cognitive and emotional factors using multi-level regression analyses. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: March 29, 2010','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-11-18 15:35:24','2010-11-18 15:46:02','','Waiting'),(602,'Assessing the Effect of Data Collection Mode on Measurement','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper discusses the challenges in assessing the effects of mixed modes on measurement. We briefly review theories about why different modes of data collection can lead to differences in survey responses and statistical methods typically used to assess mode effects. We then discuss the challenges, including which mode effects are identified, how to test for mode effects, and whether these would affect substantive conclusions. The issues raised are illustrated with examples from the European Social Survey, which is conducting a programme of experimental research to inform decisions about whether to use mixed modes of data collection. The paper concludes with general implications for mixed modes research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article first published online: 10 MAR 2010','opovrebo@gmail.com','2010-11-18 15:44:56','2010-11-18 15:46:17','','Waiting'),(603,'The effect of the elapsed time between the initial refusal and conversion contact on conversion success: Evidence from the 2nd round of the European social survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The hold period between the initial refusal and the follow-up conversion attempt may be used as a strategic tool to improve conversion rates. We argue that longer hold periods result in better conversion rates, particularly among hard-to-convert refusals. In this article we will first investigate to what extend and in which manner survey authorities exert this elapsed time as an active survey instrument. Contact sheet data show that different national survey coordinators deploy different strategies with regard to this hold period. In the Netherlands, intentional survey tactics can be disentangled, whereas Swiss contact data show that the length of the hold period is a mere result other fieldwork conditions. Actual conversion success seems to be consistently dependent upon the hold period between the initial refusal and the follow-up contact. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online: 2 June 2009','opovrebo@hotmail.com','2010-11-24 10:50:07','2010-11-24 10:50:53','','Waiting'),(604,'Job satisfaction and job performance - impacts on human capital','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Within macroeconomics it is a well established point of view that investments in human capital is important for the economic growth of a region. In this paper we will look at the connection between job satisfaction and job performance and its impact on the “use” of human capital. A number of Meta - analyses shows that on average, the correlation between job satisfaction and effectiveness is about r = 0. 30 – 0. 40,which can be described as a moderate connection. Our regression analysis employing data from the European Social Survey Round 3 ESS - 3 (2006) shows that how much of the time the job is regarded as interesting has the strongest positive influence on perceived job satisfaction. Also the experience of having authority and influence over one’s own working day and over the organisation has a significant positive effect on job satisfaction. There are some consequences this should have in terms of exploiting and activating human capital amongst employees. One way in which this occurs is for the employees to experience job satisfaction. Fundamental to this goal is the creation of interesting jobs and jobs that offer influence and authority. Our empirical analyses and those of others also show that creating job satisfaction is far more important than salary in terms of developing human capital. If a region is both to attract, develop and retain a skilled and motivated workforce, a great deal of work has to be done to develop jobs that are regarded as interesting and which provide job satisfaction, rather than attempting to compete in terms of salary as the most important attraction. That means a great job must be done by the leadership in the organizations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anne.s.haugset@tfou.no','2010-11-24 21:08:39','2010-11-25 08:09:59','','Waiting'),(605,'Social inclusion affects elderly suicide mortality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: National attitudes towards the elderly and their association with elderly suicide mortality in 26 European countries were assessed, and Eastern and Western European countries compared.\nMethods: For each country, mean age-adjusted, gender-specific elderly suicide rates in the last five years for which data had been available were obtained from the WHO European Mortality Database. Questions about citizens’ attitudes towards the elderly were taken from the European Social Survey. Correlations between attitudes and suicide rates were analyzed using Pearson’s test. Differences between mean scores for Western and Eastern European attitudes were calculated, and data on labor-market exit ages were obtained from the EUROSTAT database.\nResults: Perception of the elderly as having higher status, recognition of their economic contribution and higher moral standards, and friendly feelings towards and admiration of them are inversely correlated with suicide mortality. Suicide rates are lower in countries where the elderly live with their families more often. Elderly suicide mortality and labor-market exit age are inversely correlated. In Eastern European countries, elderly people’s status and economic contribution are seen as less important. Western Europeans regard the elderly with more admiration, consider them more friendly and more often have elderly relatives in the family. The data also show gender differences.\nConclusions: Society’s attitudes influence elderly suicide mortality; attitudes towards the elderly are more favorable among Western European citizens; and extended labor-market inclusion of the elderly is a suicide-protective factor.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online by Cambridge University Press 14 sep 2010','aeyuryev@gmail.com','2010-11-29 19:57:39','2010-11-30 11:32:22','','Waiting'),(606,'Depressive symptoms among immigrants and ethnic minorities: a population based study in 23 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose  \nEuropean studies about ethnic inequalities in depressive symptoms are scarce, show inconclusive results and are complicated by the discussion of what constitute (im)migrant and ethnic minority groups. Moreover, comparisons across countries are hampered by a lack of comparable measures of depressive symptoms. This study aims to assess the prevalence and determinants of depressive symptoms among immigrants, ethnic minorities and natives in 23 European countries.\n\nMethods  \nMultilevel analyses are performed using data from the third wave of the European Social Survey (ESS-3). This dataset comprises information about 36,970 respondents, aged 21 years or older, of whom 13.3% immigrants and 6.2% ethnic minorities. Depressive symptoms were assessed with an 8-item version of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies-Depression scale. Main determinants are immigrant status, socio-economic conditions and the experience of ethnic discrimination in the host country.\n\nResults  \nThe results show that immigrants and ethnic minorities do experience more depressive symptoms than natives in an essential part of the countries. Moreover, socio-economic conditions and the experience of ethnic discrimination are important risk factors. Immigrant status seems irrelevant, once the other risk factors are accounted for. Finally, immigrant and ethnic minority groups do not consist of the same individuals and therefore have different prevalence rates of depressive symptoms.\n\nConclusions  \nThe prevalence rates of depressive symptoms are higher for immigrant and ethnic minority groups in a substantial part of the European countries. A clear definition is indispensable for developing policies that address the right-targeted population.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Online First, 25 November 2010','sarah.missinne@ugent.be','2010-12-06 16:03:46','2010-12-08 15:57:06','','Waiting'),(607,'en del tester i dag','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'bla',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2010-12-08 18:40:58','2010-12-08 18:41:57','','Waiting'),(608,'Ageism as a conflict of age groups','Ageismus jako střet věkových skupin',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The thesis „Ageism as a conflict of age groups“, examines the perceived rank and relationships between people of different age in the Czech Republic. The author focuses on the significance and consequences of the age categorization of our society from the view of its members. The subject of interest are mainly perceptions of young people aged 20 to 29 years and seniors over 70 years old. This is based on the presumption that ageism as a dangerous phenomenon is formed in the interaction of different age groups. The author uses social psychological perspective to study inter-group relations. Especially, the social identity theory is applied. The empirical part of this thesis is based on the analysis of quantitative data from the European Social Survey Round 4 research project. Firstly, the relationship between individual and his own age group is examined. The author then explores forms of socially shared stereotypes and prejudices against age groups, people’s experiences with age discrimination and the matter of age segregation. Some ways for reducing ageism are outlined at the end of the study. Their shared goal is to form and support an age-integrated society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','romana.benesova@soc.cas.cz','2010-12-16 14:01:26','2010-12-20 10:06:07','','Waiting'),(609,'Social Capital and Political Consumerism: A Multilevel Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Does social capital—trust and association involvement—predict political consumerism—boycotting and buycotting? Using data from the 2002/2003 European Social Survey we conduct a multilevel logit analysis of 24,854 individuals nested in 228 within-country regions to evaluate whether social capital and political consumerism are positively related at both the individual and regional level. Findings indicate that individuals with greater personal social capital and those who live in regions with higher average levels of social capital are more likely to be political consumers. These results support previous findings that link social capital with other forms of civic engagement. Keywords: boycott, buycott, political consumerism, political participation, social capital.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','neilson.10@osu.edu','2010-12-17 20:39:18','2010-12-20 15:35:55','','Waiting'),(610,'Boycott or buycott? Understanding political consumerism','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research addresses the question of how boycotting(punishing business for unfavorable behavior) differs from buycotting (rewarding business for favorable behavior). This analysis of 21 535 adults from the 2002/2003 European Social Survey (ESS) compares the effects of social capital, altruism, and gender on different categories of political consumers. Logistic regression analyses reveal that boycotters do indeed differ from buycotters. Specifically, women and people who are more trusting, involved in more voluntary associations, or more altruistic are more likely to buycott than boycott. These differences support the inclusion of both boycott and buycott measures in future studies of political consumerism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','neilson.10@osu.edu','2010-12-17 20:46:41','2010-12-20 15:44:02','','Waiting'),(611,'labas','',32,NULL,NULL,NULL,'aaa',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a@gmail.com','2011-01-07 21:24:12','2011-01-10 09:49:12','','Waiting'),(612,'New Foundations for Survey Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The current issue of e-WISDOM is focused on novel theoretical perspectives for survey research in its current forms and on new survey designs for the years and decades ahead. These new perspectives and designs can seen as answers to a series of challenges which are currently brought about through spectacular changes in the overall science landscapes which ha e been characterized as a phase transition from Science I to Science II.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bischof@wisdom.at','2011-01-13 14:30:11','2011-01-14 13:13:54','','Waiting'),(613,'Muslim Calvinism. Internal security and the Lisbon Process in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book systematically evaluates the freely available data, contained in international open sources, such as the European Social Survey, on the problems of Islam, migration, the shadow economy, internal security, and social policy in Europe in the framework of international trends. This book is the attempt to try to present an interpretation pattern for the complex reality of poverty; social exclusion, religious and societal values, and day to day contact of different population groups in Europe with the law.\n\nInward migration is a very considerable factor of economic growth in the world system. In the long run, the recipient countries enormously benefit. On the other hand, income inequality is being “transferred” from the poor to the rich countries.\n\nPushing the frontiers of knowledge about Europe’s Muslim communities, the mainstream of Europe’s islamophobic decision makers are being asked in this book in terms of their alternatives for continued Muslim migration to a quickly aging Europe. In 2004, Europe’s natural population increase was just 400.000 children, while the population increase due to immigration was 1 900 000 human beings. Europe is thus bound to have a more active and long-term positive immigration policy. It would be simply unworkable to leave the neighboring contiguous regions of the Middle East and North Africa out in the “dark”, and to exclude the human potential of countries like Turkey because of short-sighted and unfounded Islamophobia.\n\nIt turns out that Europe’s Muslim population, already today, is already more Euro-enthusiastic than their non-Muslim counterparts. The generally optimistic results of this quantitative study are in line with recent very sophisticated and advanced quantitative research results, especially by authors from the neo-liberal school of thinking, who maintain that instead of engaging in a culturalist discourse about the general “disadvantages” of Islam, Europe rather should talk about economic-growth-enhancing migration, property rights, discrimination against minorities on the labor markets, and that by and large, Islam is well compatible with democracy and economic growth.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bischof@wisdom.at','2011-01-13 14:34:42','2011-01-14 12:56:15','','Waiting'),(614,'Division of Housework in European Societies through the Analysis of Macro Level Factors','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'”Three Roads to Comparative Research” is the result of a co-operation between Austria and its neighboring countries which runs under the title of EECO-LAB (Eastern European Co-operation on Labour). EECO-LAB is financed and supported by the Austrian Federal Ministry of Economics and Labour (BMWA) since 2003 and has become an important platform for comparative data, for data visualizations and for comparative analyses in Central, East and South-East Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bischof@wisdom.at','2011-01-13 14:41:38','2011-01-14 13:03:39','','Waiting'),(615,'Against Islamophobia: Muslim Communities, Social Exclusion and the Lisbon Process in Europe.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While there is a never-ending debate on Islamism, Islamist terrorism and the identity of Europe vis-à-vis growing Muslim communities in Europe, there are hardly any solid cross-national data being presented on the real extent of the Islamist threat facing Europe, and on the social conditions that lead to Islamist radicalism. By and large, our rigorous quantitative results, based on the first systematic use of the Muslim community data contained in the “European Social Survey” (ESS) all support a socio-liberal view of “migration” and “integration”, compatible with much of the rest of current European political economic thinking regarding the future alternatives for the European Union, and contradict the very extended current alarmist political discourse in Western Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bischof@wisdom.at','2011-01-13 14:48:03','2011-01-14 13:13:34','','Waiting'),(616,'Political Involvement and Democracy: How Benign is the Future of Post-Industrial Politics?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ever since the participatory revolution in the 1960s, post-industrial democracies are experiencing a rapid increase in both levels and modes of citizen involvement in political decision-making. This development, which has mainly been considered to have resulted out of the process of post-modernization, has invoked an intense scholarly debate. Opinions diverged widely on how to interpret this sudden increase: Although many politicians and political scientists have welcomed these changes as strengthening the democracy in terms of “government by the people”, not all scholars shared this enthusiasm. The participatory expansion in post-industrial societies invoked also criticism and concerns about a possible crisis in Western representative democracies. \nThe main objective of this study is to take up this discussion on the link between political involvement and democracy in post-industrial societies with the aim of finding out how “benign” the future of democracy in these societies, in the light of the recent developments in involvement, would be. Unlike former studies, however, this research is based on the premise that the quality of democracy is not only determined by the extent of citizen involvement in the political decision-making, but also by the motivations driving these activities. This premise was mainly inspired by Max Kaase and Samuel H. Barnes, who developed in the famous Political Action Study of 1979 a typology of political involvement based on the level of both political participation and political interest as the motivation behind participation. According to them, two of the resulting involvement types, namely, instrumental and expressive political involvement, are the key motivational-behavioral categories that are relevant for the stability and functioning of democratic government in these societies. A comprehensive cross-country analysis of the levels and development of these involvement types as well as their backgrounds among twelve Western post-industrial democracies has shown that many assumptions of the theories on a possible crisis of democracy cannot be verified. Yet the results have displayed also remarkable cross-country differences in involvement patterns, which calls into mind that other factors may as well contribute to the explanation of these patterns than post-industrialization and its indicators. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bdayican@gmx.net','2011-01-20 22:21:51','2011-01-21 13:42:43','','Waiting'),(617,'What do citizens want? What survey results reveal about values, attitudes and preferences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What kind of Social Europe do European citizens want to maximise their well-being in the future? This issue paper by Eric Harrison, Elissa Sibley, Sotiria Theodoropoulou and Benedetta Guerzoni attempts to answer this question, by analysing the results of several social surveys. The information emerging from the surveys gives the opportunity to identify Europeans’ values, attitudes and preferences in relation to a number of policy areas pertaining to social policy and well-being at European and national level. Furthermore, the authors highlight the limitations of existing data and suggest areas for future research. (www.epc.eu)',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','elissa.sibley.1@city.ac.uk','2011-01-24 16:56:21','2011-01-25 14:17:09','','Waiting'),(618,'Is Happiness Different From Flourishing? Cross-Country Evidence from the ESS','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper appeals to novel survey information on over 30 000 individuals in 21 European countries to address an important and controversial question with respect to well-being: Do cognitive, hedonic and eudaimonic measures of well-being reflect very different aspects of individual quality of life? Or, more precisely, do the subjective appreciation of these dimensions by individuals exhibit different patterns? Our empirical results first reveal a very significant correlation between the measures of happiness and life satisfaction. Second, someone with high “hedonic” well-being (happiness or life satisfaction) is likely to have high eudaimonic well-being as well (flourishing, vitality, resilience and functioning). In addition, the factors that are correlated with the different measures of well-being seem to be very similar at the individual level. For example, marriage, higher income and greater education are associated with greater satisfaction, but also with higher levels of flourishing, vitality, resilience and functioning. This fit is not perfect, however, and men notably report lower levels of hedonic well-being but higher eudaimonic well-being. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper is forthcoming','Andrew.Clark@ens.fr','2011-01-25 12:08:12','2011-06-28 13:03:14','','Waiting'),(619,'Marriage, Family and Life Satisfaction in Russia and Europe','Семья, брак, удовлетворенность жизнью в России и Европе',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article written on the data of the survey carried out in late 2006 – early 2007 within the framework of the International Project “European Social Survey”, demonstrates the role of family life satisfaction in life satisfaction in general. The authors rely on the data from this Survey in their comparison between the views on family relationship in Russia and Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alexandra_z@bk.ru','2011-01-25 16:06:21','2011-01-25 19:28:24','','Waiting'),(620,'Youth informal self- employment','Младежка неформална самонаетост',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Youths are one of the most vulnerable and prone to informal employment and informal self- employment groups. In October 2010 the number of unemployed young people in Bulgaria is more than 59 000. Object of  study are highly educated, unmarried and living in the capital city, unregistered self- employed youths. Informal self- employed are those, who are working for themselves in a market economy.  They produce goods and services that are not registered or are hidden from the state in an effort to conceal income or to avoid the burden of certain terms of the tax, social and labour legislation. Widespread among young people in the informal economy is the phenomenon of double informality. An additional emphasis on the essential characteristics of the informal self- employment among youths is put as the different types of trust (systematic trust, personal trust, societal trust and trust abuse) are determined and in this way are clarified the motives of young people for joining this group. Analyses are based on data from the European social survey. Study results confirm the need to implement more research to specify the reasons for youth informal self- employment and thus to be able to prevent its expansion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Lenke til dokument: http://dox.abv.bg/files/fdw?eid=67582872','amative@abv.bg','2011-01-26 16:46:18','2011-01-31 10:42:50','','Waiting'),(621,'Social resources in Russia and Europe: Comparative Analysis','Социальные ресурсы населения в России и Европе: сравнительный анализ ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The author rely on the data from the third round of the European Social Survey held in 2006-2007 in his comparison between the status structures of the population in Russia and European countries. The author analyzes the problems of material differentiation, including issues of self-esteem, level of household consumption, occupational structure and education level. \n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alexandra_z@bk.ru','2011-01-27 09:35:11','2011-01-27 12:01:19','','Waiting'),(622,'Russia and Europe: population structure and social inequality','Россия и Европа: структура населения и социальное неравенство ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is about the differences between social structures in Russia and Europe. The issues raised are illustrated with examples from the European Social Survey, where the social status of the respondents was measured by their status on the main job.  The author is sure that the socio-economic inequality has several sections, which can be measured. Material inequality is very important slice of social inequality in society, but it’s not the only one. An integrated approach to social inequality takes into account other criteria that determine the position of individuals at different stages of social hierarchy. \n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alexandra_z@bk.ru','2011-01-27 14:30:04','2011-01-27 15:33:26','','Waiting'),(623,'National Identity and Political Trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article set out to test the theoretically almost taken for granted assumption that a minimum form of cohesion amongst the members of society is needed in order for political institution to exist over time. The problem is that it is rare to find any specifications of the content of the national cohesion to be effective. The debate goes from thin to thick forms of cohesion. We aim to test this idea by examining how two forms of collective national identity (ethnic and civic) affect individual political trust in 19 European countries. We conclude that a strong civic national identity has positive impact on political trust whereas a strong ethnic national identity has negative impact on political trust. Individual data comes from the European Social Survey 2004 (ESSII).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mikael.hjerm@soc.umu.se','2011-02-02 09:02:23','2011-11-28 14:35:52','','Waiting'),(624,'Age and Loneliness in 25 European Nations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The relationship between age and loneliness is intriguing. While loneliness has been widely perceived as a problem of old age, there is some evidence suggesting that the peak age for experiencing loneliness is adolescence. This relationship may demonstrate more complexity if we adopt a cross-national perspective. Comparative data for examining both the prevalence of loneliness across age groups and across a range of nation states are sparse at best. This exploratory study describes the prevalence of loneliness across different age groups in twenty-five European nations, with a focus on the people of an advanced age. After discussing issues of comparability in cross-national gerontology research, we present our empirical analyses employing data collected in the third round (2006/7) of the European Social Survey (ESS, total sample size n = 47,099) which included a ‘self rating’ loneliness scale completed by all participants in the survey (age range 15 to 101). Our results suggest that although the prevalence of loneliness does increase with age for the combined sample, the nation in which one lives has a greater impact than age on feeling lonely, with Russia and Eastern European nations having the highest proportions of lonely people and Northern European nations the lowest. Possible explanatory factors are identified and discussed, with formal analysis to be carried out in a subsequent study.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online: 09 februar 2011','keming.yang@durham.ac.uk','2011-02-03 11:20:22','2016-07-21 09:42:54','','Waiting'),(625,'The relationship between life satisfaction and household income: A multilevel model approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The topic for this thesis is the relationship between household income and life satisfaction, and the discrepancy between results based on within-country analyses and between-country analyses. Time-series of average income and average life satisfaction show that while income has increased, life satisfaction have remained stagnant in most Western countries. Crosssectional comparisons of average income with life satisfaction show a curvilinear effect of life satisfaction. This is often interpreted as that beyond some point there is no additional satisfaction gained by more income or wealth. Simultaneously, cross-sectional within-country analyses show that high income groups are significantly more satisfied with life than low income groups. This inconsistency between within-country and between-country results is often referred to as the Easterlin Paradox, since this inconsistency was first described by Easterlin(1974). Possible individual level interpretations of the Easterlin Paradox are highlighted. This thesis suggests that the interpretation of between-country correlations on the individual level is an example of an ecological fallacy. Errors in the theoretic assumptions are introduced as a possible cause for this fallacy. By considering the drawbacks of macro level and micro level analysis, multilevel models are suggested as a promising approach because of the multilevel nature of the Easterlin Paradox. A building-block approach to multilevel modelling is applied. The intraclass correlation coefficient shows that 20.4 percent of the variance in life satisfaction could be attributed to the country level, while 79.4 percent of the variance could be attributed to the individual level, which strongly suggests the necessity of multilevel modelling. Random intercept models with fixed slopes and random slopes models are applied and show a significant correlation between life satisfaction and household income, but the strength of the relationship seems to vary between income groups and between countries. Income inequality is suggested as a country level variable that could have a mediating effect on the life satisfaction-household income relationship. Income inequality seem to have a significant main effect on life satisfaction, while the validity of the cross-level interaction effect between income inequality and household income is questionable due to methodological considerations. The results strongly suggest that multilevel modelling is a promising approach to understanding the relationship between life satisfaction and income, and that household income matters for life satisfaction in most of the countries in the dataset. Implications of the results for research in the social sciences and psychology in particular is discussed, in addition to practical implications for public policy which aims to promote well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','haavard.thoen@gmail.com','2011-02-03 11:33:48','2011-06-29 20:46:35','','Waiting'),(626,'Social capital, innovation and growth: Evidence from Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates the interplay between social capital, innovation and per capita income growth in the European Union. We model and identify innovation as an important mechanism that transforms social capital into higher income levels. In an empirical investigation of 102 European regions in the period 1990–2002, we show that higher innovation performance is conducive to per capita income growth and that social capital affects this growth indirectly by fostering innovation. Our estimates suggest that there is no direct role for social capital to foster per capita income growth in our sample of European Union countries.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','semihakcomak@yahoo.com','2011-02-03 11:36:47','2011-02-04 16:18:48','','Waiting'),(627,'Does Mobility Matter for Attitudes to Europe? A Multi-level Analysis of Immigrants\' Attitudes to European Unification','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Support for Europe is largely argued to be based on the self-interest of individuals as well as being influenced by their national identity. Relatively little is known, however, about the attitudes of immigrants regarding Europe, although they form a growing part of the European population and are strongly affected by European policies. In this article, attitudes of immigrants towards European unification are analysed to determine how far they differ from the native population and between immigrants from different regions. The main theories on attitudes towards Europe would predict overall more positive attitudes. First, self-interest should lead migrants to evaluate Europe more favourably, as certain groups in particular have gained from it in the past mainly in terms of enhanced mobility and legal rights as immigrants, and can realistically expect to gain more in the future. Secondly, being an immigrant as opposed to a native citizen can be expected to have an impact on national identities, with the supranational level likely to be more attractive to people with multiple national affiliations. Findings confirm this, and highlight that migration status, region of origin and citizenship status are important predictors of attitudes. Furthermore, explanatory factors related to economic interests, which have been shown to be of major importance for natives, matter less for immigrants. It would appear that issues related to mobility and a less exclusively defined national identity may be of more importance for immigrants\' attitudes than socio-economic position.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article first published online : 17 JAN 2011','roedera@tcd.ie','2011-02-03 12:19:21','2011-02-04 16:28:41','','Waiting'),(628,'Relatively different? How do Gender Differences in Well-Being Depend on Paid and Unpaid Work in Europe?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Absolute as well as relative hours of paid and unpaid work may influence well-being. This study investigates whether absolute hours spent on paid work and housework account for the lower well-being among women as compared to men in Europe, and whether the associations between well-being and hours of paid work and housework differ by gender attitudes and social context. Attitudes towards women\'s and men\'s paid work and housework obligations may influence how beneficial or detrimental it is to spend time on these activities, as may social comparison of one’s own hours to the number of hours commonly spent among similar others. A group of 13,425 women and men from 25 European countries are analysed using country fixed-effects models. The results suggest that while men\'s well-being appears to be unaffected by hours of paid work and housework, women\'s well-being increases with increased paid working hours and decreases with increasing housework hours. Gender differences in time spent on paid work and housework account for a third of the European gender difference in well-being and are thus one reason that women have lower well-being than men have. Gender attitudes do not appear to modify the associations between hours and well-being, but there is a tendency for women\'s well-being to be higher the less housework they do compared to other women in the same family situation and country. However, absolute hours of paid work and housework appear to be more important to women\'s well-being than relative hours.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katarina.boye@sofi.su.se','2011-02-03 12:22:03','2011-02-04 16:59:30','','Waiting'),(629,'Work and Well-being in a Comparative Perspective – The Role of Family Policy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present study investigates whether associations between well-being and paid work and housework, respectively, differ between European family policy models, and whether any such differences can be attributed to differences in the experience of work–family conflict. Analysing data on mothers and fathers in 18 European countries, the study finds that the traditional family policy model shows the most positive association between women’s well-being and paid working hours, although this association is concealed by work–family conflict. Possibly, the selection into long paid working hours of women with rewarding jobs is greater here than elsewhere. Women’s housework hours are also most positively associated with well-being in the traditional model, although well-being decreases when housework hours become too long. In the market-oriented model, women’s paid working hours and housework hours are instead associated with decreasing well-being, the former association appearing to be caused by work–family conflict. The strongest positive association between men’s paid working hours and well-being is found in the market-oriented model, but again, control for work–family conflict reveals positive associations in this and other models. Hence, among both mothers and fathers, work–family conflict appears to be one important reason why paid working hours are not more clearly associated with high levels of well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katarina.boye@sofi.su.se','2011-02-03 12:27:09','2011-02-07 12:50:19','','Waiting'),(630,'Transitions to Adulthood','Transições para a idade adulta ',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter aims to clarify if the age norms to the transition to the so called “adulthood” deserve social acceptance. Supporting the idea of a social concordance are the traditional markers of transition to adulthood: the first work experience, leaving parent’s house, first conjugal experience, marriage or the parenthood. When Portugal sees itself at the mirror of Europe we verify that it is one of the countries with the largest percentage of young people (15-29 years) that never had a job experience (more than half of the respondents), but it is also the one where this experience occurs earlier. On the other hand, when we consider the markers of transitions to adulthood, Nordic countries stand out with a more extended transition time. Portugal is closer to the Nordic pattern, and more far away to the pattern of East-Europe countries where there is greater concomitance in the occurrence of the markers of transition to adulthood. That is, in East-Europe countries the first step to adulthood, generally the beginning of professional life, is immediately followed by other steps: leaving parent’s house, cohabitation or marriage and having children. In Nordic countries – but also in Portugal and other countries – the same steps take longer. Still, when the symbolic value of the markers is evaluated we verify that Portuguese people are the ones that most value the conjugality and the parenthood as a major marker of the transition to adulthood.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2011-02-03 13:18:19','2011-02-07 14:04:40','','Waiting'),(631,'Transitions to Old Age','Transições para a velhice ',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'When we question the perceptions of old age, the association between old age and the condition of being a grandparent is losing strength, certainly because of the larger life expectancy. Indeed, the main markers of transition to old age are the dependency of other people and physical debility. Longevity does not prevent, however, the Europeans to think that retirement at the age of 50 is acceptable, although they think that the age of 58 is the ideal one. Furthermore, the Europeans do not think that it is acceptable that people over 60 work 20 or more hours per week. However, one thing is what we ideally think and another is what really happens. This chapter also analyses how the place of the individual in the life course influences the valorization of the markers of transition to old age, the views about retirement age and, finally, the role of welfare state or the own tendency to make savings, in order to ensure a more peaceful old age. It is not by chance that in all countries the youngest respondents (15 to 29 years) are the ones that place closer both ages of retirement and of transition to old age, and the ones that tend to idealize early retirement ages. Do the elderly tend to run away from retirement as a death foretold or do they prolong the working years for economic reasons? Once again, what is the degree of dissonance between the ideal and the real? The chapter ends addressing the perception of respondents about old age and the adequacy of the protection and social security systems, as well as the individual responsibility facing the challenges that are waiting in the last phase of life.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2011-02-03 13:40:05','2011-02-07 14:05:05','','Waiting'),(632,'Chronologies of private life','Cronologias da vida privada ',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, attitudes concerning the age norms (ideal and prescriptive) that command the idealized organization of life phases are analysed. Along with the convergences, divergences were also found. The transitions to conjugality and family life can be grouped in different normative profiles, depending on their different shades: or more experimentalists or institutionalists, or more precocious or late. The results show significant differences between the ideal age to live certain events and the real age those events tend to be lived, and when we analyze the results concerning conjugality and family life, there are differences between the live courses of men and women. Although there is a certain convergence in gender when the ideal ages are analysed, in reality women tend to make the transition to conjugal life earlier. On the other hand, the correlation between the ideal and real age is affected by the respondent’s position in the life course. The younger one is, the bigger the propensity to postpone the ideal age of conjugal and family life transition, certainly because these youths are the one living or expecting the delay of the beginning of conjugal life. Even so, the “ideal” seems to fall behind the “real”: in Portugal, the ideal age to have a child is around 25 years, but the demographic statistics show that the mean age of the woman when her first child is born is higher (29 years in 2007). ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2011-02-03 14:05:21','2011-02-07 14:05:23','','Waiting'),(633,'Conjugality and Parenthood','Conjugalidade e parentalidade ',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, the attitudes regarding conjugality and parenthood are analysed. The results show that when the respondents are faced with the mirror of society they generally present themselves as more liberal. This is a result that accentuates the tension between a distant ideal (transposed to generalised others) and the own ideal (the one that each individual formulates in the context of his own circumstances).  Another dividing line is the one that opposes the more tolerant countries (Northern Europe) against the ones that assume more traditional positions (Eastern Europe). In an intermediate position, the Portuguese stand out as one of the countries more supportive of civil unions, even when children are born in these unions. Furthermore, the results show that more normative and standardised attitudes are supported by the respondents with more conservative political placements and more consistent religious insertions. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2011-02-03 14:16:45','2011-02-07 14:05:37','','Waiting'),(634,'Professional paths, work satisfaction and work motivations: Integrating career development models with occupation models','Percursos de vida profissional, satisfação e motivações perante o trabalho: integrando os modelos de desenvolvimento de carreiras com os modelos de ocupações profissionais ',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The satisfaction and motivation towards work are modified not only by the skills that one acquires through his life course but also by their dependency of the articulation between work roles and other social relations. Analysing a subsample of working individuals, the authors conclude that the learning opportunities and the satisfaction possibilities converge with the learning motivations especially in the initial phases of career and that the need to learn also stands out in the more qualified workers. Portugal is one of the countries where the need for learning is more frequently expressed. However, this predisposition can also be explained by the low qualification of Portuguese workers. Either way, and a bit paradoxically, the Portuguese workers distance themselves from those who express a low feeling of self-efficacy, which results in a brighter view of themselves and of their own personal future. However, this higher perception of self-efficacy is not translated into a feeling that their worth being is social acknowledged. The same happens in Eastern-Europe countries, while in the Scandinavian countries the opposite happens. Finally, the chapter points out the possibility that the recognition and the satisfaction with work is not independent of life experiences: a consolidated professional career facilitates a better integration of work and family, by means of a lower anxiety towards the expectations of progression, which translates into a higher satisfaction with the professional status.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2011-02-03 14:24:32','2011-02-07 14:07:50','','Waiting'),(635,'Life cycles and life attitudes: life satisfaction, religiousness and social nets','Ciclos de vida e atitudes perante a vida: satisfação com a vida, religiosidades e redes de relações sociais ',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, different positions in the life course are considered to analyse attitudes toward life in four dimensions: satisfaction with life, religiosity, sociability and community involvement. One of the results that stands out is the high position occupied by the Portuguese in the domain of sociability. However, taking into account that this indicator aggregates not only friendships but also family relations, we should consider that this result is due to the solid family roots within the Portuguese society. Crossing the dimensions in analysis we find three “Europes”: one Europe satisfied with life, involved with the community and moderately religious and sociable; one Europe markedly religious, moderately satisfied with life and with weak community involvement; and one sociable Europe, moderately religious and moderately involved with community. Portuguese citizens are included in the last group, due to their high sociability. If we consider the age differences, we verify that the sociability decreases with age and that the inverse happens with religiosity. The satisfaction with life tends to decrease until midlife (and then becomes stable), while the involvement with the community is stronger in the intermediate age groups. Two last findings worth of notice are that the single and married persons are more satisfied with life than the widows and divorced ones; and that the higher the income, the higher the satisfaction with life, contradicting the idea that “happiness can not be bought”.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2011-02-03 15:12:15','2011-02-07 14:08:10','','Waiting'),(636,'Timings and markers of life and social capital','Tempos e marcadores de vida e capital social ',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter analyses the role of life cycle and life time in the formation of social capital. At the same time, it is analysed the influence of social capital in the respondent’s perception of trust in the future, social discrimination and political efficacy. To evaluate social capital, three components are considered: institutional trust, interpersonal trust and mutual help/associativism. However, the authors enriched the analysis by considering de effects of the GDP in the social capital components. The countries with higher GDP are the ones with higher institutional trust, interpersonal trust and tendency to associativism and mutual help. Since Portugal is in the group of countries with lower GDP, it is not surprising that it is relatively dispossessed of social capital. This influence of GDP is supported by individual variables that when considered at an aggregate level, are not unrelated to the capacity of production of a country. Then, it is not surprising that respondents with higher levels of education and higher income are the ones that manifest more trust in the country’s institutions. Family and professional relations are also important variables in institutional trust: the unemployed and those in a situation of conjugal rupture are the ones that show less trust in institutions. The authors raise the question whether social cohesion can be dependent of the same factors of social capital. And since the trust in the future seems also to be dependent of social capital, the authors predict a generation of change in the more educated Portuguese youth.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2011-02-03 16:55:53','2011-02-07 14:08:34','','Waiting'),(637,'Personal Values and Public Opinion','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objective: Social science considers values a key motivator of human behavior, yet studies of values in public opinion have tended to focus on more limited political values. I investigate how a general theory of human values (Schwartz, 1992) shapes public opinion. In one dimension, individuals are motivated by a desire for independent thought and action versus conformity to traditional social norms; in the second, individuals are motivated by a desire to care for others versus control or achieve superior social status over them.\n\nMethods: Statistical analysis of the European Social Survey, nationally representative surveys in 15 western European nations.\n\nResults: Human values are systematically related to a citizen\'s left-right self-identification, displaying appropriate sensitivity to party system context in Scandinavia, and explaining attitudes toward ethnic minority immigration, even when controlling for reasonable alternate explanations.\n\nConclusion: Personal values along these two dimensions of social conflict merit further attention as sources of public opinion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article first published online: 15 OCT 2009','kilburnw@mail.gvsu.edu','2011-02-03 19:05:49','2011-02-07 13:02:27','','Waiting'),(638,'From prejudice to discrimination: The legitimizing role of perceived threat in discrimination against immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research analyses the mediational role of threat perception in the relationship between prejudice and discrimination(opposition to immigration and opposition to naturalization of immigrants). In the first study, using representative samples in 21 European countries (N=36 566) from European Social Survey (2002), we showed that the relationship between prejudice and opposition to immigration was more strongly mediated by realistic than by symbolic threat perceptions. In Study 2, using representative samples in two countries with different traditions of immigration (Switzerland, N=940;Portugal, N=1514), we showed that realistic threat more strongly mediated the relationship between prejudice and opposition to immigration, while only symbolic threat perception mediated the link between prejudice and opposition to naturalization. The theoretical implications of considering threat perceptions as factors that legitimize discrimination are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online 20 November 2009','alice.ramos@ics.ul.pt','2011-02-08 19:15:39','2011-02-09 11:24:35','','Waiting'),(639,'How important is security in the choice of employment?  Evidence from European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Is job security important for workers when choosing a job? Using comparative data among 18 European countries, this paper investigates the influence of job security in the choice of employment. Our empirical analysis evidences significant cross-country differences in the importance attributed to job security, which is influenced by both individual and employment characteristics. When comparing the perceived job security and its importance in the choice of employment, we find that temporary workers are less sensitive to job security when choosing their job.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online 22 February 2011','fsalladarre@yahoo.fr','2011-02-09 14:18:59','2011-02-28 14:57:42','','Waiting'),(640,'Styrian Health Report 2010','Gesundheitsbericht 2010 für die Steiermark',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Styrian Health Report 2010 is the first generel health report based on the Styrian Health Targets which have been developed in 2007. They consist of three targets and three principles, one of them is: working together for a healthier life. ESS data was used for this specific chapter.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','elisabeth.wieseneder@fh-joanneum.at','2011-02-11 11:38:36','2011-02-14 12:02:13','','Waiting'),(641,'Too Many Immigrants? The Consequences of Foreign Born Population Innumeracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Arizona’s SB 1070 anti-illegal immigrant measure and electoral successes of anti-immigrant political parties in Europe are recent examples of the power of anti-immigrant sentiment among citizens. Researchers identify increasing immigrant population size and poor economic conditions as explaining the rise in negative attitudes toward immigrant populations.  While these factors are important, individuals frequently perceive minority populations to be much larger than their true size. Little is understood about the consequences of this phenomenon, known as innumeracy.  Drawing from the 2002 European Social Survey, this study addresses the connection between exclusionary policy preferences and both innumeracy and a subjective analog to poor economic conditions.  Results indicate that both are associated with increased exclusionary attitudes.  Among hypothesized explanations, neutral cognitive factors provide no explanatory power, while emotional controls account for much of these associations.  However, contrary to existing studies, a direct association between innumeracy and exclusionism remains net of all controls, suggesting that innumeracy is more consequential than initially thought.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','deherda@ucdavis.edu','2011-02-14 20:26:43','2011-02-14 20:26:43','','Waiting'),(642,'Processing, Archiving and Dissemination of ESS data. The Work of the Norwegian Social Science Data Services','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ever since the advent of the social science data archive movement, the work to reduce financial, technical, legal and administrative barriers between users and data resources has been a recurring theme, indeed a driving force behind the development of many of these institutions. Deploying a data life cycle approach, this article is an attempt to illustrate how the endeavour to reduce these barriers is tackled in the context of the biannual European Social Survey (ESS). The authors argue that the ESS’ organisational structure, in which the Central Coordinating Team constitutes the backbone, is an important factor in overcoming barriers previously caused by lack of standardisation and harmonisation in cross-national surveys of this kind. Moreover, the introduction of cutting-edge data access arrangements, has lowered the legal and institutional barriers between ESS data producers and users substantially. This includes giving users without access to more sophisticated statistical packages the opportunity to browse and analyse data through the online data distribution tool Nesstar. However, the authors also suggest that the cumulative nature of surveys such as the ESS, poses a counterforce to the process of reducing barriers, challenging the data archives to seek new ways of improving the structure and design of their main dissemination channels. The authors are all involved in the ESS at the Norwegian Social Science Data Services (NSD). NSD is one of the seven scientific partners in the project and has served as data archive for the ESS since its inception.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kirstine.kolsrud@nsd.uib.no','2011-02-18 12:14:32','2011-03-17 14:06:02','','Waiting'),(643,'Satisficing Among Reluctant Respondents in a Cross-National Context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Higher response rates are commonly assumed to be associated with higher survey quality. Nevertheless, increasing response rates without attention to response quality may result in an increase of measurement error if it is associated with reluctance to participate in surveys. This article examines the nature of the relationship between reluctance and response quality. The question is studied in a cross-national context using data from the European Social Survey, Round 3, conducted in 2006–2007. Hypotheses are tested separately and compared across four countries: Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. A measure of response quality, satisficing, is developed through latent class analysis using the indicators of ‘‘don’t know,’’ straight-lining, inconsistent, and ‘‘extreme þ middle’’ responses. To explore the relationship between the latent variables of reluctance and satisficing, before and after controlling for cognitive ability, structural equation modeling is used. The findings suggest that the relationship between reluctance and response quality is present but spurious, being completely explained by cognitive ability. The observed effects are not only consistent but also invariant in their magnitudes across the countries. The implications of this study for future data collection are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2011-02-25 15:28:26','2011-02-25 15:30:37','','Waiting'),(644,'Measurement and adjustment of non-response bias based on non-response surveys: the case of Belgium and Norway in the European Social Survey Round 3','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In earlier rounds of the European Social Survey, non-response bias was studied by using population statistics and call record information (para data). In the third round, a new feature was introduced: two kinds of non-respondent surveys were set up using a short list of questions which were designed to study non-response bias. In Belgium, a very short questionnaire was offered to all refusals at the doorstep (doorstep questions survey, DQS). In Norway and two other countries, somewhat longer versions of the basic questionnaire were oered to all main survey non-respondents and to samples of respondents (non-response survey, NRS). Logistic regression models were applied in order to estimate response propensities. This paper shows that propensity score weighting adjustment of non-response bias, on the basis of key sociodemographic and attitudinal variables, is eective for most demographic and non-demographic variables in both Belgium and Norway. Application of the weighting procedure balances the samples of cooperative respondents and non-respondents according to the key variables studied since systematic dierences between cooperative respondents and non-respondents have disappeared.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Hideko.Matsuo@soc.kuleuven.be','2011-02-25 15:44:01','2011-02-25 15:46:12','','Waiting'),(645,'Socio-Economic Differentiation of Population: a Comparative Analysis of Russia and Europe','Характер социально-экономической дифференциации населения: сравнительный анализ России и Европы',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It has been a rather long sustained tradition in comparative studies of social stratification to rely on categories and concepts, which have been introduced by Western sociologists and which are appropriate for developed and modernizing countries. The article provides an attempt to establish whether such universalistic approaches to stratification are actually sufficient for explaining real inequalities between countries, which may develop along different paths (as is getting more or less obvious in the case of post-socialist development).\n\nIn our earlier collaborate study with professor O. Shkaratan we have already provided some theoretical and empirical justifications in favor of a particular character of social and economic differentiation in contemporary Russia. By looking at the process of structuration and reproduction of homogenous social groups we have established that they are more likely to resemble estates (originating from power/authority ranks) rather than classes (based on differences in market situation). A possible explanation for this is that Russia has not given up its statist tradition in social and economic development, and that it has further shifted away from developing a Western type of capitalism. However, to claim so, we had to provide further credibility for this argument by looking at these findings from comparative perspective, i.e. we had to establish whether similar hierarchies can be observed in the neighboring (geographically as well as historically) post-socialist countries, and whether they are less likely to dominate among the Western developed countries.\n\nUsing the empirical data from the European Social Survey (Round 3, 2006) I show that there is a far stronger degree of matching between individual occupation, education and income in better developed European countries than is observed among the post-socialist states. To emphasize this finding I also look at the differences in patterns of intergenerational mobility, according to which the post-socialist societies are far less mobile and \'meritocratic\' than their Western counterparts. The main theoretical argument behind this, I suggest, is the incompatibility of modern \'capitalistic\' institutions, such as private property and market, with historical and cultural contexts of development in post-socialist countries. To test this argument I develop the corresponding scale and superpose it with my empirical findings. From this point of view Russia is regarded as one of the most unsuccessful cases of transformation, since the initial conditions of its social change were less consistent with the logic of Western modernization than in any other post-socialist European country. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alexandra_z@bk.ru','2011-03-14 09:17:44','2013-04-19 18:00:57','','Waiting'),(646,'Globalization and poverty','Глобализация и Бедность',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Poverty - one of the global challenges.  It will take the international community more than a decade to seek for the answer to this problem. Poverty is the primary cause or a concomitant, an aggravating factor of many other global problems, which complicates their decision. At the same time it is a product of several factors operating at the global level. \nPoverty is projected on the economy, social relations, politics, culture, directly affects such basic characteristics of a person\'s life, as health and education. It is important to understand what poverty is in recent decades, what will happen to it in the near future.  Will its scope change or not, and if so, where and how? The discussion of these issues formed the basis of the article. \n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alexandra_z@bk.ru','2011-03-14 13:49:56','2013-02-07 10:01:53','','Waiting'),(647,'Tolerance as a Call of Modernity: Religious Foundations of Identity in Russia and Europe','Толерантность как требование современности: религиозные основания идентичности в России и Европе',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the given article are considered the issues of influence of current state of religiousness in Russia and Europe on socio-political realities. The stress is made on a problem of actualization of religion as a basis of cultural-civilization identity that demanded new political strategies. These strategies are necessary based on the principle of tolerance. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alexandra_z@bk.ru','2011-03-15 09:06:57','2013-02-07 14:44:38','','Waiting'),(648,'Religious identity in modern social and political processes in Europe and Russia','Религиозная  идентичность в современных социально-политических процессах в России и Европе',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article considers the questions connected with the role of religion in contemporary socio-political processes in Russia and in Europe. The main emphasis is laid on the problem of the actualization of the religion as the basis of the cultural-civilized identity, which requires political strategies, first of all on the basis of the principals of tolerance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alexandra_z@bk.ru','2011-03-15 14:30:08','2011-03-22 14:57:25','','Waiting'),(649,'\"Conservation - Openness to change” values and innovation network institutions ','Ценности «сохранение – открытость изменениям» и сетевые инновационные институты',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is based on several studies, both Russian and international. The author examines to what extent Russian society tends to preserve traditional values, and to what extent it is open to change. \nIt is shown that Russians can be characterized by tolerant combination of different cultural types of values - traditional, universal and modern. The author revealed the differentiation of population value orientations along the axis \"conservation - an openness to change.\" He also demonstrated that in respect to the innovation activity Russians quite fit into the European picture, that’s why the problems of modernization are not in the culture, but in the network of innovative institutions. \n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Journal name: Social Sciences and Modernity\nPrint ISSN 0869-0499 \nIssue: 5','alexandra_z@bk.ru','2011-03-28 08:35:35','2011-03-28 14:51:11','','Waiting'),(650,'Basic Human Values: Comparison of Russians and Inhabitants of Other European countries','Базовые ценности населения: сравнение россиян с жителями других европейских стран',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of the study - to identify similarities and differences between the basic values of Russian and European population. \nCross-country similarities and differences between values were determined in two ways: by comparing aggregate indicators (country-wide averages), and by comparing the in-country distributions of values indicators in different countries. \nGreater caution and more marked value of protection from the strong state is typical of average Russian in comparison with the residents of most other European countries.\nHe also expressed weaker value of novelty, creativity, freedom and independence and less inherent risk appetite, the desire for fun and pleasure. He strongly expressed the desire for wealth and power, for personal success and social recognition. Strong focus on personal self-affirmation leaves in the mind of this man less room for care about justice and equality in the country and in the world, for tolerance, for concern over nature and environment, than in the mind of average European.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alexandra_z@bk.ru','2011-03-28 15:47:08','2011-03-29 12:33:47','','Waiting'),(651,'Basic Human Values of Russians and Other Europeans (The Results of 2008 Surveys) ','Базовые ценности россиян и других европейцев (по материалам опросов 2008 года)',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The authors rely mainly on the data from the fourth round of the European Social Survey held in 2008 in their comparison between the Russian basic values and the values of the 31 other European countries as measured by Schwartz Portrait Values Questionnaire. The authors start from comparing country averages. Then they compare Russia with the other countries taking into account internal country value diversity. And finally they refine cross-country value comparisons taking the advantage of the multiple regression analysis. As revealed from the study there are important value barriers to the Russian economy and society progress and well targeted cultural policy is needed to promote necessary value changes. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alexandra_z@bk.ru','2011-03-28 15:51:45','2011-03-29 12:38:02','','Waiting'),(652,'Russia in Europe: on the base of data from international sociological project «European Social Survey»','Россия в Европе: по материалам международного  социологического проекта «Европейское социальное исследование»',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Collective monograph devoted to the analysis of the modern Russian society, its main social characteristics, values and structural features of Russia in comparison with other European countries. This analysis is based on sociological data from the European Social Survey - ESS) - an international comparative project in the field of science. The study is held every two years and is by far the most authoritative source of information about the dynamics and motion vectors of European societies in the whole space to the Kuril Islands. The monograph presents the first wave of ESS in Russia, conducted in 2006 (in Europe, the study began in 2002). Chapters of the book written by Russian scientists from different fields of social sciences, and reflect current knowledge on a number of key areas of sociological research. The monograph provides an opportunity to obtain a comprehensive understanding of social processes in Russia compared to other, close and distant, European countries, to determine Russia\'s place in the European family of nations on a variety of social, economic, political, demographic, psychological indicators. For researchers and university professors, employees of government and businessmen, journalists, students and graduate students, and anyone interested in the development of Russian society and international comparative social science research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Edited by A. Andreenkova and L. Belyeva','alexandra-z@bk.ru','2011-03-28 16:30:44','2011-04-19 11:27:26','','Waiting'),(653,'Socio-Economic Classification Models and Contextual Difference: The \'European Socio-economic Classes\' (ESeC) from a South European Angle','Socio-Economic Classification Models and Contextual Difference: The \'European Socio-economic Classes\' (ESeC) from a South European Angle',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper provides a critical overview of a new socio-economic classification model, the ‘European Socio-economic Classes’ (ESeC), which aspires to become the classification standard for the European Union (EU). After a brief presentation of its basic features and theoretical foundation, the paper focuses on the compatibility of this model with the South European context. The main issue is that the central classifying principle of the model is the Goldthorpian employment relation, while a substantial part of the active population in Southern Europe is outside the scope of this principle, either because they have no employee status or because they are operating within small firms where internal hierarchies are very limited. The conclusion discusses the dilemma between the adoption of a relatively inappropriate classification standard and the prolongation of the current lack of such a standard for the EU.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maloutas@ekke.gr','2011-04-06 20:24:06','2011-04-07 14:04:49','','Waiting'),(654,'The rejection of the \'other\' as a way to deal with \'otherness\'. Analysis of ESS data for Europe and Greece','Η απόρριψη του \"άλλου\" ως τρόπος αντιμετώπισης της ετερότητας. Επεξεργασία δεδομένων της Ευρωπαϊκής Κοινωνικής Έρευνας για την Ευρώπη και την Ελλάδα',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper discusses rejection as a way to deal with ‘otherness’, starting by the rather high reluctance to have the ‘other’ as a neighbour accompanied by the sociodemographic, ideological and political profiles of groups who usually express such attitudes. The rejection rationale is subsequently distinguished into different types according to the ‘threat’ instigated by the ‘other’s’ presence (threat to the socio-economic position of lower social strata, threat to middle class security, threat to the homogeneity of the local community/society); the rejection level is calculated for the different countries in the sample and for each type of threat, and a broad correlation is attempted between rejection level and welfare regime. The paper finally turns to the exceptionally high rejection scores in Greece. Comparative calculations show that most features that are usually positively correlated with rejection (old age, low household income, political self positioning on the Right, low education level) cannot be held responsible for Greek high scores, with the exception of religious feeling. The authors conclude that strong religious feeling and rejection of the ‘other’ become highly correlated in Greece due to the important interweaving of the former with nationalist values and attitudes rather than with any other religion paraphernalia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maloutas@ekke.gr','2011-04-06 21:54:51','2011-04-08 09:43:08','','Waiting'),(655,'A new paradigme of comparative politics and sociology','Ένα νέο παράδειγμα συγκριτικής πολιτικής και κοινωνιολογίας',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey may be conceived as the new form of the comparative-empirical social theory, in an era of rapid change and internationalization of the social fabric. In this context, the ESS is considered as a part of the historical tradition associated with the sociological empiricism and, at the same time, as a “Novum Organum” for the comparative study of mass attitudes, beliefs and values in the European countries. Searching for the novelty, as a conditio sine qua non in the la modernity, the ESS has elaborated a new project –operational, methodological and theoretical– for the social science surveys, integrating the rich legacy in ideas and concepts, which have shaped the development of the socio-political research the last decades.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','t.kafet@uop.gr','2011-04-08 13:57:36','2011-04-11 11:18:35','','Waiting'),(656,'Greece Seen at the Mirror of Europe. National Political Cultural Trends and Globalization','Η Ελλάδα στον καθρέφτη της Ευρώπης Εθνικές πολιτικές - πολιτισμικές τάσεις και παγκοσμιοποίηση',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article\'s aim is to contribute to the understanding of the politico-cultural attitudes in today\'s Greece. The article is based on the results of the European Social Survey. Its first part is a comparative one: The attitudes and value orientations of the Greeks are compared to those of the citizens of other European nations (the comparisons were conducted by using the principal component analysis). It emerges that the Greeks tend to adopt rather conservative positions on most issues and that their distance from the values of individual autonomy, \"openness\" and change is clearly greater than that of other Europeans. In the second part of the paper, the analysis focuses on the national sample. First, the influence of the self-placement on the left-right spectrum and of several socio-demographic variables on the value systems prevailing in Greece is investigated. Subsequently, the method of cluster analysis is used to classify the Survey respondents into groups according to the configuration of their values and the specific characteristics of each group are examined. Then, the quantitative - statistical findings are being interpreted by means of an historical  polilico-sociological analysis that attempts to relate the influence of the general tranformations taking place in the globalisation era to that of the specifically national cultural trends. Finally, the paper proposes an analysis of the values and attitudes of today\'s Greeks in the light of the evolution of the collective belief systems in the post-junta period. The significance of the changes in the political and cultural attitudes that have taken place during that period emerges quite clearly.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ivoul@panteion.gr','2011-04-08 14:06:50','2011-04-11 11:19:29','','Waiting'),(657,'Greek adolescents\' national identity: between the subversive and the familiar ','Έλληνες έφηβοι και εθνικός εαυτός: Ανάμεσα στην ανατροπή και την εξασφάλιση του οικείου',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'«Youth and History: A Comparative European Survey on Historical Consciousness and Political Attitudes among Adolescents” (1994-1995) and European Social Survey (2003) were conducted ten years apart. This paper compares the values, representations, cultural and political beliefs of Greek adolescents as they emerged from the two studies. There are great similarities in the responses. The youths appear to distrust politics, stress law and order, trust the laws and the police and turn towards religion. However, on the one hand they appear to be conservative, ethnocentric and xenophobic  whereas on the other they believe in social justice, in sexual freedom and in democratic institutions. The responses are discussed in the light of the notion of modernity and of the developmental phase of adolescence. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','drathal@ath.forthnet.gr','2011-04-08 14:13:25','2011-04-11 11:20:19','','Waiting'),(658,'Church attendance, religiosity and praying: an asymptotic relationship',' Εκκλησιασμός, θρησκευτικότητα και προσευχή: μια ασύμπτωτη σχέση',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses the manifestations of religious expression and behaviour in 19 countries that participated in the ESS research. \nThe starting point of our analyses is the hypothesis that, in societies of late modernity, the most important of these manifestations (church attendance, religious faith, praying) do not correlate, but are quite irrelevant from one another. To put it another way, there is a loose relation between the religions in the holy texts and canons on the one hand, and the way people actually believe and practise. Testing our hypothesis with the data provided by the ESS, we find out that it is confirmed as a main trend. Therefore, we observe that among the 19 countries, there is a high, widely spread religiosity, which however is a lot wider than the level of religious practise and worship. The data we use do not manifest whether the observed religiosity is dogmatically entrenched. Nevertheless, we find out that church attendance and praying do not exactly express this religiosity. Thus, we explain the fact that in these 19 countries, those who describe themselves as religious (83,8%) are indeed more than those who regularly attend mass (62,8%) and pray (58,2%). \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','v_georgiadou@hotmail.com','2011-04-08 14:22:42','2011-04-11 11:20:49','','Waiting'),(659,'Crisis of representation, neo-hellenic differentialism and citizenship','Κρίση της αντιπροσώπευσης, Νεοελληνικός διαφορισμός και ιδιότητα του πολίτη',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article, based on several indicators of the European Social Survey (ESS), states that during the latest years in Greece, we have been witnesses of an atypical political representation crisis, as well as of a disseminated, though not structured, neo-hellenic differentialism, whose basis is the domination of an ethnic conception regarding the citizenship, which articulated via an orthodoxe reapproach to religion, of wider parts of society. In this framework, the basic requirement that still remains, is the emergence of a democratical citizenship.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','andreaspantazopoulos@hotmail.com','2011-04-08 14:31:53','2011-04-11 11:21:39','','Waiting'),(660,'Political cynicism, political participation and the media: A comparative analysis','Πολιτικός κυνισμός, πολιτική συμμετοχή και ΜΜΕ. Μια συγκριτική ανάλυση',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on the ESS, this paper controls for the three main theories concerning the impact of television on political participation and (dis)trust towards political system and political personnel, i.e.  the limited effects model, the video malaise, and the cognitive mobilization theory. Research material comes from four European countries with different patterns of television political use: The Netherlands, Finland, Italy and Greece. Using regression analysis data are analyzed comparatively alongside two constructed variables, “political participation” and “political cynicism”. It was found that there are certain similarities between the Netherlands and Finland, on the one hand, and between Italy and Greece on the other. Also, on a more abstract level, the paper concludes that the theory of cognitive mobilization is confirmed, the limited  effects model is not confirmed and that the theory of video malaise is not confirmed as well.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vpapliakou@ekke.gr','2011-04-08 14:38:47','2011-04-11 11:22:24','','Waiting'),(661,'Facets of Development of Social Capital in Greece','Όψεις συγκρότησης του κοινωνικού κεφαλαίου στην Ελλάδα',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The first section of the paper presents a review of the theories regarding the social capital as well as the various approaches concerning collective social action in postmodern societies. It also refers to the causes that worked against to the development of a civil society in Greece. \n	In the second section the results of the European Social Survey concerning the development of social capital in Greece are analyzed. Participation in NGOs, sociability, mutual assistance, trust to people and institutions as well as the attitudes and perceptions with respect to politics and political parties are examined as parameters that contribute to the development of social capital. \n	Although, as it is widely acknowledged, the social capital is not sufficiently developed in Greece -due to the omnipotence of the political parties and their clientelist networks- from the analysis of the results of the survey, it is entailed the emergence of some differentiations that signify a tendency of change. The research data indicate that there is a gradual increase of people, mainly young, well-educated and of political centre-wing ideology, who participate in the NGOs. This tendency in correlation to the informal forms of social solidarity that have never stopped being observed in the social relations of Greeks lead us to the conclusion that Greece is entering into a new phase of redefinition of the political participation. The latter, for a part of the citizenry, takes place outside the traditional political parties and the organizations that indirectly channel them. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vpapliakou@ekke.gr','2011-04-08 14:47:16','2011-04-11 11:24:34','','Waiting'),(662,' Social capital in Greece in comparative perspective: a brief theoretical analysis and empirical documentation on the basis of the European Social Survey”','To κοινωνικό κεφάλαιο στην Ελλάδα σε συγκριτική προοπτική: Σύντομη θεωρητική επισκόπηση και ανάλυση αποτελεσμάτων από την Ευρωπαική Κοινωνική Έρευνα',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Even compared to other South European societies, social capital in Greece is low. This is more evident in the case of interpersonal trust than in trust towards institutions. Greeks show more trust toward the army, the police and the law, than to the parliament, the political class, the public administration and the corporate sector. If trust towards the parliament and the public administration is low, the chances to improve on administrative efficiency and to make democracy more substantive are low. However, social capital by itself does not present a full picture of society. In Greece, political party competition, social class conflict, Europeanization and the influence of mass media are variables which have an impact on social capital and conversely are influenced by it.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dsotirop@pspa.uoa.gr','2011-04-08 14:56:09','2011-04-11 11:25:11','','Waiting'),(663,'Data and methodological concerns upon investigations of the “fear of crime”','O \"φόβος του εγκλήματος\": δεδομένα και μεθοδολογικά παραλειπόμενα',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent years have witnessed a renewed and increased interest from academics and policy markers in research upon the fear of crime, which has grown substantially. From this very inception this field has relied almost exclusively upon quantative surveys which have suggested that the fear of crime is a social phenomenon of striking dimensions. However doubts about the very nature of the instruments used to investigate this phenomenon have cumulatively raised the possibility that the fear of crime has been significantly misrepresented. In this paper it is attempted- on the basis of the ESS data related to the investigation of the fear of crime- to review certain doubts surrounding the validity of the instruments used to generate these findings and identify certain methodological concerns at the epistemological, conceptual, operational and technical levels associated with the quantitative investigation of the fear of crime in general. The objective is to contribute to the scientific debate with suggestions for future fear of crime surveys in the light of the ESS data. \n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jtsiganou@ekke.gr','2011-04-11 12:42:32','2011-04-12 12:02:07','','Waiting'),(664,'Equal treatment of people: from rhetoric to reality','Η ισοτιμία των ανθρώπων: Από τη ρητορεία στην πράξη',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Looking at the European Social Survey results concerning human values, we see that the value of equal treatment of people all over the world, ranks highly within the Greek society. A clear majority (84.1%) of the Greek public believes that is important every person in the world to be treated equally and have equal opportunities in life. From the perspective of a human rights culture, such a strong consensus among the Greek citizens in favour of equal treatment of all people, should be linked not only to a formal but to a substantive equality of treatment in the enjoyment of rights and freedoms, without discrimination on any ground such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, the rise of such a value seems conducive to increasing tolerance of diversity and could be interpreted as implying that the public of the Greek society tends to be more tolerant towards “aliens” who live in the country. This assumption has not been confirmed by other Survey findings on public beliefs towards immigrants and refugees in Greece. Within the traditional Greek framework, this prima facie discrepancy between the two sets of Survey data that is the significance of the value of equal treatment all over the world on the one hand and the discriminatory beliefs of the Greek public towards foreigners on the other, is not a double standard, but a unified cultural system that can rather be explained in terms of traditional cultural patterns, still persisting in modern Greece, which preclude the notion of individuality or equality in terms of human rights and determine the Greek review of the world and its universal values.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','cvarouxi@ekke.gr','2011-04-11 12:46:51','2011-04-12 12:05:41','','Waiting'),(665,'Effects of Interviewer Experience on Components of Nonresponse in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The authors analyze interviewer-related nonresponse differences in face-to-face surveys, distinguishing three types of interviewers: those who have previous experience with the same high standard cross-sectional survey (‘‘experienced’’), those who were chosen by the survey agency to complete refusal conversions (‘‘seniors’’), and usual interviewers. The nonresponse components are obtaining household contact, target person contact, and target person cooperation. In addition, the authors consider whether interviewer homogeneity with respect to these components is different across the three interviewer groups. Data come from the European Social Survey (ESS) contact forms from four countries that participated in the rounds of 2002, 2004, and 2006 and used the same survey agency that, in turn, used the same interviewers to some extent. To analyze interviewer effects, the authors use discrete two-level models. The authors find some evidence of better performance by both senior and experienced interviewers and indications of greater homogeneity for nonresponse components, especially for those with room for improvement. Surprisingly, the senior interviewers do not outperform the experienced ones. The authors conclude that survey agencies should make more efforts to decrease the comparatively high interviewer turnover.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','oliver.lipps@fors.unil.ch','2011-04-12 17:09:12','2011-04-13 14:15:50','','Waiting'),(666,'Education and the Zeitgeist: government positions and public opinion on income distribution','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite a sizable literature on the elite mass linkage, few of these studies are cross-national. In this paper, I apply multilevel ordered logit models to investigate public opinion toward redistribution in 23 European countries. I test whether these views depend on: (1) the policies of the government (i.e. the bandwagon effect) and (2) personal interest, as indicated by income and education. Briefly, the bandwagon effect appears when people\'s perception of strong support for one line of thinking leads to their adopting this reasoning. The self-interest argument states that those who would benefit from a redistributive policy are likely to support it. In addition, I argue that higher education has a dual nature, consisting of an interest in providing one\'s own self-interest as well as a critical thinking component. Elite opinion is quantified from the party manifestos of incumbent parties and tested against data from the European Social Survey. I find no significant direct effect of political elite views on public opinion. On the other hand, there is strong support for the self-interest argument, and yet the rightist tendency for higher educated persons is significantly smaller if their government is economically conservative. This finding is attributed to the critical thinking argument as well as to the reasoning that higher education makes people better able to filter political information, thus countering the bandwagon effect.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','tor.g.jakobsen@hist.no','2011-04-15 01:54:59','2011-04-15 11:03:52','','Waiting'),(667,'International comparison of basic values of Russian population and dynamics of socialization processes','Международные сравнения базовых ценностей российского населения и динамика процессов социализации ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper tries to unhide the value differences between Soviet and Post-Soviet Russian genereations. The direct contrasting of the two cohorts\' values is a mixture of life cycle and generation specificity, so we employed a comparative value measures to leave out the life cycle effects. The assumpstion is that the life cycle and its influence on the basic values is approximately the same in all European countries. The young Russians (15-23 y.o.) are compared to other Europeans of the same age, and the elder Russians (62+) are compared to the other European of the same age as well. Russian youth comparing to the European ones emphasizes Self-Enhancement values. Otherwise, Russian elderly comparing to the European one, emphasizes Conservation. Using these comparative measures authors conclude that the Soviet Russian society, comparing to the contemporary one, was more likely to shape Conservation and Self-Transcendence values, and contemporary Russian society is more likely to raise in people values of Opennes to change and Self-Enhancement.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is available online http://bit.ly/g5UwpS','maksim.rudnev@gmail.com','2011-04-17 12:35:26','2011-04-18 15:49:10','','Waiting'),(669,'Similarities and Dissimilarities of Basic Human Values of Russians and other Europeans: Cross-national and Individual Comparisons','Сходства и отличия жизненных ценностей россиян и других европейцев: межстрановые и межиндивидуальные сравнения ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The authors rely mainly on the data from the fourth round of the European Social Survey held in 2008 in their comparison between the Russian values measured by the Schwartz value questions and the values of the 31 other European countries. An average Russian as compared to the average citizen of many other countries attaches higher importance to the values of Security and lower importance to the Openness to change values like Stimulation (novelty and risk-seeking), Hedonism and Self-direction. Compared to most of the other Europeans the average Russian attaches extremely high importance to the Self-Enhancement values and extremely low importance to the values of Self-Transcendence. \n	Going down from the country to the individual level the authors classify all the European respondents studied into 4 clusters. This classification demonstrates that each cluster includes the inhabitants of all the countries studied as well as each country has the members of all the clusters in its population. The majority of the Russian respondents settled down in the two clusters in which ones the post-communist countries are overrepresented. Still there are two Russian minorities sharing the values atypical for the Russian population. \nThe regression analysis has demonstrated that the values studied differ in their sensitivity to the between-country variation. The “Self–Transcendence – Self–Enhancement” values are more influenced by this between-country variation than “Openness to Change – Conservation” values. The latter are more dependent on age and other socio-demographic variables which variance extends both within and between countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maksim.rudnev@gmail.com','2011-04-17 13:03:07','2011-04-19 09:25:38','','Waiting'),(670,'Religious Involvement: Its Relation to Values and Social Attitudes: A Simultaneous Test of Measurement and Structural Models Across European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite clear tendencies towards more secular societies, religion continues to play an important role in contemporary European societies. Previous research has evidenced that religion structures individual value and attitude patterns. At the same time, religiosity is not evenly spread across the population, so that religion operates as an important intermediary variable between social structure, on the one hand, and value and attitude patterns, on the other. \nThis study is focused on the interplay between social structure, religiosity, values and social attitudes. Using European Social Survey (round 2) data, these relations are compared across 25 different European countries. Our study provides an example of how multigroup structural equation modelling (MGSEM) can be used in comparative research. MGSEM makes it possible to test the cross-cultural comparability of the measurement scales and to estimate structural relations simultaneously.\n In the vast majority of the countries, religious involvement is found to be positively related to conservation and self-transcendence values. At the same time, religiosity turns out to foster social and political trust and to temper perceptions of ethnic threat in most countries (although some notable exceptions are found, such as Greece). The relation between socio-demographic variables and religious involvement is shown to depend on the degree to which societies have become secular. In highly religious countries, social structure influences to a larger extent whether individual become religiously involved than in more secular countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2011-04-22 17:20:21','2011-04-26 11:38:45','','Waiting'),(671,'Perceived Economic Threat and Anti-immigration Attitudes: Effects of Immigrant Group Size and Economic Conditions Revisited','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter demonstrates how two-level data may be used to assess context effects on anti-immigration attitudes. By doing this, the chapter proposes some refinements to existing theories on anti immigrant sentiments and an alternative to the classical multilevel analysis: Multi Group Confirmatory Factor Analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Bart.meuleman@soc.kuleuven.be','2011-04-22 17:40:43','2011-04-26 11:41:45','','Waiting'),(672,'Nominal comparability is not enough: (In-)Equivalence of construct validity of cross-national measures of educational attainment in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Educational attainment is a core social background variable covered in each and every survey of individuals. Since educational institutions and qualifications are difficult to compare across countries, cross-national surveys pose a particular challenge to the measurement of educational attainment. This study performs a comparative construct validation of a number of cross-national measures of education using the European Social Survey. The measures comprise two versions of the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED), the education scheme developed in the project ‘Comparative Analysis of Social Mobility in Industrial Nations (CASMIN)’ and hypothetical as well as actual years of education. The first ISCED measure corresponds to the well-known main ISCED levels. The second one, the European Survey Version of ISCED (ES-ISCED) developed for this study, represents an effort to reflect different types of education within levels of education by considering ISCED sub-dimensions, most importantly ‘programme orientation’. Using linear regression models, it is shown how much explanatory power educational attainment loses when different cross-national variables are used, as compared to country-specific educational attainment variables (CSEVs), and how these losses vary across measures and countries. The dependent variable used for the construct validation is social status as measured by the International Socio-Economic Index (ISEI). Results suggest that harmonisation always entails some loss of explanatory power for at least a few countries. However, there are clear performance differences between the comparable measures in terms of both the average amount of losses as well as the distribution of losses across countries. The use of actual years of education as well as the levels-only ISCED strongly attenuates the education-social status association on average, but also to very different degrees across countries. CASMIN and ES-ISCED fare considerably better: they show the lowest losses of explanatory power and the lowest variation of losses across countries. Hypothetical years of education lie in between. Some practical implications are then proposed e. g. on how to implement cross-national measures of educational attainment in international surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Includes explanation and validation of ES-ISCED education coding, which will be used from ESS round 5 onwards.','Silke.Schneider@nuffield.ox.ac.uk','2011-04-27 15:42:49','2011-04-28 11:24:02','','Waiting'),(673,'Confusing Credentials: The Cross-Nationally Comparable Measurement of Educational Attainment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The quality of educational attainment measures lies at the heart of many cross-national micro-sociological research projects and international education statistics. This study aims at validating cross-nationally comparable measures of educational attainment, among which are the International Standard Classification of Education 1997 (ISCED 97) and years of education. Following a conceptual discussion of what educational attainment means, the most common ways of measuring educational attainment cross-nationally as well as previous evaluations thereof are reviewed. Then, the implementation of ISCED 97 in cross-national surveys is examined by looking at both the resulting educational attainment distributions in three European surveys as well as the data generation and harmonisation process. Finally, a number of cross-national measures of educational attainment are compared with country-specific measures with respect to their information content by firstly examining the dispersion of educational attainment, and secondly the predictive power when explaining the core social stratification outcomes, occupational status and social class attainment, by educational attainment. The main results of the study are that the measurement of educational attainment in cross-national surveys is affected by a number of avoidable weaknesses which adversely affect the validity of claims based on analyses of these data: 1. Countries and surveys are inconsistent in the way they measure educational attainment and apply ISCED 97 to national data; and 2. actual years of education and the one-digit version of ISCED 97 distort measures of association to differing degrees in different countries, making cross-national comparisons using these measures highly problematic. Therefore, some amendments to the implementation of ISCED 97 in cross-national surveys and coding for statistical analyses are proposed. As part of the latter, an alternative simplification of ISCED 97, optimised for European survey research, is developed and validated. Moreover, suggestions for data collection procedures are made to improve the measurement of educational attainment nationally and cross-nationally.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Available online at http://tinyurl.com/yeusa9v','Silke.Schneider@nuffield.ox.ac.uk','2011-04-27 15:48:23','2011-04-28 11:32:38','','Waiting'),(674,'Civic Participation of Immigrants in Europe: Assimilation, Origin and Destination Country Effects','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses civic participation of immigrants in Europe. It documents that immigrants do actively participate in the life of the receiving societies, increasingly so with the duration of stay, but that the speed of assimilation is different for different immigrant groups. All but Muslim immigrants respond positively to the participation culture at destination; while for Muslim immigrants, origin culture is a relatively persistent determinant of participation. Civic participation is affected by conflicts at the time of migration, through immigrants\' self-selection and migration irreversibility. However, civic participation is not related to current upheavals in origin countries. Destination country opportunity structures and policies aimed at immigrant political incorporation are positively associated with immigrants\' civic participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Available online 25 December 2010.','mariya.aleksynska@cepii.fr','2011-05-09 13:39:01','2011-11-28 15:28:46','','Waiting'),(675,'Practice and Belief among Catholics in the Republic of Ireland: A summary of data from the European Social Survey Round 4 (2009/10) and the International Social Science Programme Religion III (2008/9)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report is a follow up to the reports produced by the Council for Research & Development in 2006 and 2008. It includes the most up to date data for the Republic of Ireland and tabulates data from the most recent ESS round 4 survey, compares selected data across the four rounds of the ESS as well as a tabulation of relevant data from the ISSP III module on religion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eoin.omahony@iecon.ie','2011-05-17 13:43:08','2011-12-27 14:10:22','','Waiting'),(676,'Flanders versus the Netherlands: focus on differences between depressive symptoms in men and women measured on the basis of the CES-D 8','Vlaanderen versus Nederland: verschillen in depressieve klachten bij mannen en vrouwen gemeten met de CES-D 8.',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: A consistent finding in international research is the higher prevalence of depression in women than in men, but it is not known to what extent this gender difference is robust in population research.\nAim: In this study we focus on gender differences in depressive symptoms of the population of Flanders and the Netherlands.\nMethod: We made use of the European Social Survey organised in 2006 and 2007 (n = 3014); depression being measured by means of an 8-item version of the Center of Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale, ces-d. First we studied the psychometric properties of the depression inventory, looking closely at both the reliability and factional validity of the scale. Next we compared the gender and regional differences in the prevalence of depressive symptoms as measured by the cesd8 scale. Finally, using regression analysis, we examined to what extent the gender differences between Flanders and the Netherlands were family-related and linked to socio-economic factors.\nResults: Our study pointed to the reliability and factional validity of the ces-d8. Our results confirmed a higher prevalence of depressive symptoms among women than among men. On average, Flemish respondents reported fewer depressive symptoms than Dutch respondents, but their scores showed greater dispersion.\nConclusions: These differences can be explained partly by different family and socioeconomic circumstances.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sarah.vandevelde@ugent.be','2011-05-24 10:33:24','2011-05-24 11:12:22','','Waiting'),(677,'Social capital and unemployment. A macro-quantitative analysis of the European regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The policy of unemployment is probably one of the most controversial issues among economists, social scientists and politicians. In this article, we argue that European regions with higher levels of social capital will tend to have lower levels of unemployment. Using a macro-quantitative cross-sectional analysis of 134 European regions, we show that a great deal of variability in sub-national unemployment rates can be accounted for by a particular level of regionally aggregated measures of the density and depth of social networks between individuals. In other words, higher levels of social capital will lead to more efficient use of information about the labour market, to lower search and transaction costs on both sides of the market, to a higher quality of applicants, to the efficient placement of individual workers, to less conflict between insiders and outsiders and to more intensive efforts to find work. All in all, higher levels of social capital can be expected to limit the numbers of unemployed. Even when applying simultaneous equation modelling to counter against a possible endogeneity problem, our findings remain robust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','markus.freitag@uni-konstanz.de','2011-06-04 13:37:31','2011-06-06 11:11:35','','Waiting'),(678,'Designing minimum-cost multi-stage samples for cross-national surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The design effect is a measure for the inflation of variance of an appropriate estimator for a population parameter under a complex sample design compared to the variance of an appropriate estimator for the same parameter under simple random sampling with replacement. In the case of two-stage sampling with unequal inclusion probabilities, the design effect can be decomposed to two components, deff_p and deff_c. Under the assumption of a linear cost model, this model-based approach to design effects can be used to predict an optimal number of clusters to sample at minimum total cost and a condition on the precision of an estimator.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Link to document: \nhttp://www.cros-portal.eu/content/ps2-poster-10-ntts-2011-s2','matthias.ganninger@gesis.org','2011-06-16 08:57:07','2011-06-16 12:58:02','','Waiting'),(679,'Design Effects: Model-based versus Design-based Approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For a given sample and a certain item, design effects can be estimated under two different approaches: the design-based approach to design effects is flexible in terms of the estimators for which deff can be  specified. The model-based approach has the advantage of enabling predictions of expected design effects. The components of the estimators of deff under either approach are, however, subject to quality issues themselves. Thus, the question arises which estimation approach yields the best results in terms of bias and precision. This thesis gives and answer to this question for a set of practically relevant estimators and sample designs.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.gesis.org/en/gesis-publications/gesis-scientific-series/#c11413','matthias.ganninger@gesis.org','2011-06-16 13:29:30','2011-06-16 15:10:56','','Waiting'),(680,'The More the Merrier? The Effects of Type of Cultural Diversity on Exclusionary Immigration Attitudes in Switzerland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We investigate how different types of cultural diversity influence anti-immigration attitudes across Swiss municipalities. While from a threat theory perspective,a high number of immigrants within a region increases (perceived) threat which fosters negative immigration attitudes, intergroup contact theory contends that culturally diverse societal contexts increase opportunities for contacts with immigrants, which give rise to more positive immigration attitudes. Prior research on ethnic hierarchies and host society acculturation attitudes led us to hypothesize that the presence of valued, “culturally similar” immigrants from wealthier countries increases contact and decreases threat, thereby reducing anti-immigrant prejudice. The presence of devalued, “culturally distant” immigrants from poorer countries should increase threat perceptions and dissuade contact thus heightening prejudice. A multilevel studywas conducted using the 2002 European Social Survey (N = 1472 Swiss citizens, N = 185 municipalities). Replicating previous research, contact reduced exclusionary immigration attitudes through reduced threat. On the municipality level, higher proportion of North and West European immigrants increased contact, thus reducing threat. A larger proportion of Muslims was related to an increase in threat, leading to more pronounced exclusionary attitudes, but also to increased contact. Finally, we discuss how the impact of diversity depends on the social construction of immigrant categories, respondents’ social position and ideological stances, and the prevailing local ideological climate.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.green@unil.ch','2011-06-16 17:02:28','2011-06-17 11:56:47','','Waiting'),(681,'TV Channels, Self-Control and Happiness','TV Channels, Self-Control and Happiness',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Standard economic theory suggests that more choice is usually better. We address this claim and investigate whether people can cope with the increasing number of television programs and watch the amount of TV they find optimal for themselves or whether they are prone to over-consumption. We find that heavy TV viewers do not benefit but instead report lower life satisfaction with access to more TV channels. This finding suggests that an identifiable group of individuals experiences a self-control problem when it comes to TV viewing.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'There might be an error in your journal repertory, as there is \"The B.E. Journal in Economic Analysis & Policy\" instaed of \"The B.E. Journal of Economic Analysis & Policy\"\nMoreover, in this electronic journal there are no pages, the correct citation would refer to \"(Contributions), Article 86\"','Alois.Stutzer@unibas.ch','2011-06-16 17:28:36','2011-06-17 12:13:04','','Waiting'),(682,'Education and depressive symptoms in 22 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives\nVariations in the association between education and depressive symptoms in 22 European countries are investigated.\n\nMethods\nAnalyses are based on the European Social Survey Round 3 (N = 34,443). Education was coded according to the International Standard Classification of Education.Depressive symptoms are measured by the shortened Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D 8).\n\nResults\nThe results of multiple logistic regressions show that people with low education have elevated risks of experiencing a high score of depressive symptoms. Relatively large inequalities were observed among both sexes for Hungary and Slovenia, small and non-significant inequalities for Austria, Denmark, and Estonia.\n\nConclusion\nThe results indicate that educational inequalities in depressive symptoms are a generalized although not invariant phenomenon.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','o.knesebeck@uke.uni-hamburg.de','2011-06-17 11:13:23','2016-09-01 15:48:44','','Waiting'),(683,'Intergenerational Transmission of Education Across European Countries and Cohorts','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates the intergenerational transmission of education in 28 European countries. The main aim is to answer the following questions: (1) To what degree are parents’ education and the educational attainment of their children related in different countries and cohorts, and (2) how can we explain the country-cohort variation in these effects by looking at contextual characteristics? In order to explain this variation, we focus on the degree of industrialisation, female labour force participation, the structure of the educational system and the political ideology of a country. Regarding industrialisation, we do not only take its size into account, but also the pace of the development. Multilevel estimates on 76,821 individuals nested in 250 country-cohort combinations from three waves of the European Social Survey (2002-2006) show that we cannot fully support the prediction of decreasing intergenerational transmission of education solely under the influence of industrialisation. While being an important factor that positively influences the general level of schooling for a certain cohort in a particular country, its decreasing effect of the parents’ education on their children’s schooling is complemented by the other interacting contextual factors, such as female labour force participation and the quality of the school system. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','i.a.pop@uvt.nl','2011-06-21 14:38:49','2011-06-22 12:04:29','','Waiting'),(684,'Religion, securitization and anti-immigration attitudes: The case of Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article revisits securitization theory of the Copenhagen School by addressing an empirical overemphasis on political actors and offering a quantitative extension to typically qualitative assessments of the theory. Using Greece as a case study, it explores the dynamics of competition and the relative discursive power of two actors, political and religious elites, regarding migration. After first documenting a divergence in the two actors’ rhetoric through discourse analysis, it proceeds to measure the relative impact of their discourses on public immigration attitudes, employing structural equation modelling of European Social Survey data. Findings demonstrate that exposure to the securitizing religious discourse through church attendance immunizes citizens from the softening effect of the political message. This, in turn, explains the survival of the security frame on migration in Greece, even as political elites begin to move towards the desecuritized pole of the continuum. Crucially, the analysis of this case suggests that a methodological synthesis of qualitative and quantitative research methods to study securitization is possible despite limitations. The authors call for greater efforts to combine the two methods which would allow for a better understanding of securitization and desecuritization processes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The dataset, codebook and do-files for the empirical analysis in this article can be found at http://www.prio.no/jpr/datasets','e.patrikios@strath.ac.uk','2011-06-21 15:11:20','2011-06-22 12:10:14','','Waiting'),(685,'Social cohesion in Europe: How do the different dimensions of inequality affect social cohesion?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the relationships between social cohesion and social inequalities in Europe by considering three interrelated issues. The first regards the definition and measurement of the concept of social cohesion. The second issue concerns the identification of the aspects of social inequality that affect the overall level of social cohesion. More precisely, I investigate two main hypotheses: the first argues the existence of a direct negative association between economic inequality and social cohesion. The second states that this relation is influenced by other aspects of social inequality such as the individuals’ position in the stratification system and the educational level. The third issue introduces the comparative analysis that has been based on the welfare regime approach. More specifically, I hypothesize that welfare state is relevant because it influences both the relationship between social position and economic inequality, and the relationship between social cohesion and economic inequality. Data from the first round of the 2002 European Social Survey have been analysed applying structural equation models in order to measure social cohesion and to estimate the effects, both direct and indirect, exerted by the different dimensions of inequalities on social cohesion. Moreover, through a multi-group analysis, I investigate the effects resulting from the different welfare regimes. It emerges that social position and welfare state are not able to fully mediate the effect played by economic condition.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vergolini@irvapp.it','2011-06-21 15:25:57','2011-06-22 12:39:14','','Waiting'),(686,'Personal Value Priorities and Life Satisfaction in Europe: The Role of Socio-Economic Development.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present study examined the relation of personal values to life satisfaction across 23 European nations, using data from the European Social Survey. Multilevel statistics with Human Development Index (HDI) as a contextual level variable tested its possible moderator effect on the individual-level relations between personal values and life satisfaction (LS), controlling for age and gender. Results showed that HDI moderated the relations between all ten basic values and LS. The values showing a positive relation to LS in highly developed countries were: universalism and benevolence. In less developed countries “person-focus” values (achievement, stimulation, and self-direction) showed a positive relation to LS. Power and security had negative slopes across countries, suggesting that they may represent “extrinsic” goals generally related to low well-being (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Hedonism had a positive slope in high and low HDI countries. This study reinforces the importance of considering the context of values when examining their consequences for well-being. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','florencia.sortheix@helsinki.fi','2011-06-22 15:30:09','2011-06-23 14:18:59','','Waiting'),(687,'Is Happiness Different From Flourishing? Cross-Country Evidence from the ESS','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper appeals to novel survey information on over 30 000 individuals in 21 European countries to address an important and controversial question with respect to well-being: Do cognitive, hedonic and eudaimonic measures of well-being reflect very different aspects of individual quality of life? Or, more precisely, do the subjective appreciation of these dimensions by individuals exhibit different patterns? Our empirical results first reveal a very significant correlation between happiness and life satisfaction. Second, someone with high standard “hedonic” well-being (happiness or life satisfaction) is likely to have high eudaimonic well-being as well (flourishing, vitality, resilience and functioning). In addition, the factors that are correlated with the different measures of well-being seem to be very similar at the individual level. For example, marriage, higher income and greater education are associated with greater satisfaction, but also with higher levels of flourishing, vitality, resilience and functioning. This fit is not perfect, however, and men notably report lower levels of standard well-being measures, but higher eudaimonic well-being. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Andrew.Clark@ens.fr','2011-06-27 20:04:56','2011-06-28 12:58:02','','Waiting'),(688,'Culture, Context, and the Taste for Redistribution','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Is culture an important determinant of preferences for redistribution? To separate culture from the economic and institutional environment (\"context\"), we relate immigrants\' redistributive preferences to the average preference in their birth countries. We find a strong positive relationship that is robust to rich controls for economic factors and cannot easily be explained by selective migration. This effect is as large as that of own household income and appears stronger for those less assimilated into the destination country. Immigrants from high-preference countries are more likely to vote for more pro-redistribution parties. The effect of culture persists strongly into the second generation. (JEL classification codes: H23, Z13)',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am not the author, but read a discussion of the article in a German newspaper - and thought we should have it out bibliography.','angelika.scheuer@gesis.org','2011-06-28 13:59:30','2011-06-28 19:20:56','','Waiting'),(689,'Who gets a degree? Access to tertiary education in Europe 1950-2009','Who gets a degree? Access to tertiary education in Europe 1950-2009',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Interest in the complex relationship between the growth of tertiary education and the changing level of inequity can be observed since the fifties of the twentieth century. Although large international surveys focused on inequalities in attainment of tertiary education are rather an exception, it is still possible to carry out comparative analyses based on data gathered from surveys conducted on other themes. This has been the aim of our latest study that has utilized data of the European Social Survey (2002-2009). Although limited by the data available, the study can still contribute to the understanding of two central problems: how the inequalities have changed during the last sixty years, that is during the period of an unprecedented expansion of tertiary education in twenty-five European countries, and what has been the relative weight of four main factors of socio-economic background – of the education and occupation of both parents.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ales.bartusek@pedf.cuni.cz','2011-06-29 09:53:39','2011-06-29 14:06:09','','Waiting'),(690,'The Evolution of Public Attitudes toward Immigration in Europe and the United States, 2000-2010','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper documents and analyzes trends in immigration-related public opinion over the past decade in the major North Atlantic countries of the EU-15 and US. Opening with a summary of the international social-scientific literature on the roots of immigration attitudes, the essay next documents changes in the average European’s and American’s views on migration since 2000 using such polls as the Eurobarometer, European Social Survey, World Values Survey, International Social Science Programme, and American National Election Study. A third major section employs over-time statistical models to examine the (minimal) impact of the current economic crisis on such attitudes. Finally, the paper describes the scholarly literature on the relationship between public opinion and immigration policy in Europe and the United States and speculates on how likely the current global recession is to alter immigration laws and their enforcement.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','joel.fetzer@pepperdine.edu','2011-06-29 18:28:53','2011-06-29 19:16:24','','Waiting'),(691,'Patterns of Immigrant Political Participation: Explaining Differences in Types of Political Participation between Immigrants and the Majority Population in Western Europe ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article explores differences in the pattern of political participation between immigrants and the majority population in Western Europe. Using data from the European Social Survey, I find that for immigrants the pattern of political participation is less distinct, that is, participation types are more strongly related than for the majority population; and that this cannot be explained by differences in levels of resources and engagement, but by differences in the importance of mobilization and by the amount of time spent in the new country of residence. This indicates that the explanatory mechanisms operate differently for immigrants than the majority, impacting not only on the decision on whether not to participate, but also on how. These findings are important, not only for what they tell us about the process of political integration, but also for how we study political participation more broadly. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: February 17, 2011','eline.derooij@nuffield.ox.ac.uk','2011-06-29 18:45:10','2011-06-29 20:25:00','','Waiting'),(692,'Luxembourg as an Immigration Success Story: The Grand Duchy in Pan-European Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The literature on comparative immigration policy is full of studies of policy disasters. Such works show policymakers what to avoid, yet those individuals responsible for formulating and implementing immigration laws often lack examples of what they should be doing instead. That said, although about 64 percent of the labor force and 44 percent of the population of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg is composed of non-citizens, public support for immigration is the highest in the European Union outside of Scandinavia, anti-immigrant violence is rare, and no politically influential anti-immigrant, far-right political party exists.\n\nLuxembourg as an Immigration Success Story: Grand Duchy in Pan-European Perspective, by Joel S. Fetzer, provides an in-depth examination of Luxembourg\'s impressive success in this particular arena. Based on personal interviews with Luxembourg\'s government officials, immigration scholars, ordinary immigrants, and human-rights activists. Fetzer first documents the Grand Duchy\'s praiseworthy integration of the foreign-born, and then compares Luxembourg\'s situation with that of other European Union countries in order to test corresponding explanations for this success.\n\nThe study concludes that Luxembourg\'s enviable experience with immigration can be primarily explained by its robust economy, relatively egalitarian income distribution, cultural similarity between native Luxembourgers and the predominately Portuguese and Italian immigrants, low levels of residential segregation, and pro-immigration consensus among the country\'s leaders.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'book description at:  \nhttp://www.rowmanlittlefield.com/Catalog/Eur/Singlebook.shtml?command=Search&db=^DB/CATALOG.db&eqSKUdata=0739128264','joel.fetzer@pepperdine.edu','2011-06-29 18:50:47','2011-06-29 20:33:06','','Waiting'),(693,'Value Orientations as Factors of Social Trust, Political Participation and Life Satisfaction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The current paper presents results based on European Social Survey Round 2 data. Sample consist of respondents from 24 countries; N= 45 681 (aged 15 – 100; M= 45,25). Several scales were used to meet the aim of the study: Schwartz´ s Portrait Value Questionnaire (PVQ), Social Trust Scale (STS), Trust in Institutions Scale (TIS), Political Participation Scale (PPS), Satisfaction with life in general scale. Participants were divided into 4 quadrants according to their PVQ scores on the dimensions openness to change vs. conservation and self-enhancement vs. self-transcendence. Results indicates that participants with self-transcendence orientation scored significantly higher in Social Trust Scale (perceived honesty, objectivity, consistency, competence, and fairness in relationships between individuals), Trust in Social Institutions Scale (from national to international institutions), and also in Political Participation Scale. These participants perceived their life more satisfactory, too.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vyrost@saske.sk','2011-06-30 09:11:22','2011-06-30 16:28:29','','Waiting'),(694,'Value orientations of parents','Hodnotové orientácie mužov a žien s rodičovskými povinnosťami',41,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Data from ESS R1-R3 cumulative file (released in 2008) were analysed in this paper. Analysing respondents´ scores in the Portrait value questionnaire we try to answer following questions: Do men and women with parental duties and man and women without the parental duties prefer different value constructs? In which value constructs do parents in Europe differ? Which values are important to fathers and which to mothers?\nKey words: Portrait value questionnaire, value constructs, men and women with parental duties and man and women without the parental duties.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dfedak@saske.sk','2011-06-30 09:19:16','2011-06-30 16:40:35','','Waiting'),(695,'Natural Disaster and its Reflections in Opinions and Attitudes of ESS 2 Respondents in Slovakia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During the fieldwork period of ESS 2 in Slovakia the windstorm in the most attractive Slovak mountains destination The High Tatras occurred (on 19 November 2004). It lasted just a few hours but damaged more than 12,7 million m³ of forest and extent of  damage is estimated at 1,8 milliards SKK. \nThis event was of a great significance for Slovak citizens. Media of all kinds had monitored the situation in the Tatras for at least one month. The reflections of the event in the responses of Slovak respondents are presented in the paper. On the three groups of respondents (interviews taken before the disaster, immediately after and some time after it) the impact of the event at the media watching, reading, political engagement and well-being was analyzed. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dfedak@saske.sk','2011-06-30 09:28:41','2011-06-30 16:50:18','','Waiting'),(696,'Differences in response rates across the ESS participated countries in comparison to Slovak national data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A high response rate is the key indicator of a survey ´s results legitimization. In case of all European Social Survey participated countries it was crucial, to follow and apply the fieldwork procedures prepared by CCT, in order to achieve high response rate. \nFrom country to country there were differences in the concrete expression of the procedures (e.g. selected form of incentives for respondents, interviewers´ payment).   \nThe response rates results as well as the differences in response rates and refusal rates in ESS- Round 2 participated countries are analyzed in this paper.\nThe second part of the paper presents how the fieldwork procedures worked in the Slovak cultural setting. According to the response rates results, most of the procedures influenced fieldwork effectively and helped to implement the high standards into the whole process. Finally the particular differences (regional development, urban/rural settings, etc.) in the response rates of the Slovak sample as well as the analyses of the Slovak non-respondents will be presented.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dfedak@saske.sk','2011-06-30 09:35:31','2011-06-30 17:00:04','','Waiting'),(697,'Relationship between welfare attitudes, political participation and civic engagement among women, young people and migrants ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Paper studies the relationship between welfare attitudes (WA), political participation and civic engagement among women, young people and migrants. Data from European Social Survey round 4 (28 countries, 2008-2009) were used.\nTwo scales of welfare attitudes (Attitudes toward social differentiation scale and Attitudes toward Social solidarity scale) were developed from the items of the European Social Survey R4 rotating module Welfare attitudes in a changing Europe (Svallfors et al., 2007). Subsequently, based on WA scores, 4 types of personal welfare attitudes were defined: conservative, social democratic, liberal and radical (Esping, Anders, 1990, 1999; Castel, Mitchel, 1992).\nAnalyses confirmed the association between WA and level of political participation and civic engagement among target groups.\nStructural equation models estimate the relationship between political participation, civic engagement and selected variables (e.g. trust in people, trust in political institutions, personal perspective). \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dfedak@saske.sk','2011-06-30 09:48:26','2011-06-30 17:05:21','','Waiting'),(698,'Social Integration at European Inner Borders. A Comparative Study on Social Integration','Vergesellschaftung an Europas Binnengrenzen. Eine vergleichende Studie zu den Bedingungen sozialer Integration',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The conditions of social integration are a fundamental and traditional issue of sociological theory. Empirical studies, however, are scarce, almost inexistent. The book applies theoretical approaches on social integration to the integration of the EU, specifically to the integration across national borders in border regions. System theory according to Niklas Luhmann would expect that advantages of border crossings are sufficient, conflict theory (Simmel, Smelser, Dahrendorf, etc.) would assume that also trust is influential. Parsons assumes the relevance of general value consensus. These assumptions are tested for specific indicators of cross border perspectives and cross border interaction: interest in the border region abroad, language competencies, shopping (with various goods), buying services, cross border commuting, friendships, identification. Data sources are Eurobarometer-waves and a small own survey in three German cities close to borders. The value consensus is measured on a macro level using the Schwartz-Items from the ESS.\nResults show that beyond advantages and opportunities also trust is influential for most indicators. When it comes to more complex interactions (commuting, friendships), also the value consensus is influential.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jochen.roose@fu-berlin.de','2011-06-30 15:45:48','2011-06-30 17:07:51','','Waiting'),(699,'Confirmation Bias Effects in the Welfare Beliefs of the Residents of European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Confirmation bias phenomenon is known as a tendency of people to prefer information that supports their expectations. European Social Survey Round 4 rotating module (Svallfors et al., 2007) gives opportunity to demonstrate that if people expect some development in their personal lives in future, it has an impact (e.g. confirmation bias) on the way they perceive and interpret the actual situation, the conditions of their life. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vyrost@saske.sk','2011-07-04 10:13:53','2011-07-13 12:35:32','','Waiting'),(700,'European Social Survey Round 2 in Slovakia','Európska sociálna sonda. 2. kolo na Slovensku',41,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main aim of the book is to introduce the ESS to Slovak readers. In 10 chapters the main aims, procedures and measured fields of the ESS are described. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dfedak@saske.sk','2011-07-04 10:46:08','2011-07-04 10:46:08','Y','Waiting'),(701,'From Legal Tolerance to Social Acceptance: Predictors of Heterosexism in Romania','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This secondary analysis of recent survey data from a representative sample of Romanians intends to identify individual-level variables most likely to predict variations in public attitudes toward homosexuals\' civil liberties. Age, conventional beliefs, and religiosity positively and significantly predict heterosexism (e.g., approximately 46% of Romanians believe that homosexuals should not be \"free to live life as they wish\"). While there are no significant gender-based differences in Romanians\' attitudes regarding sexual minorities\' rights, education, urban residency, frequency of social contacts, and experience with nonconformist family arrangements are variables more likely to be associated with the social acceptance of homosexuals. Findings and the weak effect of the country\'s LGBT rights legislation on public perceptions of homosexuality are discussed within the social and cultural context of contemporary Romania.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','v0andr01@louisville.edu','2011-07-08 00:51:11','2011-07-13 12:51:16','','Waiting'),(702,'Public Perceptions of Police in the Newest EU Member States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on recent cross-sectional data from the European Social Surveys Round 4 (2008/2009), in Romania and Bulgaria the average levels of confidence in the country’s police appear to be much lower than in most European Union states. However, Romanians and Bulgarians tend to trust more the local police than they trust their country’s legal system, the main political parties, the country’s parliament, and the national government. Using ESS4 data collected from national representative samples of Romanians and Bulgarians, the present quantitative analysis attempts to assess the relative influence on attitudes toward the police of subjective (e.g., perceptions of important legal and political institutions; perceived sense of safety) and objective individual-level factors, such as socio-demographic characteristics, residency in capital cities (Bucharest and Sofia), and experiences with victimization.  The potential impact of real and perceived recent crime trends and the latent effects of economic, political, legal, and historical conditions on public discontent with the police in developing democracies will be also examined.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','v0andr01@louisville.edu','2011-07-13 14:36:17','2011-07-14 11:05:06','','Waiting'),(703,'Cultural Value Differences, Value-Stereotypes and Diverging Identities in Intergroup Conflicts. The Estonian Example.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An examination of the relationship between cultural values, value stereotypes and social identities in Estonia, where intergroup conflicts triggered riots in the capital Tallinn in April 2007, using data from the European Social Survey on cultural differences and value trends as the background to a survey exploring perceived group values and assessed social identities among ethnic Estonians and members of the Russian-speaking minority. The study, conducted in summer 2008, found agreement across both ethnic groups about the values of a typical group member, but no accuracy in their attribution. The Estonian students (n = 152) avoided Eastern-European identification, while the Russian-speaking students (n = 54) did not want to give up Estonia’s Soviet past. We found that attributed rather than self-rated value differences between groups caused the conflicts, whilst diverging identities were found to make value stereotypes more extreme.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'nice to have acess to the ESS data!','mstrack@uni-goettngen.de','2011-07-24 21:46:28','2011-08-08 14:17:38','','Waiting'),(704,'Does watching TV make us happy?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Watching TV is a major human activity. Because of its immediate benefits at negligible immediate marginal costs it is for many people tempting to view TV rather than to pursue more engaging activities. As a consequence, individuals with incomplete control over, and foresight into, their own behavior watch more TV than they consider optimal for themselves and their well-being is lower than what could be achieved. We find that heavy TV viewers, and in particular those with significant opportunity cost of time, report lower life satisfaction. Long TV hours are also linked to higher material aspirations and anxiety.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','christine.benesch@unisg.ch','2011-08-17 12:02:02','2011-08-19 14:22:44','','Waiting'),(705,'Welfare state regimes and differences in self-perceived health in Europe: A multilevel analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this study was to determine the degree to which welfare state regime characteristics explained the proportional variation of self-perceived health between European countries, when individual and regional variation was accounted for, by undertaking a multilevel analysis of the European Social Survey (2002 and 2004). A total of 65,065 individuals, from 218 regions and 21 countries, aged 25 years and above were included in the analysis. The health outcomes related to people’s own mental and physical health, in general. The study showed that almost 90% of the variation in health was attributable to the individual-level, while approximately 10% was associated with national welfare state characteristics. The variation across regions within countries was not significant. Type of welfare state regime appeared to account for approximately half of the national-level variation of health inequalities between European countries. People in countries with Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon welfare regimes were observed to have better self-perceived general health in comparison to Southern and East European welfare regimes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Terje.Eikemo@svt.ntnu.no','2011-08-17 13:41:44','2011-08-19 14:28:45','','Waiting'),(706,'Competition between institutions in multilevel governance: Implications for political trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Citizens\' confidence in the major institutions in society is important for the state of democracy. The national political institutions in Europe today meet increasing competition both from below, the regional and municipal level, and from above, especially from the European Union. This book chapter examines the relationship between citizens\' preferred level of policy decision and political trust by means of data from round 1 of the European Social Survey.   ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Ola.Listhaug@svt.ntnu.no','2011-08-17 14:39:17','2011-08-19 15:13:42','','Waiting'),(707,'Serbian civic values in a European context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of the book chapter is to compare Serbian civic values with those of other European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Ola.Listhaug@svt.ntnu.no','2011-08-17 14:52:44','2011-08-19 15:11:08','','Waiting'),(708,'What drives retirement income worries in Europe? A multilevel analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Nations in Europe have been developing rapidly since the formation of the European Union (EU), not only socially and demographically, but economically as well. One question a number of countries will face during this period of structural transition will be how (and how well) they are able to support their citizens in old age. A related question involves whether individuals worry about their financial future in retirement, and the extent to which they take active steps to save in order to ensure an adequate standard of living. In this study, we analyze data from the third wave of the European Social Survey, which represents 21,416 working adults from 23 countries in Europe. We used multilevel modeling to focus on the explanatory factors that underlie individual and country-level effects in worry about future retirement income and saving behavior. Findings suggest that once individual-level dimensions are taken into account, country-level predictors explain appreciable variance in worry, but not saving  practices.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','douglas.hershey@okstate.edu','2011-08-17 16:04:28','2011-08-19 15:02:19','','Waiting'),(709,'Tensions Between Work and Home: Job Quality and Working Conditions in the Institutional Contexts of Germany and Spain','Tensions Between Work and Home: Job Quality and Working Conditions in the Institutional Contexts of Germany and Spain',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Good jobs can generate capabilities that allow employees to avoid tensions between work and family/home. Following the conceptual framework of Amartya Sen, we examine how job-related demands and resources are related to the level of interference, as well as satisfaction with managing work and home in Spanish and German employees, using three different large-scale European surveys: European Quality of Life Survey and two waves of the European Social Survey. We find that long working hours systematically increase tensions between work and home, as do time pressure, job-related stress, and working hard. Job control or autonomy at work, which is hypothesized to expand individuals’ capabilities and agency, tends to increase work–home interference rather than alleviate it. Family responsibilities and household demands do not seem relevant to the tensions employees experience at the work–home interface. This also holds true for  women, which is a surprising result in view of the \"double burden” hypothesis. Employed mothers in Germany and Spain are a select group of women, as combining employment with raising children in conservative–corporatist and conservative–familialist states may be particularly problematic. Thus while the institutional contexts of Germany and Spain curtail women’s ability to reconcile employment and parenthood, the mothers (and fathers) who are employed do not experience significantly higher levels of work–family/home tensions than nonparents.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sonja.drobnic@uni-hamburg.de','2011-08-30 21:03:59','2011-08-31 12:36:28','','Waiting'),(710,'Acceptance of homosexuality in the Netherlands 2011. International comparison, trends and current situation','Acceptance of homosexuality in the Netherlands 2011. International comparison, trends and current situation',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Dutch government wishes to promote the social acceptance of homosexuality. To gain an impression of the current status and the progress in achieving this objective, the government asked the Netherlands Institute for Social Research/SCP to carry out a study of the current statistics and trends in this regard.\n\nThis report shows that the Netherlands is still the most gay-tolerant country in Europe. Nonetheless, there are limits to that tolerance and there are some groups in Dutch society which clearly have more difficulty with homosexuality than others (e.g. young people, members of orthodox religions and non-Western migrants).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2011-09-08 11:05:05','2011-09-08 13:23:04','','Waiting'),(711,'Economic Hardship and Depression across the Life Course: The Impact of Welfare State Regimes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous research in the United States suggests that depression related to economic hardship decreases with age. We test whether this pattern can be generalized to other developed nations. Based on data from 23 countries in the European Social Survey (2006–2007), multilevel analyses show that the moderating role of age depends on the socio-political context. While the hardship–depression link is not significantly different across the life course in Nordic and Bismarckian regimes, the hardship–depression link increases with age in Southern and Eastern European countries and decreases with age in strength in Anglo-Saxon welfare states. Our findings suggest that welfare state regimes play a significant role in attenuating, boosting, or even reversing the health effects of social experiences such as economic hardship on aging. Health knowledge gained through research that ignores the socio-political context may be limited in terms of generalization.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katia.levecque@ugent.be','2011-09-09 12:15:12','2011-09-09 12:26:54','','Waiting'),(712,'Positive Action Systems in Europe: Facilitators of Equity or its Detractors?','Sistemas de discriminação positiva na Europa: facilitadores ou detractores da equidade?',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The concept of equal opportunities assumes that every one has the same opportunities disregard of their race, ethnicity or gender. This assumption is far from being demonstrated. Some people are prejudiced due to aspects such as gender, ethnicity, race, sexual orientation, handicap or age. Some countries, aware of the ineffectiveness of the simple proclamation of equal opportunities, adopted active measures of preferential treatment in order to achieve social equity. Equity means applying measures as fair as possible in order to avoid injustice. In working environment, measures that aim to ensure proportional representation of targeted groups, based only on meritocratic criteria, must be considered.\n\nThis study aims to verify if positive action measures contribute to uphold social equity or if they are mere rhetoric. In order to do so, we have clustered some European countries known to have positive action measures in the working context, and their counterpart in another cluster: countries that have generic equality of opportunity measures. Results show that positive action measures do have positive effects granting ethnic minorities’ access to qualified jobs. Positive action measures are fulfilling their purpose: that of attaining social equity.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Link to document: http://repositorio-iul.iscte.pt/handle/10071/1331','ana.abraao@gmail.com','2011-09-14 23:04:03','2011-09-15 11:25:15','','Waiting'),(713,'Positive Action in Europe: Just Rhetoric or a Contribute for Social Equity?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Some countries, aware of the ineffectiveness of the simple proclamation of equal opportunities, adopted active measures of preferential treatment in order to achieve social equity. Equity means applying measures as fair as possible in order to avoid injustice. Within organizations and work contexts such measures manifest themselves as either the search for the proportional representations of determined social groups or the reward exclusively on the bases of meritocratic criteria. Positive action systems are a measure aimed at promoting this equity. However, they have been criticized for being ineffective or even perverse. Then, we must place de questions: How extensively do positive action systems contribute to uphold social equity? or Do they operate only at the rhetorical level? Stated otherwise, this study aims to verify if positive action systems exert a moderating effect in the relation between ethnicity and qualified employment. Hypotheses concern a moderating effect of positive action systems in the relation between ethnicity and qualified employment, wage, access to education, and employability.\n\nIn order to test the hypotheses we used data provided by the European Social Survey and grouped a set of countries known for having positive action systems in work settings, and their counterpart countries in another cluster: countries that have generic equality of opportunity measures. The sample comprises 15201 respondents. Results show that positive action measures do exert significant effects granting ethnic minorities’ access to qualified jobs. Positive action measures are fulfilling their purpose: that of attaining social equity.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Link to document: http://convention3.allacademic.com/one/ispp/ispp09/index.php?click_key=1&cmd=Multi+Search+Search+Load+Publication&publication_id=309924&PHPSESSID=79be5ce3f06891b1700f0d4d8cf26ccf','ana.abraao@gmail.com','2011-09-14 23:11:38','2011-09-15 11:17:34','','Waiting'),(714,'Young people: are they less religious than older people, and are they less religious than they used to be?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Compares the attendance rates at religious services of young people (18-29) with older people (aged 50+). Plots the trends of religious attendance for the young age group over time, using data from the World Values Survey and European Social Survey.\nConclusion 1: It is not a universal pattern for older people to be more religious than younger people. The countries where more younger people are participating in religion or where there is approximate equality include: some ex-Communist countries, African countries and some Muslim/Asian countries. Countries with the widest age differentials are: Japan, the Scandinavian countries and Western European countries.\nConclusion 2: Most of the age differential in religiosity stems from the cohort effect, ie. people were more religious in the past, and so the age pattern we see today is a relic of older generations being more religious, and their level has generally remained stable over time. There is a significant age effect - a trough in participation in the mid-20s. Of 100 attenders in their late teens, only ~80 will remain so to their mid-20s. They may return later, perhaps associated with marriage/ children. Longer period of adult singleness causing trough? There may be another small trough: mid-life crisis in the 50s? There are wide country-to-country differences in levels of religiosity and trends of secularisation. Country of residence is the primary determinant of religiosity differentials.\nConclusion 3, to question “Are young people less religious than they used to be?” Yes, decline in some countries, in some periods, eg. western Europe up to 2000, some Asian countries (except China). No, increase in others, eg. Balkans, some ex-communist countries, African countries. Stability in others, some at a low level (eg. Scandinavia), others at a high level (eg. some Catholic countries). There is a great diversity of attendance levels and trends!\n\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Link to document: http://www.lrin.org/2008/05/are-young-people-less-religious/','drmarionb@gmail.com','2011-09-15 18:38:28','2011-09-16 10:43:09','','Waiting'),(715,'Fertility data for German-speaking countries. What is the potential? Where are the pitfalls?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper gives an overview of fertility data for Germany, Austria and Switzerland. Particular attention is given to the availability of order-specific fertility data. We discuss the quality of data provided by the Statistical Offices, both birth registration data and censuses or microcensuses. In addition, we explore how social science surveys can be used to generate order-specific fertility indicators, and compare fertility estimates across surveys with estimates from vital statistics. Prior studies have shown that there is a ’family bias’ in most surveys, with the fertility of the younger cohorts being overstated, because respondents with young children are easier to reach by the interviewers. Our assessment of various types of surveys from the three different countries does mostly support this notion. However, the ‘family bias’ is most pronounced in family surveys while all-purpose surveys suffer from it to a lesser extent. Weighting the data does not fully cure the ‘family bias’, which we attribute to the fact that number of children is not usually considered a factor in calculating sample weights, as provided by the survey agencies and Statistical Offices. The confounding role of migration in the production of reliable and comparable fertility statistics is also discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','drmarionb@gmail.com','2011-09-16 11:17:45','2011-12-27 14:02:02','','Waiting'),(716,'Trends in Religious Participation of Young People: Do They Mirror Trends in Atheism?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Main conclusions:\nSome countries show clear indications of secularisation, eg. Australia, Canada, Sweden, Ireland, Poland, Spain\nSome countries show clear indications of revival, eg. Georgia, Russia, Romania, China\nIn many countries the changes are not statistically significant\nThere is a loose inverse correlation of attendance and atheism\nSince 2000 there has been a greater tendency to polarisation than in the 1980s or 1990s\n\nSubsidiary conclusions:\nSouth Koreans are the most ‘decisive’ at present\nSweden is next most atheist\nThe other Scandinavian countries are the most ‘ambivalent’ about religion, <12% attenders or atheists\nThe age group with the highest proportion of atheists is generally the young (<30), though can also be the middle-aged (30-49);\nThe age group with the highest attendance rate is almost 	invariably the older group (50+);\nThe biggest losses have been from the Catholic church\nThe biggest gains have been in the national Orthodox churches\nSome countries have seen youth attendance rates of <5%, but these low rates have not been maintained',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','drmarionb@gmail.com','2011-09-16 11:37:34','2011-12-27 12:11:20','','Waiting'),(717,'Cohort Religiosity: Does it Stay at a Stable Level Everywhere and Across all Cohorts?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Conclusions:\nIn countries where young people are at least as religious as older people, then growth is commonly happening. This is most marked in Georgia, but it is also seen in Romania, Latvia and Russia.\nIn countries where most secularisation is happening, then period effects are causing a decline in religiosity across many cohorts - AND there are large inter-cohort differentials. This is seen mainly in the predominantly Catholic countries (which often had higher attendance rates at the start of the period). Not all Catholic countries are being affected as strongly.\nIn many countries there appears to be convergence to a certain level of religious observance; in the most secular countries this band is generally 6-12% of the younger cohorts. In other countries, there is convergence at a higher level.\nThe two major events that have affected religious observance were the Second World War and the fall of communism.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','drmarionb@gmail.com','2011-09-16 11:50:38','2011-12-27 12:07:17','','Waiting'),(718,'Modernisation and Secularisation Quantified ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Conclusion 1: there is a correlation of higher development being associated with lower religiosity, but the spread of values is wide\n\nConclusion 2: There is a natural level of religiosity related to a country’s level of development and there is convergence towards this\n\nConclusion 3: Some countries have had a period of revival, which has then been followed by renewed secularisation if that revival took them above the “normal band”, eg. South Korea, Brazil, Mexico, Romania\n\nConclusion 4: Many countries are approaching maximum development (as defined by the HDI), but the minimum attendance rates would appear to be around 10-20% of the population. For young people the ‘normal band’ is 7-18%\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','drmarionb@gmail.com','2011-09-16 12:04:49','2011-12-27 12:04:19','','Waiting'),(719,'Civic Participation of Immigrants in Europe: Assimilation, Origin and Destination Country Effects','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses civic participation of immigrants in Europe. It documents that immigrants do actively participate in the life of the receiving societies, increasingly so with the duration of stay, but that the speed of assimilation is different for different immigrant groups. All but Muslim immigrants respond positively to the participation culture at estination; while for Muslim immigrants, origin culture is a relatively persistent determinant of participation. Civic participation is affected by conflicts at the time of migration, through immigrants’ self-selection and migration irreversibility. However, civic participation is not related to current upheavals in origin countries. Destination country opportunity structures and policies aimed at immigrant political incorporation are positively associated with immigrants’ civic participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maleksynska@gmail.com','2011-09-19 09:48:16','2011-11-28 15:29:10','','Waiting'),(720,'Quantitative Assessment of Immigrants\' Civic Activities: Exploring the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'None',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maleksynska@gmail.com','2011-09-19 09:51:05','2012-01-02 11:23:39','','Waiting'),(722,'Role of Social Welfare in European Suicide Prevention','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aims of this study were to assess the relationship between suicide mortality and social expenditure in 26 European countries, explore attitudes towards welfare systems and their relationship with suicide mortality, and compare attitudes towards welfare provision in Eastern and Western Europe. The World Health Organization suicide data and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development social expenditure data for 1980–2005 were used. Data on attitudes towards welfare systems were taken from the European Social Survey. Differences between mean cores for attitudes inWestern and Eastern European countries were calculated. Correlations between social expenditure and suicide trends were negative in most countries for both genders. Inverse correlations between attitudes towards welfare provision and suicide mortality rates were demonstrated for males only. Differences in attitudes were found between Eastern and Western European countries; for example, confidence in the welfare system was found to be stronger in Western Europe. Higher social expenditure and greater confidence in welfare provision appear to have suicide-preventive effects.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article first published online: 9 FEB 2011','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2011-09-20 18:22:42','2011-11-28 15:24:02','','Waiting'),(723,'Patterns Behind Unmarried Cohabitation Trends in Europe ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The current paper is aimed at contributing to the ongoing debate about divergence and convergence of family patterns in Europe. By adding several Eastern European countries and using several additional background indicators of cohabiting unions, the paper explores previous considerations of unmarried cohabitation. The main conclusion is that, as a universal trend, cohabitation is spreading across Europe and that while acquiring a normative value in a country it starts to develop its internal diversity. Besides convergence (with reference to universalistic approach), there is a noticeable trend towards divergence of the cohabitation patterns in Europe. The analysis is based on the European Social Survey, Round 2, 3 and 4 (2004, 2006 and 2008 respectively) and includes the data of 15 European countries (Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, France, Slovakia and Slovenia). ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2011-09-20 18:45:52','2011-11-28 15:13:22','','Waiting'),(727,'Mood swings. Second special study – Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer','Stemming onbekend. Tweede verdiepingsstudie Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Many Dutch citizens are negative in their attitudes towards politics and pessimistic about the way Dutch society is developing. How changeable are those views? What are people most discontented about? What are the biggest complaints from angry citizens when they are given a chance to say in their own words what they feel is going wrong? Who are the committed citizens, and how do their views on social and political issues differ? And how do migrants perceive the Netherlands and its complaining indigenous population?\nThese are some of the questions that are addressed in the second special study for the Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB). The first study, which appeared in October 2009 under the title Crisis on the horizon? (Crisis in aantocht?), focused mainly on the situation in 2008. This time we analyse material drawn from surveys and focus groups held in 2009 and 2010. In order to place the findings in some perspective, we also draw freely on data from recent decades, as well as from international survey research. In addition, four guest authors, all journalists, offer an international perspective, presenting an outsider\'s take on current developments in Dutch politics and public opinion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2011-10-03 14:18:07','2011-12-27 11:28:21','','Waiting'),(728,'Europe\'s Welfare. The Lisbon agenda in a broader welfare perspective and public opinion on the European Union','Europa’s welvaart. De Lissabon Agenda in een breder welvaartsperspectief en de publieke opinie over de Europese Unie',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Economic growth is the main source for Europe\'s prosperity. In Lisbon 2000 the EU leaders promoted a further impetus to Europe\'s prosperity through a joint plan of action, called the Lisbon Agenda. The aim was to make the EU in 2010 the most competitive and productive economy in the world. Stimulation of knowledge, innovation and economic growth were the most important keywords. In addition, the economic development in the EU should be \'green\' and ecologically sustainable. By increasing participation in paid employment, social cohesion would also be strengthened. It is now 2010, a time to take stock. The thematic section B of this European Outlook develops a broad concept of welfare by which the welfare effects of the Lisbon Agenda on the prosperity and welfare of European citizens are evaluated.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2011-10-03 14:43:57','2011-12-27 11:21:43','','Waiting'),(729,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2008/4','COB Kwartaalbericht 2008 | 4. Kwartaalrapportage van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2011-10-03 14:52:36','2011-10-03 14:52:36','','Waiting'),(730,'Does Life Satisfaction Change with Age? A Comparison of Estonia, Finland, Latvia, and Sweden','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, the relationship between age and life satisfaction was examined over a period of 27 years (1982-2009) in four countries — Estonia, Finland, Latvia, and Sweden — using nationally representative samples of adults between the ages of 15 and 99 from the European Value Survey, the World Values Survey, and the European Social Survey (total N = 39,420). Unlike in Finland and Sweden, the relationship between age and subjective well-being in Estonia and Latvia was best described as curvilinear, with younger and older people having higher levels of life satisfaction. The observed age differences in life satisfaction in Estonia and Latvia, however, seem to be due to an interaction of cohort and period differences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dobewall@ut.ee','2011-10-03 21:34:25','2011-11-28 15:07:08','','Waiting'),(731,'Health and its determinants in Scotland and other parts of post-industrial Europe: the ‘Aftershock of Deindustrialisation’ study - phase two ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This is the second stage of a research project which compares health and its determinants in West Central Scotland with a number of other post-industrial European regions. The first stage was published in 2008 by the Glasgow Centre for Population Health and NHS Health Scotland in a report entitled ‘The Aftershock of Deindustrialisation – trends in mortality in Scotland and other parts of post-industrial Europe’. \n\nPost-industrial decline is often blamed for Scotland’s – and particularly West Central Scotland’s (WCS) – enduring poor health status. The first stage of research, therefore, sought to: (a) identify other regions in Europe which had experienced comparable levels of deindustrialisation; and (b) collect and analyse long-term trends in mortality for all the identified regions. The results showed that mortality was generally lower in the other regions compared to WCS, and was improving faster. \n\nThe aim of this second stage was to investigate the reasons why this was the case. Specifically, it sought to determine:\n•	whether WCS’s relatively poorer health could be explained purely in terms of socio-economic factors (poverty, deprivation etc.).\n•	whether comparisons of other key health determinant data could identify important differences between WCS and other regions.\n\nIn addition, it drew on emerging results from accompanying research analysing the historical, economic and political context in key regions.\n\nThis report presents analyses of a range of data across twelve post-industrial regions in Europe (four in the UK, four in western mainland Europe, and four in eastern mainland Europe). These analyses are underpinned by illustrative examples from more in-depth comparisons between WCS and four particular regions within: Germany; France; Poland; and the Czech Republic. These case studies are published separately as four accompanying reports. \n\nThe principal findings of all these analyses are that:\n•	The vast majority of the post-industrial regions share important characteristics: deindustrialisation causes economic and social upheaval, and impacts on population health.\n•	The particular poor health status of WCS compared to the other regions cannot be explained in terms of current measures of poverty and deprivation: socio-economic conditions within WCS are similar to, or better than, many regions which have superior health profiles.\n•	Time series data do not provide convincing evidence that historical poverty is responsible for current poor health outcomes in WCS. \n•	Compared to other post-industrial regions in mainland Europe, income inequalities in WCS (and in the other UK regions) are greater.\n•	Health inequalities also appear to be wider in WCS.\n•	WCS also stands out in terms of a number of social factors: for example, proportionally higher numbers of its population live alone or as lone parents. \n•	Differences are also apparent in relation to aspects of child and maternal health: for example, there are relatively higher rates of teenage pregnancy and motherhood, and higher numbers of low birth-weight babies in WCS. \n•	Some of these distinguishing features – e.g. higher income inequalities, more lone parent households, more teenage mothers – are true also of the other UK post-industrial regions. These regions also share a recent economic history different to that experienced elsewhere in Europe.\n•	Of all the other deindustrialised regions in Europe, Merseyside appears the most similar to WCS: it shares almost all the adverse social and economic characteristics listed above. However, what distinguishes WCS from Merseyside is a poorer health profile.\n\nWhat emerges from these observations is a picture that is only partially coming into focus. Poorer health in WCS can be attributed to three layers of causation. First, it is a deindustrialised region. This is a fundamental driver of poor health which WCS shares with all other regions that were part of this analysis. Second, by virtue of being part of the UK, WCS has experienced a set of economic policies and social trends which overlap with continental Europe but are, nonetheless, different in important ways. Chief amongst these are the more ‘neo-liberal’ economic policies pursued by the UK, higher levels of economic inequality and higher proportions of potentially vulnerable households. The third level has to do with unexplained factors which cause WCS to experience worse health outcomes than similar regions within the UK: in particular, WCS has worse health outcomes than regions like Merseyside which have remarkably similar histories and socio-economic profiles. That is why the picture is only partially in focus. The investigation is continuing with a programme of research focussing on the post-industrial cities of Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester. Initial results are expected in early 2012. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'report available here: http://www.gcph.co.uk/publications/271_the_aftershock_of_deindustrialisation_study-phase_two','david.walsh@drs.glasgow.gov.uk','2011-10-04 15:10:56','2011-12-27 10:49:56','','Waiting'),(732,'Increasingly normal, never the norm. Acceptance of homosexuality in the Netherlands','Steeds gewoner, nooit gewoon. Acceptatie van homoseksualiteit in Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Homosexuality is becoming more and more accepted in the Netherlands: in fact, compared with other Western countries, the Dutch public hold the most positive attitudes towards homosexuality. Despite this, there are still groups in the Netherlands who have difficulty with homosexuality and bisexuality. Moreover, people are not equally tolerant on all fronts.\n\nBased on information from large-scale population surveys and in-depth interviews with young heterosexuals, in this report we present a picture of Dutch attitudes to homosexuality. Gay and bisexual men and lesbian and bisexual women were also asked how accepted they feel, and whether they have experienced any negative reactions because of their sexual preferences. Under the name SameFeelings, a detailed online survey was also conducted to ascertain the experiences of young gays. Finally, interviews were conducted with key stakeholders from five minority groups: orthodox Protestants plus Dutch citizens with a Surinamese, Moroccan, Turkish and Chinese background. What are the attitudes in these groups to homosexuality, and have those attitudes changed in recent decades?\n\nThis report was compiled at the request of the fourth Balkenende government, which set itself the objective of improving public attitudes towards homosexuality. The Netherlands Institute for Social Research/SCP was requested to carry out periodic studies to monitor the achievement of this objective. The report was written jointly by SCP, the University of Amsterdam, Maastricht University and the Movisie research institute.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2011-10-04 15:45:44','2012-01-02 11:05:55','','Waiting'),(733,'Sport for Life. Report on sport 2010','Sport: een leven lang. Rapportage sport 2010',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Many Dutch people are involved in sport: by participating themselves, performing voluntary work for a sports club, following the sporting achievements of others via the media or attending sporting events. In this report we look at each of these forms of involvement in the different phases of people\'s lives. In which phase of life is participation in sport popular? At what age do people do a lot of voluntary work? Do only young people attend sporting events, with older people following football matches from the comfort of their living room?\n\nPopulation ageing is leading to marked changes in Dutch society. Are sports providers taking this into account? How do they respond to the different phases of life? Or are people organising their sports participation themselves? Will there still be enough sports facilities where people can participate in the future?\n\nThe Report on Sport 2010 (Rapportage sport 2010), with its special theme Sport for life (Sport: een leven lang) was written by researchers from the Netherlands Institute for Social Research/SCP, the W.J.H. Mulier Institute and other research institutes, and provides a good deal of in-depth information for all those who are involved with Dutch sport for their work or studies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2011-10-05 13:44:48','2011-12-27 10:19:34','','Waiting'),(734,'Family Report 2011','Gezinsrapport 2011',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Between 2007 and 2010 the Netherlands had its first ever Minister for Youth and Family. The position of the family in modern society is a subject of considerable debate, not just at political and policy level, but also in society itself. Voices are frequently heard in that debate expressing concern about the functioning of modern families and about the development of the children who grow up in them. But what are the facts when it comes to family life in the Netherlands? Which families encounter difficulties that require action from the government or support services?\n\nThe Family Report 2011 paints a picture of the way in which families form in the Netherlands today, and the views that people have about this. It describes the financial position of families and the way in which parents combine looking after children with performing paid work.\n\nParticular attention is devoted in the Report to bringing up children. Despite the wide societal attention for this question, relatively little is known about how parents in the Netherlands actually raise their children today. What do today\'s parents consider important in bringing up their children? What do they do when their child refuses to listen, does things that are dangerous or not allowed, or when their child is sad or troubled? And what role does the social environment play? Can parents today still rely on relatives, friends or neighbours to help with bringing up their children? The Netherlands Institute for Social Research/SCP carried out a study of these questions in 2010, in a large-scale survey of almost 2,700 parents with children aged up to 17 years. The findings are set out in this Report.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2011-10-05 13:49:41','2011-12-27 09:56:49','','Waiting'),(735,'Just doing what comes naturally. Acceptance of homosexuality in the Netherlands','Gewoon doen. Acceptatie van homoseksualiteit in Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to international comparative opinion research, the Netherlands is among the countries where homosexuality is the most widely accepted. Moreover, in recent decades the Dutch government has led the way in according equal rights to homosexual citizens. Any number of famous Dutch figures openly profess their homosexuality; gays and lesbians figure on television programmes and in commercials; negative statements about homosexuals elicit indignant reactions from opinion leaders. In recent years, however, a number of developments have taken place which rather contradict this image of complete acceptance. Hostility towards homosexuality is common in schools, making life more diffi cult for homosexual teachers and pupils than for their heterosexual counterparts. Gays and lesbians are not infrequently insulted in the streets or even physically assaulted; in some neighbourhoods their lives are made a misery, and in orthodox religious circles homosexuality is regarded as a sin. How can these two images be reconciled? Are contemporary expressions of homophobia merely exceptions, excesses or remnants of the past? Do they perhaps stand out because the Dutch today are more alert to discrimination against homosexuals? Or is homophobia genuinely on the rise, for example as a result of changes in the population profile? At the request of the government, the Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP) carried out a study into the acceptance of homosexuality in the Netherlands. This study provides answers to the following questions: \n1. What is the present attitude of the Dutch population towards homosexuality, homosexual men and lesbian women, and homosexual behaviour?\n2. What trends are evident in the acceptance of homosexuality in the Netherlands?\n3. Which population groups in particular have negative attitudes to homosexuality?\n4. What are the implications of the study findings for policy on homosexual emancipation, and how can developments in attitudes to homosexuality best be measured in the future?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2011-10-05 15:25:20','2012-01-02 11:04:05','','Waiting'),(736,'What makes workers happy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article answers the question what makes workers happy? It does so by combining insights from micro-economics, sociology and psychology. Basis is the standard utility function of a worker that includes income and hours of work and is elaborated with job characteristics. In this way it is possible to answer whether part-time workers are happier than full-time workers. The utility function is estimated on basis of the European Social Survey 2004 which contains all necessary information. The results show that workers optimize income and hours of work as predicted by microeconomics, but also that part-time workers are happier than full-time workers. Challenging work with a high level of autonomy makes the workers happy, work pressure makes workers unhappy. Higher educated workers are unhappier than lower educated workers, we find a negative effect of education, but this is compensated by the type of jobs these higher educated hold.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','p.h.van.der.meer@rug.nl','2011-10-17 12:08:10','2011-12-23 12:49:56','','Waiting'),(737,'Value isomorphism in the European Social Survey: Exploration of Meaning Shifts in Values Across Levels','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The similarity of value structures at an individual and country level has long been debated. Previous research has shown less than perfect match, but has not been able to explain why any meaning shift might occur. In this study, the 21 Portrait Value Survey items included in the European Social Survey were analyzed. Data from representative samples from countries included in the 2002, 2004 and 2006 waves were analysed using multidimensional scaling and generalized procrustean rotation. Values shifts were small, but highly stable across time. The findings indicate that values towards the self-enhancement pole shift towards more social (conservation) and less power-oriented (self-transcendence) positions when aggregated. These shifts provide some initial support for cultural evolution arguments. I discuss implications of these data for relevant social evolutionary theories and for value measurement.   ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online before print July 10, 2011','ronald.fischer@vuw.ac.nz','2011-10-27 10:59:19','2011-11-28 14:48:01','','Waiting'),(738,'Intergenerational Social Mobility in Belgium. The Role of Social Origin in Social and Educational Destinies and the Gender Dimension of Social Fluidity','La mobilité sociale intergénérationnelle en Belgique. Rôle de l’origine sociale dans les destinées sociales et scolaires et dimension sexuée de la fluidité sociale',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The goal of this article is to trace general tendencies concerning intergenerational social mobility in Belgium based on recently produced data, the last in-depth study on a national level dating back to 1970. The questions treated more specifically are the role of social origin in social and educational destinies as well as the gender dimension of social fluidity. Produced in the context of “The European Social Survey”, the data are analysed in contingency tables with the aid of log-linear models and adequacy tests. Concerning socio-professional destinies, the study shows a tendency toward social immobility. Concerning educational destinies, we note that individuals’ educational levels are correspondingly higher among those issuing from higher categories in the social hierarchy. Moreover, our analyses lead us to conclude to the existence of different “types” of mobility for men and women if we consider mobility from the angle of the “property” criterion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jgires@ulb.ac.be','2011-10-27 11:09:32','2011-11-28 14:30:41','','Waiting'),(739,'Perceptions of Adolescents\' Adulthood Entry and Sexual Initiation in Nordic Countries','Perceptions of Adolescents\' Adulthood Entry and Sexual Initiation in Nordic Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine public opinions about the timing of adolescents\' adulthood entrance and sexual debut in four Nordic countries. The research questions concern the appropriate ages when young people become adults and when young people are old enough to engage in sexual activities.\n\nDesign/methodology/approach – The data utilised are derived from the Danish, Swedish, Norwegian and Finnish sections of the third European Social Survey (n = 7,078) conducted in 2006. By comparing the ages reported for boys and girls, the paper focuses on the disparities of responses between population groups.\n\nFindings – The results reveal that there are notable differences in the appropriate ages reported for girls and boys. There is also variation in the responses by country. However, socio-demographic information can predict respondents\' opinions only partially.\n\nResearch limitations/implications – The analysis is based on cross-sectional data. Subjective measures are used as the dependent and independent variables.\n\nOriginality/value – The results reveal interesting tensions in the Nordic welfare societies regarding people\'s perceptions of adulthood entrance. It is discussed to what degree the observations regarding the appropriate timing of adulthood entry and coital initiation may underline culturally defined stereotypes between sexes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','pekka.rasanen@utu.fi','2011-10-27 12:12:47','2011-11-28 14:20:56','','Waiting'),(740,'The Affluent Society and its Religious Consequences: An Empirical Investigation of 20 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper offers an alternative account of the frequently observed association between gross domestic product growth and a decline in traditional church attendance. The approach follows Durkheim\'s focus on the social functions of religion. It is hypothesized that economic prosperity leads to an exchange of the mediators of social activities, rather than to an increase in existential security or rationalization: With income development individuals increasingly engage in consumption-related practices. In turn, traditional religious activities, contexts and symbols lose their significance as mediators for social action. This hypothesis is tested, in competition with the ‘updated secularization hypothesis’ of Norris and Inglehart, via multilevel analyses. Data are drawn from the European Social Survey and the Eurobarometer, relying on micro and macro units on 82 (NUTS1) regions from 20 European countries. In accordance with the consumption hypothesis, results indicate that increases in gross domestic product lead to religious decline primarily by supplanting the dominant modes of social action.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jochen.hirschle@uibk.ac.at','2011-10-27 12:57:11','2011-11-28 14:13:44','','Waiting'),(741,'Choice of Study Discipline and the Postponement of Motherhood in Europe: The Impact of Expected Earnings, Gender Composition, and Family Attitudes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Theory suggests that the field of study may be at least as consequential for fertility behavior as the duration and level of education. Yet, this qualitative dimension of educational achievement has been largely neglected in demographic studies. This article analyzes the mechanisms relating the field of study with the postponement of motherhood by European college-graduate women aged 20–40. The second round of the European Social Survey is used to assess the impact of four features of study disciplines that are identified as key to reproductive decision making: the expected starting wage, the steepness of the earning profile, attitudes toward gendered family roles, and gender composition. The results indicate that the postponement of motherhood is relatively limited among graduates from study disciplines in which stereotypical attitudes about family roles prevail and in which a large share of the graduates are female. Both the level of the starting wage and the steepness of the earning profile are found to be associated with greater postponement. These results are robust to controlling for the partnership situation and the age at entry into the labor market.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Jan.VanBavel@soc.kuleuven.be','2011-10-27 14:17:40','2011-11-28 14:06:37','','Waiting'),(742,'Basic Human Values in Estonia and Baltic Sea Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ten articles collection-monograph edited and introduced by Indrek Tart: VALUES AS A REGULATIVE DEVICE OF MIND CULTURE & VALUES AS REGULATORS OF LAY REPRESENTATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS by Maaris Raudsepp; THEORETICAL MODELS OF BASIC HUMAN VALUES & HETEROGENEITY OF THE ESTONIAN VALUE SPACE & THE STABILITY OF ESTONIAN VALUE HIERARCHIES BASED ON TWO SCHWARTZ VALUE SURVEYS by Marko Sõmer; ESTONIAN BASIC VALUE STRUCTURES by Laur Lilleoja and Indrek Tart; DATA MANIPULATION STRATEGIES AND SCHWARTZ TYPOLOGIES & BASIC HUMAN VALUES OF SWEDEN, FINLAND AND ESTONIA & PERSONAL AND CULTURAL BASIC VALUES IN EUROPEAN SOCIAL SURVEY: 2002-2008 by Indrek Tart with QUESTIONNAIRES FOR BASIC HUMAN VALUES COMPILED BY INDREK TART.\n\n\n\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','itart@tlu.ee','2011-10-27 15:22:22','2012-01-02 10:49:39','','Waiting'),(743,'Basic Personal Values and the Meaning of Left-Right Political Orientations in 20 Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study used basic personal values to elucidate the motivational meanings of “left” and “right” political orientations in 20 representative national samples from the European Social Survey (2002–2003). It also compared the importance of personal values and sociodemographic variables as determinants of political orientation. Hypotheses drew on the different histories, prevailing culture, and socioeconomic level of three sets of countries—liberal, traditional, and postcommunist. As hypothesized, universalism and benevolence values explained a left orientation in both liberal and traditional countries and conformity and tradition values explained a right orientation; values had little explanatory power in postcommunist countries. Values predicted political orientation more strongly than sociodemographic variables in liberal countries, more weakly in postcommunist countries, and about equally in traditional countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2011-10-27 15:41:16','2011-11-28 13:58:04','','Waiting'),(744,'Values: Cultural and individual','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter presents and contrasts my individual-level and culture-level theories of values and suggests how to apply them fruitfully together. It is structured as follows: First, I explicate each theory, specifying its constructs and the relations among them and citing evidence to support them. Next, I compare the empirical structures obtained when the same values data are analyzed at the two levels of analysis and discuss how to interpret these structures as expressions of individual personality and of societal culture. I then contrast the causes of individual differences in basic values and the causes of societal differences in cultural orientations. Next, I present and illustrate the questions that cultural orientations are suited to address and the different questions that individual values are suited to address. Finally, I discuss and illustrate how multi-level analyses that exploit both types of values together can explain national and individual differences in behavior and attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2011-10-27 16:03:12','2012-01-02 10:42:11','','Waiting'),(745,'Cross-national variation in the size of sex differences in values: Effects of gender equality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How does gender equality relate to men’s and women’s value priorities? We hypothesize that, for both sexes, the importance of benevolence, universalism, stimulation, hedonism and self-direction values increases with greater gender equality whereas the importance of power, achievement, security, and tradition values decreases. Of particular relevance to the present study, increased gender equality should also permit both sexes to pursue more freely the values they inherently care about more. Drawing on evolutionary and role theories, we postulate that woman inherently value benevolence and universalism more than men, whereas men inherently value power, achievement, and stimulation more than women. Thus, as gender equality increases sex differences in these values should increase, whereas sex differences in other values should not be affected by increases in gender equality. Studies of 25 representative national samples and of students from 68 countries confirmed the hypotheses except for tradition values. Implications for cross-cultural research on sex differences in values and traits are discussed.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2011-10-27 16:12:19','2011-11-28 13:52:00','','Waiting'),(746,'Testing the Invariance of Values in the Benelux Countries with the European Social Survey: Accounting for Ordinality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is no abstract',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','davidov@soziologie.uzh.ch','2011-10-27 16:32:50','2015-07-28 10:19:53','','Waiting'),(747,'Educational Inequality Dynamics: Social Origins and Educational Attainment in 16 European Countries, 1920-1975','Le dinamiche delle disuguaglianze di istruzione. Origini sociali e conseguimento dei titoli di studio in 16 paesi europei, 1920-1975',22,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main purpose of this article is to investigate whether inequality of educational outcomes has changed over time in a comparative perspective. Results of previous studies are mixed: some found persistent inequality in most of the industrialized countries, while recent works found a significant decline. Here 3 pooled waves of the European Social Survey are used to investigate changes in inequality of educational outcomes in 16 European countries. Ordinal logistic regression, integrated with multivariable fractional polynomials, is employed to model changes over time in the association between social origin and educational attainment. The basic results indicate a significant reduction of inequality in all the 16 European countries examined, but with different patterns (in some countries the trend is linear, whereas in others it is nonlinear). Inequalities in the probability of attaining tertiary education show a decline in Nordic and Southern Europe, versus stability or an increase in Eastern and Western Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','moris.triventi1@unimib.it','2011-10-31 16:20:33','2011-11-28 13:38:39','','Waiting'),(748,'Individualization and Family Solidarity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The profound changes the family has undergone in recent decades have been part of a broader social process of individualization.  Through this process individuals have gained a greater capacity to determine their own life projects, which are no longer primarily defined by models inherited from the past.  Individualization is behind the changes in women’s social roles, the fall in the birth-rate, the disappearance of patriarchy, the emergence of new forms of family and the appearance of the negotiating family.  The objective of this study is to look at the scope of the effects of individualization on patterns of family solidarity in Spain.\n To do this, five major aspects of family solidarity are analyzed: Norms regarding mutual support among members of the family network; support in the form of services or time; financial support; the composition of the family network, and the geographic distance between members and the patterns of contact among them.\n Among the questions this study attempts to answer are the following: What is the scope of family solidarity in Spain and what forms does it take? Is contact among family members more frequent in Spain than in other countries?  Who provides more support: older or younger generations?  Our results challenge stereotypes regarding the family in Spain and reveal that individualization has transformed the norms and practices of family solidarity\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The book can be download for free from the \"la Caixa\" Foundation webpage (there is a version in english)at:\nhttp://obrasocial.lacaixa.es/ambitos/estudiossociales/volumenes11_es.html#vol32\n\nThe original version is in Spanish, but the book has been also translated to english.\n\nThe empirical database of the book is heterogenous, including, among many others, ESS data from round 2 and 4.','gerardo.meil@uam.es','2011-11-05 19:49:18','2012-01-02 10:26:22','','Waiting'),(749,'Scandinavian countries and the European identity','Les pays scandinaves et l\'identité européenne',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Denmark, Norway and Sweden have been neglected in the study of European identity and multiple identities. With the presence of local, regional, national and two supranational identities, the Scandinavian and European identities, this region is characterized by a complex set of identities that need to be studied. A number of questions come up regarding this situation. Are national and supranational identities compatible and complementary? What is the intensity or strength of these identities? What is the relationship between the Scandinavian and European identities? To answer these questions, we proceed by doing a review of the literature, followed by a survey analysis. We also use two typologies drawn from works on identity to answer these questions. By comparing data for each country, we were able to observe that the literature tends to oppose identities and view them as mutually exclusive, whereas surveys moderate these conclusions and show that national and supranational identities are complementary. National identities are strong in Scandinavia, but European identity progressing.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','gguit017@uottawa.ca','2011-11-15 17:57:16','2011-12-23 12:43:12','','Waiting'),(750,'Values, attitudes and the protection of environment','Arvot, asenteet ja ympäristönsuojelu',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In his article, Martti Puohiniemi analyses the development of the environment attitudes and values of the Finns and the Europeans. The analysis of the development of the environment attitudes of the Finns cover the time from the spring of 1990 to the spring of 2010, and is carried out by using the time series of TNS Gallup. The analysis of environment related values is carried out by using two data sets. The values of the Finns are analyzed by using the SVS-data of the A3-study (1991-2005) (Puohiniemi 2002; 2006; 2007) and the values of the Europeans are analyzed by using the PVQ21-data of the European Social Survey (2002-2008).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','martti.puohiniemi@limor.fi','2011-11-21 09:34:43','2012-01-02 10:18:45','','Waiting'),(751,'Crisis, economic uncertainty and union members\' attitudes towards immigration in Europe ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The literature identifies three key factors that shape attitudes towards immigration: socio-economic uncertainty, ideology and the institutional framework. The aim of this article is to take a closer look at the differences in trade union members’ attitudes to immigration and the factors that determine them. We test three hypotheses by addressing three questions. First, what are the differences between the attitudes of trade union members and non-members with regard to immigration? Second, how are attitudes affected by material socio-economic variables? Third, how do different institutional frameworks and contexts affect trade union members’ attitudes? We conclude that attitudes can be explained by the interaction between economic and ideological variables. This has important implications for trade union strategies geared towards the integration of migrant workers',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The data base is very useful and very well constructed. In my opinion ESS should produce data for a group of stable countries in order to facilitate comparation. Also, should be interesting to introduce contextual variables, such GDP, Social Expenses, etc. by countries.','antonio.martin@uab.es','2011-11-22 15:02:28','2011-11-28 13:25:09','','Waiting'),(752,'Attitudes towards the use of health services - how are they socially structured?','Holdninger til bruk av helsetjenester - hvordan er de sosialt strukturert?',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The primary aim of this thesis was to examine wether attitudes towards the health services vary systematically according to socioeconomic position, measured here in terms of level of education, as the current body of knowledge suggests that socioeconomic position is of importance for the utilization of public health services, and moreover, that the health services recently has been identified as an important area for efforts to reduce social inequalities. \n\nThe data used in this paper are from the Norwegian sample of European Social Survey, round 2 (2004-2005). Associations between level of education and attitudes towards the health services have been analysed for men and women separately by way of logistic regression; the analyses are furthermore adjusted for age, self-reported health status and use of health services. \n\nThe results suggest that there are systematic variations in attitudes towards the health services according to educational level among men and/or women, with regards to reported perception of the state of the health services, wether doctors use words patients find difficult to understand or if they discuss treatment with patients before they decide, and also for intended doctor consultation for a variety of hypothetical symptoms.\n\nThe observed attitudinal variation may be related to individual factors, but also to structural and relational aspects of the health services. This calls for an increased awareness concerning socially patterned attitudes and their potential relation to differential use of health services by SEP at several levels throughout the health service system, including the health professionals. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','b.kluwertrotter@hotmail.com','2011-12-12 20:14:10','2011-12-15 09:50:29','','Waiting'),(753,'Subjective Wellbeing: Happiness and Life Satisfaction in Greece','Υποκειμενική Ευημερία: Ευτυχία και Ικανοποίηση των Ελλήνων από τη Ζωή τους',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we discuss the subjective feelings of well-being. More specifically, we research the relationship between life satisfaction and happiness on the one and and age, family income, education, social networks, social trust and the feeling of security on the other.\nAs significant findings of the fourth round of ESS, we indicate the following: Greek people are not so satisfied with their lives. Young people, as well as those who lead a stable familial life, participate in social networks that fulfill their emotional needs, depend on an income that allows them to respond to their obligations, those who are educated and have a job, have a higher level of well being. On the other hand, people who are happy and satisfied with their lives are trusting other people and feel more secure.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','hstrat@ekke.gr','2011-12-18 20:34:03','2012-01-02 09:55:30','','Waiting'),(754,'Trust in Institutions','Εμπιστοσύνη στους Θεσμούς',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust in institutions is a necessary condition for democracy. It is considered as one of the main variables that count the distance between citizens and policy and is related with the function of political system and the quality of democracy. Low trust in the political system (politicians or institutions or both) suggests that one or some of its fundamentals is thought to be functioning poorly or that something is wrong.\nThis article presents a review of European Social Survey;s (4th Round) findings in Greece concerning the trust of citizen in institutions. From a first point of view, it is observed a general lack of confidence of the respondents in political institutions such as politicians, political parties, the national and the European Parliaments. On the other hand, non representative institutions, such as police and justice, which act as control mechanisms and counterbalance anomy provoked inadequacies, are trusted more than political institutions.\nFinally, European Social Survey\'s data present an increasing lack of interest of citizens concerning the representation procedures and an advancing crisis of the political system.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','cvarouxi@ekke.gr','2011-12-18 20:42:02','2012-01-02 09:54:36','','Waiting'),(755,'The Geography of Well-Being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We consider the economic and non-economic determinants of well-being across Europe and ask what level of geographical aggregation (for example, individual, regional or national) matters for individual well-being and whether the drivers of well-being differ within and between these different levels. Our results show a more heterogenous set of drivers for individual well-being across regions in Europe than previously described. Not only are individual-level effects significant, but so too are regional factors. In particular, absolute regional factors dominate the effect of an individual\'s position relative to their region for certain non-economic variables. The significance of these non-economic factors changes depending on the sample of countries considered, but in each case the regional effects dominate for those variables that are significant.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online: December 14, 2011','lc242@cam.ac.uk','2011-12-21 13:46:48','2011-12-23 12:40:17','','Waiting'),(756,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2010/3','COB Kwartaalbericht 2010 | 3. Kwartaalrapportage van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2011-10-03 13:59:18','2011-12-27 11:49:32','','Waiting'),(757,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2011/3','Burgerperspectieven 2011 | 3. Kwartaalbericht van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2011-10-03 11:45:29','2011-12-27 11:56:52','','Waiting'),(758,'test1','',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'test test',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-01-02 08:36:11','2012-01-02 08:36:11','','Waiting'),(759,'test 3','',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'test test test',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-01-02 08:39:57','2012-01-02 08:39:57','','Waiting'),(760,'Religiosity and Migration: Travel into One\'s Self versus Travel Across Cultures.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines differences in religious behaviors of the native born and immigrants in Europe, measured as self-reported religiosity, frequency of praying, and frequency of church attendance. Using the European Social Survey, we first show that, on average, religiosity of immigrants is higher than that of the native born, even among those without a religious affiliation. We test hypotheses that can explain these observations. Differences in individual characteristics, such as age, education, income, marital status, and notably denominations, partly account for the overall differences. Religiosity of immigrants declines with duration in the destination. Both origin and destination country characteristics, such as economic development, religious pluralism, religious freedom, and societal attitudes towards religion are important predictors of religiosity. These external factors are able to fully explain the difference in church attendance between immigrants and the native born.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2011-09-19 09:53:15','2012-01-02 11:17:20','','Waiting'),(761,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2011/1','Burgerperspectieven 2011 | 1. Kwartaalbericht van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2012-01-02 11:39:44','2012-01-02 11:53:09','','Waiting'),(762,'Age, unemployment, and life satisfaction in Estonia, Finland, Latvia and Sweden','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We examine life satisfaction on Estonia, and Latvia over the past 20 years in comparison to two neighboring Northern European countries - Finland and Sweden.\n\nOur findings indicate that life satisfaction in Estonia and Latvia over the period of the past 20 years has constantly been at a lower level than in Finland and Sweden with the mean level differences between the four countries being most likely due to political and socio-economic factors. In countries with stable political and economic environments (such as Finland and Sweden), life satisfaction is quite stable across the lifespan. In Estonia and Latvia, however, the young¬est people (those aged 15-20 years) are remarkably hap¬pier than older people, and are almost as satisfied with their lives as their contemporaries in Finland and Sweden. Unemployment has a detrimental effect on life satisfaction - the dramatic upsurge in the (aged 21-25 years) unemployment rate among young people in Estonia and Latvia may have affected young people\'s life satisfaction, which has noticeably dropped since the economic crisis hit the countries in 2008. Future research will show in which direction the life satisfaction trends will develop over the next years.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://kogu.ee/public/eia2011/eia_eng_2011.pdf','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2012-01-02 17:07:59','2012-01-03 10:12:51','','Waiting'),(763,'Trust in the Legal System and Justice Supporting Society','Usk õigussüsteemi ja õiguskuulekas ühiskond',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The report financed by the Ministry of Justice in Estonia provides the first comparative analysis based on the block of questions about justice and power systems supporting the law from ESS5.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2012-01-02 17:24:56','2012-01-03 10:08:06','','Waiting'),(764,'Temporal trends in intergenerational social mobility in Switzerland: A cohort study of men and women born between 1912 and 1974','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The central question addressed in this paper is to what extent the influence of social origin on life chances has changed over time for both men and women. In order to capture this change, intergenerational social mobility of eight different birth-cohorts, covering most of the entire twentieth century, is analysed using a unique collection of twelve Swiss national population sample surveys. The main results show that social mobility has remained constant across cohorts born in 1912 and those born in 1974. This suggests that unlike some other industrialised countries, inequality based on social origin is persistent in Switzerland.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','julie.falcon@unil.ch','2012-01-09 13:41:07','2012-08-13 10:32:33','','Waiting'),(765,'Trends in intergenerational social mobility in Switzerland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While there has been extensive research into the degree of change over time in intergenerational social mobility in many industrialised countries, to date little research has been carried out on this issue in Switzerland. Therefore, the central question addressed in this presentation is to what extent the influence of social origin on life chances has changed over time for both men and women in Switzerland. In order to capture this change, absolute and relative intergenerational social mobility of eight different birth-cohorts, covering most of the entire twentieth century, is analysed using a unique collection of twelve Swiss national population sample surveys gathered between 1975 and 20091. The main results show that social mobility has remained constant across cohorts born in 1912 and those born in 1974, suggesting that the trend of no change in social fluidity observed in many industrialised countries also holds in Switzerland.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','julie.falcon@unil.ch','2012-01-09 13:45:59','2012-01-10 09:32:22','','Waiting'),(766,'Changes in intergenerational social mobility in Switzerland: Is inequality of opportunity still persistent?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Like many other Western countries, Switzerland has experienced throughout the 20th century massive social changes notably in terms of economic development, labor force composition and educational expansion. As a consequence, according to the liberal theory of industrialism, social selection should have become more based on meritocratic assets. In other words, the effects of social origin on class destination were expected to diminish over time.\nNevertheless, social stratification scholars have for many years called into question this theory, demonstrating that these developments led to little or no change in equality of opportunity (Erikson and Goldthorpe 1992; Shavit and Blossfeld 1993). Subsequently, new research, carried out with new methods and / or new data, has argued that several countries did indeed experience an increase in equality of opportunity across the 20th century (Breen 2004; Breen et al. 2009; Breen and Jonsson 2007; Vallet 1999; Thélot and Vallet 2000; Erikson and Jonsson 1996; Shavit and Westerbeek 1998; Jonsson and Erikson 2000; Sieben, Huinink, and de Graaf 2001).\nIn the case of Switzerland, the few existing studies carried out on this topic concluded that there is a persistence of inequality of opportunity (Levy et al. 1997; Levy, Joye, and Kaufmann 1997; Joye, Bergman, and Lambert 2003; Bergman, Joye, and Fux 2002; Buchmann and Charles 1993), but it must be noted that some of these conclusions are limited to a short time frame or a specific population. Furthermore, recent research refuted the theories of the decline of social class, suggesting that social mobility is still very limited in Switzerland (Tillmann and Budowski 2007; Tillmann 2010). Therefore, based on this, I address the following question: is inequality of opportunity still persistent in Switzerland?\nI will answer this question by analysing the evolution of intergenerational social mobility in Switzerland over time. In order to maximize the chance to capture potential social change, I will use 12 aggregated datasets, including the two samples of the Swiss Household Panel, which I will divide into several birth cohorts born between the early 20th century and the 1970s.\nMore precisely, I will test whether the relationship between social origin and social destination has changed between cohorts using log-linear and log-multiplicative models which “serve as a measure of social fluidity and control for the fact that class distributions may differ due to changes in the marginal distributions of classes” (Scherer et al. 2007:9). I will emphasize the gender dimension and, where possible, distinguish social origin based on the father and mother\'s position. Indeed research on social mobility always tends to focus only on the transmission of social position from father to son, widely underestimating the role of mothers as well as the specific pattern of women\'s social mobility.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','julie.falcon@unil.ch','2012-01-09 13:50:04','2012-01-10 09:43:41','','Waiting'),(767,'The Impact of Family Policy and Career Interruptions on Women\'s Perceptions of the Negative Occupational Consequences of Full-Time Home Care','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the role of family policy in shaping mothers’ choice between work and care and the perceived occupational consequences of that choice. A central question concerns how parental/maternal leave and childcare policies affect the occupational consequences for mothers who spend time on full-time caring. Using comparative data from the second round of the 2004/05 European Social Survey, the analysis shows that the duration of career interruption due to care-giving and different care policies influence mothers’ subjective feelings about caring for children having negative consequences for their careers. On the one hand, our findings confirm the hypothesis that long-term absence from the labour market due to full-time care has negative consequences for women\'s occupational careers. On the other hand, our findings show that countries with well paid leave schemes combined with access to high quality childcare reduce the perceived negative occupational consequences of the time spent on full-time care. This is the case independently of the duration of the career interruption due to care-giving.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ejrnaes@ruc.dk','2012-01-11 11:29:04','2012-01-11 14:51:13','','Waiting'),(768,'Well-being and Trust: Bulgaria in Europe? (Comparative Analysis after ESS Rounds 2006/2009)','Благополучие и доверие: България в Европа? (Сравнителен анализ по Европейското социално изследване (ESS) 2006/2009) ',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This unique collective work of social analysis is the result of the effort of 25 Bulgarian social researchers (scholars from four of the largest universities in Bulgaria, the authors are doctors of sociological science, doctors of sociology, post-graduate students, and specialists). It offers ample expert analysis on the state of present-day Bulgarian society, its problems and perspectives.\nThe work contains discussions on the characteristics, indicators, and trends of the quality of life, well-being, and levels of satisfaction among Bulgarian citizens, on why we are living in a “low-trust society”, on the fears of Bulgarians, the parameters of our living conditions and prosperity level, the hardships of the transition from national to European identity, the postmodernization of our life style, why our happiness index is so low, how the balancing between work and family life is achieved, the causes of social exclusion and prospects of the socially excluded, how the global crisis is impacting on economic attitudes in our country, how the line of poverty may serve as a minimal standard, how social involvement is projected in Internet communications, the tolerance of Bulgarians towards foreigners, the role of gender, age and educational inequalities, etc.\nThe analyses are supported by a large amount of tables, graphs, and figures. As a supplement valuable in itself, the book also contains a one-dimensional distribution of empirical data for Bulgaria obtained from the two ESS rounds (2006 and 2009).\nThe thematic variety of the analyses contained in the collective work, the abundance of comparative empirical information, makes this publication a valuable guide for researchers, teachers, under-graduate and post-graduate students, managers and politicians, media specialists, and people working in various practical fields. \n  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lilia.dimova@consultant.bg','2012-01-19 10:38:11','2012-01-19 13:32:04','','Waiting'),(770,'Finns go to the polls on Sunday. Who is your money on?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Our quantitative analysis at Counterpoint indicates that, looking at Finns voters over the past decade, around 60 per cent are ‘reluctant’ supporters that do not see themselves as close to the party.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://counterpoint.uk.com/publications/finns-go-to-the-polls-on-sunday/','marley.morris@counterpoint.uk.com','2012-01-23 11:13:16','2012-01-24 18:11:37','','Waiting'),(771,'research older time use survey in europe','',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'use survey',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anneliaasmaa@hot.ee','2012-01-25 14:59:59','2012-01-25 14:59:59','','Waiting'),(772,'Employment status influences suicide mortality in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: The present study attempted to assess the relationship between suicide mortality and employment status in Europe.\nMethods: Suicide trends were obtained from the World Health Organization, employment rates from the Conference Board Total Economy Database, and questions about citizens’ attitudes towards employment from the European Social Survey. Correlations were analysed. Differences between mean scores for attitudes in Western and Eastern Europe were calculated.\nResults: Employment and suicide trends are negatively correlated in most countries. Suicide mortality is associated with unemployment risk and expectations of inadequate financial resources during unemployment, and negatively correlated with an assured high standard of living for the unemployed. Suicide mortality and the degree of conviction that the government should ensure jobs for all are weakly correlated. Attitudes towards employment and unemployment in Eastern and Western Europe diverge.\nConclusions: Changes in employment rates influence suicide mortality in many European countries. Factors that increase suicide mortality include lack of confidence in employment status and unemployed people’s expectations of insufficient income and low living standards. Suicidal behaviour is more strongly related to attitudes linked with employment status among males than females. In Eastern Europe the status of being unemployed is feared more, and people rely more on the government.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aeyuryev@gmail.com','2012-01-26 10:23:18','2012-01-26 13:41:21','','Waiting'),(773,'The Re-stratification of Czech Politics: Class Voting in the Czech Republic between 1992 and 2010','Restratifikace české politiky. Vývoj třídně podmíněného volebního chování v České republice v letech 1992–2010',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the development of class voting in the Czech Republic, 1992– 2010. While many Western countries have been experiencing declining or stable associations between class and electoral choice, we hypothesize that the trend in class voting should be quite different in the Czech Republic, and by extension, in other post-communist countries. We theorize that if a country is undergoing a process of re-stratification – the process in which class-based cleavages and identities regain significance in a new market economy after a long period of their de-stratification by communist egalitarian policies – such a country should also experience increases in class voting in the new market environment. Using standard loglinear and logistic regression approaches, our analysis confirms that class voting has indeed increased in the Czech Republic, particularly from 1998–2010. That increase is large both in the gross effect of class as well as its effect net of the role of other demographic variables. The Czech Republic is therefore relatively unique among countries examined in the international literature on class voting in having increasing associations across several electoral periods.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','romana.trusinova@soc.cas.cz','2012-01-26 10:32:26','2012-01-27 09:27:19','','Waiting'),(774,'The Inequality of Participation: Re-examining the Role of Social Stratification and Post-Communism on Political Participation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article compares the determinants of political participation, from voting and signing petitions to boycotting, across 23 European countries, posing the question whether and to what degree social inequalities in political participation differ between post-communist and Western countries. The data for the analysis is from the second round of the ESS survey, conducted in 2004–2005. The analysis focuses on the role of education, occupation, and gender in shaping the chances of engaging in political action, while also controlling for a range of sociological, political, and demographic variables. Interaction effects between individual variables and a post-communist dummy variable are used to directly compare the statistical significance of the difference in coefficients between post-communist and Western countries. The article finds that the observed effects of the post-communist context are actually accounted for by the indirect effects of a number of individual-level variables. In particular, education, occupation, and gender have stronger effects in post-communist countries than Western countries on many forms of political participation; in other words, the post-communist countries exhibit somewhat larger inequalities in political participation than in the West.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','romana.trusinova@soc.cas.cz','2012-01-26 10:39:50','2012-01-27 09:33:33','','Waiting'),(776,'Shameful Voting','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Discussion of why support for right-wing populist parties is under-reported in surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Counterpoint is a think tank and research group. At the moment we are working on an OSI-funded project entitled \'Recapturing Europe\'s Reluctant Radicals\'. For one part of this project we are pleased to be using the ESS dataset. On the website are articles describing its latest research. This is where the current article is placed - these articles are not academic papers but neither are they magazine articles as such, though this category is perhaps the closest fit. I hope this is clear - if you have any questions please contact me using the email address I have given. Thank you, Marley Morris.','marley.morris@counterpoint.uk.com','2012-02-01 12:09:36','2012-02-02 09:36:29','','Waiting'),(777,'Finnish Election: Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analysis of Finnish presidential election results using research based on the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2012-02-01 11:42:27','2012-02-02 09:32:23','','Waiting'),(778,'Attitudes to seeking medical assistance - variations depending on social background?','Holdninger til legesøkning - variasjoner etter sosial tilhørighet? ',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background. Increasing socio-economic inequalities in health, nationally as well as internationally, give rise to a timely question: Are there any systematic differences between people from differing social backgrounds with regard to their attitude to seeking professional medical assistance when experiencing physical problems of various kinds?\n\nMaterial and method. The data material is taken from the Norwegian part of European Social Survey 2004. The analyses are based on data from 741 men and 694 women aged 25 - 75. The correlation between educational level and attitude to seeking medical assistance in the case of four minor hypothetical symptoms was analysed using logistic regression.\n\nResults. The proportion responding that they would have sought medical attention decreased with increasing level of education. In the unadjusted analyses, the educational differences were statistically significant between the highest and lowest level of education for all symptom scenarios for both genders. In the adjusted analyses, this pattern was observed only among women: women with the lowest level of education reported that they would choose to see a doctor more often than women with the highest level of education, with odds ratios ranging from 1.62 (95 % CI 1.02 - 2.56) for a serious headache to 2.24 (95 % CI 1.40 - 3.58) for a sore throat.\n\nInterpretation. The findings indicate that attitudes to seeking medical assistance - in the sense of how people believe they ought to think and act, and what they believe to be perceived as socially acceptable in given situations - vary systematically with level of education.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','b.kluwertrotter@hotmail.com','2012-02-07 10:54:26','2012-02-08 09:07:47','','Waiting'),(779,'Living Conditions and Well-being ','Условия на живот и благосъстояние ',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The analysis is completed for 8 countries:  Bulgaria, Russia, Rumania, Poland, Slovenia, Spain, Germany and Belgium (2006, 2009). Satisfaction from the economy, quality of education, health services, ecology, as well as attitudes to immigration and its influence on social development of the countries are discussed. The level of well-being and its reflection on social-psychological characteristics of the quality of life are observed. The comparative analysis shows how the life conditions determine frustration, uncertainty and skepticism for the future. The structure of the article is the following:\n3.1. Satisfaction with life at the macro level\n3.2. Immigration attitudes\n3.3. The work of state institutions and the level of living \n3.4. Dissatisfaction with life at the micro level\n3.5. Social networks and way of life\n3.6. Insecurity and way of life\n3.7. Social-psychological characteristics of the way of life\n3.8. Dissatisfaction with working conditions\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','valentina.zlatanova@gmail.com','2012-02-13 11:21:25','2012-02-16 11:40:09','','Waiting'),(780,'Work-Family life balance','Балансът между работа и семеен живот',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Achieving a satisfying work-family balance (WFB) has become a significant challenge in modern societies where the changes in work toward greater intensity, new technologies, and flexibility collide with changes in family life toward more demanding parenting, diverse family forms and higher insecurity. At the same time, there is an increase in both the expectations and resources for mutual enrichment of individual’s social roles in the two life domains. How individuals experience and manage this challenge depends on the multiple social contexts in which their lives unfold.\n\nOn the basis of data from the ESS (2006/9), this paper provides a comparative analysis of WFB in European countries as situated in the structure of opportunities and constraints on the macro level of the country’s labour market and social policy, the meso level of the company and working place and the micro level of the individual household and its members. One conclusion is that Bulgarian respondents score the lowest on the wellbeing scale because they perceive themselves as facing the highest difficulties in achieving WFB: they have the greatest expectations towards the social functions of the state and the lowest satisfaction with the services provided, the most traditional gender expectations meet with the overwhelming practice of full-time work for both partners and low incidence of part-time work, the feelings of high insecurity of work and low autonomy and career prospects are added to the lowest income satisfaction and the highest fear of unexpected family responsibilities.\nThe structure of the article is the following:\n7.1. The concept of work-family balance\n7.2. Empirical basis and the analysis model\n7.3. Resources and constraints from the institutional context \n7.4. Resources and constraints at the workplace \n7.5. Resources and constraints from the household\n7.6. Individual characteristics\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','siykakovacheva@gmail.com','2012-02-13 11:37:22','2012-02-16 11:42:52','','Waiting'),(781,'Global ','Глобалната криза и регионалните икономически нагласи',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper explains in wide numerous dimensions of the effects on social stratification in Bulgaria, induced by two primary factors – accession of the country to EU, and launch of the global crisis. It is discussed in details the registered pessimism of Bulgarians and their negative perceptions and low level of satisfaction from joining the EU. In addition, information is provided onto different indicators, such as unemployment, social fears, marginalization of vast majority of impoverished people. In general, the authors of the paper stand on the position that the economic woes in Bulgaria exacerbated more since the accession of the country to EU due to the lack of political preparedness to respond to new challenges, and to the fact that the country is out of modern economic gear to drive market mechanisms the right way.\nThe structure of the article is the following:\n8.1. Methodological specifications\n8.2. The changing environment: background factors\n8.3. Anticipating crisis\n8.4. Is the registered extreme pessimism of Bulgarians justified?\n8.5. Bulgarians’ economic fears\n   8.5.1. Fear of unemployment\n   8.5.2. Fear of want\n   8.5.3. Marginalization of statuses: pensioners and unemployed\n8.6. The new paternalism\n8.7. Tax payment behaviour\n8.8. Survival strategies\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'avladikov@gmail.com','krpetkov@abv.bg','2012-02-13 11:49:54','2012-02-16 13:22:28','','Waiting'),(782,'Poverty line and minimal social standards','Линията на бедност и минималните социални стандарти',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article makes a retrospective analysis of the study on poverty line findings in Bulgaria, focusing on three main methodological approaches used - relative, absolute and subjective poverty line. The data from the third and fourth wave of the European Social Survey give grounds to define two subjective levels of poverty:\n- \"Wide poverty\", accompanied by severe deprivation, which covers about 39% (ESS-2006) and 33% (ESS-2009) of the population;\n- \"Absolute bottom\" around or below the existence minimum - with contingent of 12.5% and 9.5% of the population respectively.\nThe analysis found a clear attitude in the society for greater equity in the distribution of income and greater regulatory functions of the government in this area.  Political will is needed to use the poverty line as an effective tool in the field of social assistance and low-paid work. The syndrome \"working poor\" can be overcome with the implementation of the mix policy in the areas concerning pay, labour force qualifications, taxation and social transfers.\nThe structure of the article is the following:\n9.1. Surveys on poverty in Bulgaria \n   9.1.1. The EUROSTAT relative model\n   9.1.2. Regional dimensions of poverty\n   9.1.3. World Bank surveys based on consumption\n   9.1.4. International poverty lines\n   9.1.5. The consumer basket method\n9.2. Subjective feeling of poverty and the social policy tools in ESS\n9.3. Using the poverty line in social and economic policy\n   9.3.1. Poverty line and guaranteed minimal income\n   9.3.2. The need to tie minimal salary to the poverty line\n   9.3.3. The “employed poor” syndrome\n   9.3.4. Possible policies for the “employed poor”\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ltomev@abv.bg','2012-02-13 14:27:25','2012-02-16 13:24:17','','Waiting'),(783,'The Attitudes Towards Foreigners: European variants of (in) Tolerance ','Отношението към чужденците: европейски варианти на (не)толерантността',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main thesis of the article is that the attitudes and different levels of (in)tolerance towards immigrants in the host societies in Europe are socially constructed phenomena, which depend on the social profile both of individuals in the majority of population and of the immigrants (in terms of socio-economic status, race, ethnicity, religion, country of origin, etc.). The observed variations in public attitudes towards immigrants have been explored and comparisons between different EU countries have been made. For the purpose of the analysis and international comparisons an index \"Tolerance towards foreigners\" has been constructed, based on data from the European Social Survey. The index assesses two major aspects of the perception of foreigners: a) willingness to accept immigrants and b) assessment of their contribution to the host societies. \nThe structure of the article is the following:\n14.1. Problems and challenges\n14.2. Tolerance towards foreigners in European states\n     14.2.1. The “tolerance towards foreigners” index \n     14.2.2. Comparative assessment of tolerance towards foreigners in European countries\n14.3. Tolerance towards foreigners in Bulgaria\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','andrey.nonchev@csd.bg','2012-02-13 14:38:51','2012-02-16 13:27:44','','Waiting'),(784,'The Off-the-books Self-employment among Young Bulgarians: Beyond Personal Trust?','Младежка неформална самонаетост: отвъд личното доверие?',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper deals with the off-the-books self-employment - an engagement in the production and sale of goods and services which is unregistered by, or hidden from, the state for tax, social security and/or labour law purposes but which is legal in all other respects. Central topic is the interlink between impersonal (systemic and societal trust) and personal trust, and the role these forms of trust play in starting up and developing the informal self-employment.\nThe paper draws on ESS results, as well as on data from a qualitative research done in 2008. The dataset is composed by 23 semi-structured interviews with informally self-employed young workers in big Bulgarian cities. \nThe structure of the article is the following:\n15.1. Kinds of trust\n15.2. Youths and the self-employed\n15.3. Studying self-employed youths\n15.4. Informal self-employment and types of trust\n15.4.1. Systematic (mis)trust: the conflict between illegality and legitimacy of informal self-employment\n15.4.2. Personal trust: social networks against market anonymity\n15.4.3. Societal trust: generalized moralness and calculative behaviour\n15.4.4. Abuse of trust  \n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','tanyachavdarova@yahoo.com','2012-02-13 14:48:35','2012-02-16 13:35:58','','Waiting'),(785,'Educational Achievements and Well-being ','Образователни постижения и благополучие',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main thesis of this paper is that well-being is related to the degree of social integration, which has different aspects: economic, political, civic, and cultural. This means that people of the highest status are involved in various structures of society and have reached prestigious positions respectively. These people have complete and successful career realization, and are significantly more influential from a social point of view in comparison to other individuals.\nThe second thesis of the paper follows the concept that the prerequisite for success and prosperity is education. The article is based on results obtained through the European Social Survey (ESS) from the 2006 and 2009 waves. Bulgarian respondents have stated that there are good opportunities for education in the country, and that the main goal of the education system is to discipline and cultivate social order skills. Education is considered by Bulgarians (and by most Europeans too) an important and significant factor for social success and achievements. In addition, Bulgarians want to further enhance their training and qualification (presented in the figure \"lifelong learning\"), but no conditions for this are available on state level, and business policies and measures are not developed enough to support personal educational motivation.\nIn conclusion, on one hand, there are clear demonstrated educational aspirations, and on the other - lack of sufficient prerequisites for the realization of these desires and intentions. Personal aspirations for education are not sufficient for individual and social welfare. In order to successfully develop people there is a need for investment in education; in addition - it is a necessity for the study environment to be a part of an efficient economy, a stable financial and political system. The effects of education are complex, multifaceted and contradictory, but always connected \"with\" and dependant on all social activities and institutions.\nThe structure of the article is the following:\n17.1. Education and social integration\n17.2. Education and social mobility\n17.3. Education and life-long learning\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vmilenkova@gmail.com','2012-02-13 15:15:21','2012-02-16 13:37:46','','Waiting'),(786,'The Political Incorporation of New Citizens in Europe: Electoral Participation and Immigrant Background','La incorporación política de los nuevos ciudadanos en Europa: participación electoral y origen inmigrante',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to data from the European Social Survey (2002-2008), differences in participation in national elections between native and immigrant voters reach 15%, exceeding 25% in several European countries. Recognizing the potential implications derived from future processes of naturalization in Europe, and a hypothetical extension of the right to vote to foreign residents, this study aims to investigate the individual factors that contribute to lower turnout among immigrant voters. We propose three hypotheses related to ideology, linguistic integration and democratic culture, which are evaluated along with other classic aspects such as demographic traits, feelings of discrimination and integration in the host society. The results minimize the importance of the inherited democratic culture; partially validate the hypothesis referred to the ideology and point to the linguistic integration as the main determinant of the unequal turnout.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aechazarra@march.es','2012-02-13 15:21:00','2012-02-16 13:44:17','','Waiting'),(787,'Disability, Social Contacts, Satisfaction','Инвалидност, социални контакти и удовлетвореност ',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this paper is to study the relationship between disability as a factor and attitudes towards various aspects of everyday life as a result. Question (C16) \"Hampered in daily activities by illness/disability/infirmary/mental problem?\" could be used as an indicator of disability. The analysis was conducted in three directions: (1) attitudes towards life, towards other people and social closure; (2) attitude towards the healthcare system and (3) abilities of the disabled themselves to provide resources for existence. The used method is Classification Tree.\nDisabled in Bulgaria support the claim that health care for the sick people are government responsibility. A small part of the disabled feel discriminated against because of their disability – between one and six percent, depending on the degree of disability. Disability and subjective general health are rather complementary features than interchangeable. The main socio-demographic characteristic, which differ disabled and non-disabled people, is age. The remaining differences are determined by the differences by age.\n\nThe structure of the article is the following:\n13.1. Ways of measuring invalidity\n13.2. Hypotheses and indicators\n13.2.1. Attitudes to life, other people, and social closure\n13.2.2. Attitude towards the healthcare system\n13.2.3. Capacities of invalids\n13.2.4. The feeling of being discriminated\n13.2.5. Socio-demographic characteristics\n13.2.6. Subjective general health\n13.3. The method of \"classification tree\"\n13.4. Results\n13.5. Conclusions',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','k_haralampiev@hotmail.com','2012-02-14 14:51:46','2012-02-16 14:00:38','','Waiting'),(788,'The Happiness Index in a Comparative Perspective','Индексът на щастие в сравнителна перспектива',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this book chapter we present our model of happiness index, constructed on the basis of ESS data. Our theoretical concept is that happiness indicates the emotional harmony of man with the surroundings and with him/herself, i.e. one is happy when is emotionally satisfied with his/her life as a whole and live in harmony with the world and him/herself. \nWe set 22 indicators in our model divided into 3 sub-index factor groups as follows:\n  A. Generalized satisfaction with personal status, including: Satisfaction with life as a whole; Health condition; Satisfaction with what a person does; Satisfaction with a person’s living standard; Social recognition by the others; Satisfaction with a person’s work; Satisfaction with family relationships; Satisfaction with a person’s social environment.\n B. Generalized satisfaction with the social-political system and the living environment, including: Assessment/satisfaction with the state of the economy; Assessment/satisfaction with how democracy works; Assessment/satisfaction with the state of the education system; Assessment/satisfaction with the state of healthcare; Security for health and life; Security for dwelling and home; Security in case of financial difficulties.\n  C. Generalized satisfaction with life perspectives, including: Trust in people; Trust in the judicial system; Trust in the European Parliament; Plans for the future; Prognoses for life in old age; Optimism about one’s personal future; Job security.\nOn the basis of these three sub-index groups we constructed a model of calculation happiness index, which is applicable to different countries and allows to be made cross-national analyses.\nThe structure of the article is the following:\n 6.1. On the factors influencing happiness\n6.2. What makes and what keeps people happy\n6.3. Generalized satisfaction with personal status \n6.4. Generalized satisfaction with the public-political system and the living environment\n6.5. Generalized satisfaction with life perspectives\n6.6. The generalized happiness index\n6.7. Instead of a conclusion\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lilia.dimova@consultant.bg','2012-02-20 11:51:54','2012-02-21 09:04:51','','Waiting'),(789,'Effects of the Field of Higher Education on the Prevalence of Over-education in European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper, the over-education risk is assessed for tertiary-educated employed individuals in 29 European countries. A graduate is deemed over-educated if his/her current occupation does not belong to the first three major ISCO groups (managers, professionals, or technicians). It is found that graduates in Education and Health are generally less exposed to over-education than those in Economics, Business & Law, while for graduates in Services the risk to find themselves in manual or low-skilled non-manual jobs is higher. The situation in other fields vary over geographical regions. In Western and Northern Europe, the risk of over-education is more equally spread across other fields of study than in Eastern and Southern Europe. In particular, we find evidence of strong overproduction of graduates in Social Sciences in Eastern and Southern European countries. While we can observe the consequences of over-production of graduates in Economics, Business & Law in Southern European countries, these are engineers and not economists who face one of the highest job-education mismatch risks in Eastern European economies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','atarvid@inbox.lv','2012-02-20 15:42:38','2012-02-21 09:07:32','','Waiting'),(790,'The composition of the minority population as a threat: Can real economic and cultural threats explain xenophobia?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article sets out to develop a classical theme of empirical research within group threat theory, namely the argument that the size of the minority population threatens the majority population. To be able to clarify the mixed empirical results within this version of group threat theory, the article focuses on the composition of the immigrant population. The article tests both objective sources of cultural threats (linguistic composition and the Muslim population) and economic threats (the proportion of working-class individuals and the unemployed among the immigrant population). The study concludes that, first, the composition of the immigrant population is of utter importance for the size argument to be valid for cultural threats (proportion of Muslim population), whereas for economic threats it does not matter. Second, compositional economic threats matter strongly to the group that genuinely competes for scarce resources – the working class is more xenophobic when the immigrant working class is large. Third, the study brings some clarity with regard to the cultural composition of the immigrant population: it is shown that the relationship between Muslims and European majority populations mirrors the relationship between whites and African-Americans in the US.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mikael.hjerm@soc.umu.se','2012-02-21 11:58:22','2012-02-21 13:32:37','','Waiting'),(791,'How much heterogeneity can the welfare state endure? The influence of heterogeneity on attitudes to the welfare state','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cultural and economic heterogeneity is often seen as a major threat to modern welfare states. This article contributes to the discussion of how much heterogeneity the welfare state can endure by theoretically and empirically focusing on the relationship between different levels of national identity and the support for welfare state policies. We analyse the effect of different types of national identity on attitudes towards taxation and redistribution. We show that it is the subjective aspect of national identity, or social cohesion, that in fact matters for predicting attitudes to the welfare state. In comparison, more objective measures of heterogeneity like the inequality of income distribution, language fractionalisation or the percentage of foreign-born individuals do not have any effect on attitudes to the welfare state.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article first published online: 20 FEB 2012','mikael.hjerm@soc.umu.se','2012-02-21 12:02:35','2012-02-21 13:41:55','','Waiting'),(792,'An Introduction to analysis in Social Science','Introduktion till samhällsvetenskaplig analys',3,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An introduction to quantitative and qualitative analysis for the social sciences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Mikael.hjerm@soc.umu.se','2012-02-21 12:10:58','2012-02-21 13:52:11','','Waiting'),(793,'Institutional trust and multilevel government in the European Union: Congruence or compensation?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Does trust in national institutions foster or hinder trust in the institutions of the European Union (EU)? There is no agreement in the literature on popular support for the EU about the direction of the relationship between trust in national and European institutions. Some scholars argue that both will be positively related, others have proposed the opposite hypothesis: low levels of trust in national institutions will lead citizens to higher levels of support for the EU. We argue that both hypotheses are true but operate at different levels: whereas more trusting citizens tend to be so in both the national and the European arenas, we also find that at the country level the relationship is negative: living in a country with highly trusted and well-performing institutions hinders trust in the European Parliament. We test our hypotheses using data from the European Social Survey and Hierarchical Linear Modeling. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jordi.munoz@uab.cat','2012-02-21 15:44:50','2012-02-21 16:18:21','','Waiting'),(794,'Left and right in Spain. A longitudinal and comparative study','Izquierda y Derecha en España. Un estudio longitudinal y comparado',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research deals with the left-right division and the locations on the ideological scale in Spain. It puts special emphasis on the effects of the political process over the meaning of the right and the left and on the ability of people to locate themselves on the scale. The political context also influences the evolution of locations in time. In short, the scale appears as the more appropriate way to represent the electoral competition scene.\n\nBut the research does not stop in the Spanish case and includes other countries, as well, in order to establish a comparative frame. Using data from the first and the fourth wave of the ESS, the research analyses the ability to locate on the left-right scale and the factors that influence the locations in several European countries. Again, political factors, as partisanship and ideological polarization seem to be the most important factors explaining variations in locations at individual and cross-national level.\n\n ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','medinall@diba.cat','2012-02-27 13:40:58','2012-03-05 09:54:06','','Waiting'),(795,'Some aspects of social exclusion: Do they influence suicide mortality?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: The current study is aimed to assess the relationship between the ‘economic/employment’ and ‘social/welfare’ dimensions of social exclusion and suicide mortality in Europe.\nMethods: Suicide rates for 26 countries were obtained from the WHO. Data on social expenditure were obtained fromthe OECD database. Employment rates and GDP were obtained from the Total Economy Database. Questions about citizens’ attitudes towards different aspects of social exclusion were taken from the European Social Survey. Structural equation modelling was applied to research the theoretical structure of the variables.\nResults: All variables are statistically significant in male and female models except of the relationships between ‘economic/employment’ and ‘social/welfare’ dimensions and female suicides; and the relationship between ‘employment rates’ and ‘economic/employment’ dimension. Suicide mortality rates among both males and females are influenced negatively by ‘economic/employment’ and ‘social/welfare’ dimensions. Among females, the influence of ‘social/welfare’ dimension is stronger compared to the ‘economic/employment’ dimension. The remaining influence of GDP is positive in both models. \nConclusions: Both ‘economic/employment’ and ‘social/welfare’ dimensions of social exclusion significantly influence suicide mortality among males. The influence of ‘economic/employment’ and ‘social/welfare’ dimensions of social exclusion on female suicide mortality is controversial. Social exclusion might be considered as a risk factor for suicide mortality in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'published online 28 December 2011','aeyuryev@gmail.com','2012-03-05 09:16:20','2012-03-05 10:00:02','','Waiting'),(796,'Dimension-specific impact of social exclusion on suicide mortality in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Tackling suicide risks is identified as being amongst one of the priority objectives for the strategy in the field of European public health. Social exclusion is a considerable burning issue for societies, which among others exerts significant pressures on mental health of the population. There seems to be little research into the influence of social exclusion on suicide behaviour. \nThe general purpose of this dissertation was to obtain macro-level evidence on the influence of social exclusion on suicide mortality in the countries of the European region considering different dimensions of the process. The sub-aims of the study were to: (1) determine relevant macro-level indicators which reflect the different dimensions of social exclusion and are available for the majority of European countries; (2) collect and explore male and female suicide mortality rates for majority of European countries; (3) explore the relationship between each considered indicator and suicide mortality rates in Europe among males and females separately; (4) group indicators in accordance to dimensions and evaluate the dimension-specific impact of social exclusion on suicide mortality in Europe for both genders. \nTwenty-six European countries were included in the analysis. Three dimensions of social exclusion were considered in the study: “economic/employment”, “social/welfare” and “elderly group”. Mean age-adjusted, gender-specific suicide rates were obtained from the WHO European Mortality Database. Employment rates were obtained from the Conference Board Total Economy Database. Data about social expenditures were taken from the database of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Data on labour-market exit ages were obtained from the EUROSTAT database. Information about citizens’ attitudes towards different dimensions of social exclusion was taken from the European Social Survey and aggregated towards country-level. Correlations between each of the socio-economic indicators and suicide mortality rates were analysed using Pearson’s test. Differences between the mean scores for Eastern and Western European social exclusion attitudes were considered. Structural equation modelling was applied to investigate the complex theoretical structure of social variables related to “economic/employment” and “social/welfare” dimensions of social exclusion and to explore the relationship with suicide mortality in Europe.\nThe current dissertation comprises four articles which are based on the same material. The theoretical framework incorporates the articles under the social policy umbrella and creates links between them. Articles I and III explore the impact of “economic/employment” dimension of social exclusion. Changes in employment rates are associated with suicide mortality in the majority of the European countries studied. Lack of confidence in employment status, expectation of insufficient income and low living standards for the unemployed may boost suicide mortality. Suicidal behaviour is more strongly related to attitudes associated with employment status in the male than in the female population. Attitudes to employment and unemployment in Eastern and Western Europe differ: in Eastern Europe the status of being unemployed is feared more. Articles II and III explore the impact of the “social/welfare” dimension of social exclusion. Higher social expenditures are inversely associated with suicide mortality in the majority of the studied European countries. The supportive nature of the “social/welfare” dimension may be considered as having suicide-preventive effect.  Confidence in social welfare is stronger in the countries of Western Europe. Article III explores the complex impact of the “economic/employment” and “social/welfare” dimensions of social exclusion on suicide mortality. Both “economic/employment” and “social/welfare” dimensions of social exclusion significantly influence suicide mortality among males. The influence of “economic/employment” and “social/welfare” dimensions of social exclusion on female suicide mortality was less prominent and not statistically significant. Article IV attempts to explore the relationship between the elderly suicide mortality and some aspects of social exclusion of the elderly age group. It was assumed that society’s attitudes towards elderly people may influence the elderly suicide mortality. Attitudes towards elderly people were revealed to be more favourable among Western European compared to Eastern European citizens. Extended labour-market exit age of the elderly was associated with lower rates of elderly suicide mortality in the corresponding countries. \nThe findings of the study indicate that the harmful impact of social exclusion on suicide mortality in Europe should be recognised and considered while developing intervention strategies at societal level.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aeyuryev@gmail.com','2012-03-05 09:28:40','2012-03-05 10:03:32','','Waiting'),(797,'The Role of the Orthodox Church in the Preservation of Russian Identity in the Baltic Countries During the Period 1991 – 2011','Pareizticīgās baznīcas loma krievu identitātes saglabāšanā Baltijas valstīs 1991. - 2011. gados',23,NULL,NULL,NULL,'1990s brought great changes to Latvia and Estonia.  Especially concerned was the Russian speaking population, who unexpectedly lost their reference point, confidence in their present and future. In this work it is assumed that the Orthodox Church became one of the core aspects of their forming identity. Thus, the objective of this work is to observe the role of the Orthodox Church in preservation of Russian identity in Estonia and Latvia during the period 1991-2011. The author found that the Orthodox Churches play significant, but more symbolic than religious role for Russian-speakers in modern society. People perceive the role of the Orthodox Churches in society differently, but for most of them the strong connection between \"Russian\" and \"Orthodox\" undoubtedly exists. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jelena.avanesova@gmail.com','2012-03-28 12:59:51','2012-04-10 15:25:40','','Waiting'),(798,'Social Insurance as a Collective Resource: Unemployment Benefits, Job Insecurity and Subjective Well-being in a Comparative Perspective ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article argues that unemployment benefits are providing a crucial but often overlooked function by reducing the insecurity associated with modern labor markets. Because job insecurity is associated with concerns about future financial security, economic support during unemployment may lessen the negative effects of job insecurity on employed individuals\' well-being. Using data from the European Social Survey, this article shows that the generosity of unemployment benefits makes a difference to the subjective well-being of employed individuals, especially those with limited economic resources and an insecure position in the labor market. These results indicate that unemployment benefits may be viewed as a collective resource with important external benefits, i.e., benefits to society over and above those to the unemployed who directly utilize such benefits. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Ola.Sjoberg@sofi.su.se','2012-03-28 13:14:03','2012-04-03 16:10:41','','Waiting'),(799,'The Role of Electoral Systems for the Translation of Political Trust into Electoral Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A bulk of literature has been written on the effects of electoral systems on turnout. Similarly, several studies have examined the interplay between political trust and political participation. However, we lack a clear understanding of how electoral systems translate political trust and distrust into electoral participation. This paper seeks to analyze this hitherto often neglected relationship and argues that majoritarian electoral system do foster the abstention of distrusting citizens. In contrast, PR systems – offering more political alternatives than majoritarian ones – keep a higher proportion of disaffected voters at the ballots. Moreover, this effect is contingent on the electoral threshold applied. Using European Social Survey data, the analysis largely confirms these expectations and shows that majoritarian systems produce higher abstention among distrusting citizens compared to PR systems. The paper concludes with a discussion of the political implications of the findings.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','arndt@ps.au.dk','2012-03-28 13:38:48','2012-04-10 15:19:31','','Waiting'),(800,'The connection between living arrangements and lifestyles','Der Zusammenhang von Lebensform und Lebensstil',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this thesis is to investigate if there is a connection between living arrangements and lifestyles. To achieve this goal two different methods were used. The paper is divided into two parts: a theoretical section and an empirical analysis. In the theoretical part the terms used are defined. Furthermore, the different living arrangements are characterised. It was established that the different living arrangements have different frameworks which can lead to the suggestion that there is a connection between lifestyles and living arrangements. In the second step, different statistical methods were used to find a connection. The statistical analysis was conducted on the basis of the data of the European Social Survey Round 3 2006/2007 (ESS3-2006). With the help of cluster analysis, lifestyles were formed. Correspondence analysis was used to evaluate if there is a connection between lifestyles and living arrangements. The results not only show that lifestyles and living arrangements are connected but, furthermore, indicate that there is also an alliance between lifestyles and gender. It has to be stated that further research is required due to the fact that secondary analysis can only give directions and not final results. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','erts@gmx.at','2012-03-28 14:31:14','2012-04-10 15:13:44','','Waiting'),(801,'What drives political consumption in Europe? A multi-level analysis on individual characteristics, opportunity structures and globalization','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political consumption is an individualized form of collective action that varies considerably across Europe. Citizens as consumers participate in boycotts and ‘positive’ buying of goods based on ethical, political and environmental considerations. Overcoming the individualistic bias of past research, the comparative analysis extends actor-centred explanations by focusing on political, cultural and economic opportunity structures and on globalization as contextual factors. Economic opportunities for political consumption are provided by national affluence, retailing structures and the supply of environmental and fair-labelled goods. Political and cultural opportunities are facilitated by ‘statist’ institutions, social movement organizations as well as trust and post-materialist culture. The impact of globalization is measured by international economic exchange. Logistic multi-level models on the first have of the European Social Survey for 19 countries reveal that economic opportunity structures and political institutions best explain variations, while globalization does not affect citizens’ decisions to voice their interest in consumption. Finally, the effect of individual value orientations is increased by a low-cost context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','skoos@sowi.uni-mannheim.de','2012-03-28 14:35:09','2012-04-03 16:14:08','','Waiting'),(802,'Social Capital and Russian Politics from European Perspective','Социальный капитал и политика в России: портрет на фоне Европы',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of social capital in Russia, the European Union, and Ukraine. Based on data from the European Social Research Survey, which has been conducted in 23 countries, it describes the current state of social capital in Russia and Europe. In comparison with Western Europe, Russia has experienced a significantly lower level of citizen\'s participation in non-government organizations and the low level of trust. The author argues the need for public policy in the development of social capital in Russia. Keywords: social capital, Russian politics, civil society, political modernization, human capital, network society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'www.politex.info - web-site of the journal','dr.bykov@gmail.com','2012-03-28 15:15:05','2012-04-10 10:33:43','','Waiting'),(803,'Do age-related social expectations influence entrepreneurial activity in later life?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines how the social expectations of the general public concerning the economic contribution of older people (country-level explanatory variable) affect the entrepreneurial activity of ageing individuals (individual-level dependent variable). A multilevel analysis based on data from 24 European countries finds that the perceived economic contribution of older people is negatively associated with entrepreneurial activity at an older age. The article suggests that the negative effect may be due to a higher perceived economic contribution of ageing people leading to less ageism in the workplace and higher demand for older workers in the labour market, which undermines the relative attractiveness of starting a business.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','teemu.kautonen@utu.fi','2012-03-29 08:14:17','2012-08-13 10:09:51','','Waiting'),(804,'Unemployment as an Institutional Construct? Structural Differences in Non-Employment in Selected European Countries and the United States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A comparison of unemployment rates in Germany, the Netherlands, France, Denmark, the UK and the United States, suggests poor performance by the German labour market. The present study endeavours to show that a more sophisticated picture of unemployment can be drawn by taking into account additional forms of non-employment (e. g. incapacity, retirement or labour reserve). For this purpose, data from the “European Social Survey” (ESS) and the survey “Citizenship, Involvement and Democracy” collected in 2004 and 2005 have been analysed. While “unemployment” plays a dominant role in Germany, people with comparable demographic characteristics and similar health status are more likely to identify themselves as “permanently sick or disabled” and hence classified thus in other countries. The results of this study underline that an international comparison of labour market performance, particularly a comparison of the effectiveness of labour market and social policy reforms, should not rely only on employment and unemployment rates. Taking alternate forms of non-employment into account can enhance one’s knowledge and understanding of the functional differences between the labour markets in Europe and the United States.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','marcel.erlinghagen@uni-due.de','2012-04-02 11:43:14','2012-04-10 10:44:16','','Waiting'),(805,'Informal Work in Ageing Societies. Opportunities and Limitations of ‚Productive Ageing’','Informelle Arbeit in alternden Gesellschaften. Möglichkeiten und Grenzen des ‚produktiven Alterns’',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Against the background of the ongoing demographic change the negative impacts of population ageing has recently been more and more confronted with the positive concept of ‘productive ageing’. This concept stresses that an ageing population does not only result in increasing social costs. In fact even after retirement older people contribute to social wealth by productive activities like volunteering or caring for relatives or grandchildren. The paper describes the opportunities as well as the limitations of ‘productive ageing’ concepts and stresses the importance of a balance between activity and passivity. Such a balance should not only be preferred for ethical but also for economic reasons.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','marcel.erlinghagen@uni-due.de','2012-04-02 11:56:07','2012-04-10 11:25:37','','Waiting'),(807,'Unemployed or Disabled? Different Forms of Non-Employment in Europe and the United States','Arbeitslos oder erwerbsunfähig? Unterschiedliche Formen der Nicht-Erwerbstätigkeit in Europa und den USA',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An international comparison of unemployment rates suggests a poor performance of the German labour market. Based on comparative analyses for Germany, the Netherlands, France, Denmark, the UK and the United States the paper tries to show that a more sophisticated picture can be drawn by taking additional forms of non-employment (e.g. disability, retirement or out of labour force) into account. For this purpose data from the “European Social Survey” (ESS) and the survey “Citizenship, Involvement and Democracy” collected in 2004 and 2005 is analysed. While “unemployment” plays a dominant role in Germany, people with comparable demographic characteristics and similar health status are increasingly classified as “permanently disabled” in the other countries. The results stress that an international comparison of labour market performance and especially a comparison of the effectiveness of labour market and social policy reforms should not only rely on employment and unemployment rates. Taking alternative forms of non-employment into account can increase our knowledge and understanding of functional differences of labour markets in Europe and the United States.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','marcel.erlinghagen@uni-due.de','2012-04-02 12:03:48','2012-04-10 14:06:54','','Waiting'),(808,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2012/1','Burgerperspectieven 2012 | 1 Kwartaalbericht van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven ',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2012-04-10 14:00:49','2012-04-11 09:18:27','','Waiting'),(809,'The Impact of Subjective Work Control, Job Strain and Work–Family Conflict on Fertility Intentions: a European Comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The link between employment and fertility is often only examined by focussing on women’s labour market status or the impact of part- versus full-time  employment. This study introduces a new explanation by extending research to examine how women’s subjective perceptions of control or autonomy over work, job strain and work–family conflict influence fertility intentions. National-level measures of childcare enrolment under the age of three and the occurrence of parttime work are also included to examine their  relation to fertility intentions and their interplay with perceptions of work. Using data from 23 countries from the 2004/5 European Social Survey (ESS), multilevel logistic regression models of fertility intentions are estimated separately for women without children and women with one child. Women with higher levels of work control are significantly more likely to intend to have a second child. Higher levels of job strain (time pressure) significantly lower fertility intentions for mothers in contexts where childcare availability is low. The prevalence of part-time work amongst the female work force significantly predicts the intention to become a mother but has different effects for women who work part-time themselves compared with full-time employees.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','k.h.begall@rug.nl','2012-04-10 22:19:38','2012-04-11 09:30:48','','Waiting'),(810,'Social Trust, Political Trust and Trust in the Police','Sosial tillit, politisk tillit og tillit til politiet',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Numerous surveys have documented that trust in the police in Norway remains high and stable over time. What we know less about is why it is so high, and furthermore, what accounts for variations in trust among Norwegian citizens. Is trust primarily specific and determined by individual experiences with the police and events that may influence perceptions of police effectiveness, such as becoming a victim of crime? Or does it primarily flow from a general trust in public institutions and in the way democracy works?\n\nUsing individual level data from the national Citizen Survey (2001) and the European Social Survey (2006) the questions above were investigated. The overall strong correlations between trust in the police and trust in six other public institutions suggest that trust is cumulative, and that trust in the police to a large degree flows from a general trust in government and public institutions in Norway. The findings from the regression analysis further strengthen the hypotheses that factors more or less outside the reach of the police have a decisive influence on the level of trust in the police. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','guntho@phs.no','2012-04-13 14:34:13','2012-04-13 16:09:00','','Waiting'),(811,'Extreme Right: Is there a threat of right wing extremism in the UK?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A recent Home Affairs Committee report suggested there was a growth in more extreme and violent types of extreme right ideas in the UK. We question whether the evidence the report puts forward substantiates this claim. We also draw attention to the dangers posed by less attached supporters of right-wing populist parties in Europe, as opposed to those posed by violent extremists.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Please note that this article only has a passing reference to the research we have carried out using ESS data. To comply with ESS rules we have informed you of this article but feel free to not include it in the bibliography if you do not think it is necessary.','marley.morris@counterpoint.uk.com','2012-04-14 12:26:01','2012-04-16 09:35:39','','Waiting'),(812,' How Does Culture Contribute to Innovation? Evidence from European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Culture is deemed to be a crucial basis for innovation in various respects. The aim of this paper is to explore the relationships between different cultural dimensions introduced by G. Hofstede (2001, Culture’s consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, insititutions, and organizations across nations, 2nd ed., Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage) and the capability of initiating innovation measured by the number of patent applications using the sample of European countries at the regional level. As a novel approach, instead of using Hofstede’s original index scores, the measures for the cultural dimensions are based on the European Social Survey.We have learned that to be successful in patenting, a region should have power distance, uncertainty avoidance, family-related collectivism (as opposed to friend-related and organisation-related collectivism), and lower than average masculinity. In addition, the negative relationships between these cultural dimensions and patenting are stronger when there is a higher patenting intensity. However, culture alone does not serve as a guarantee for a high level of patenting intensity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anneli.kaasa@ut.ee','2012-04-18 20:20:56','2012-04-19 10:27:34','','Waiting'),(813,' Level of Living and Well-being as Measures of Welfare: Evidence from European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the present study is to elaborate generalized indicators describing objective and subjective aspects of welfare and analyze the relationships between them based on the sample of European countries. While applying the quality of life approach we differentiate economic, human capital, social capital and emotional aspects of welfare. With help of confirmatory factor analysis generalized objective level of living and subjective well-being indicators to measure all mentioned aspects will be composed. Our results show that in countries with objectively lower positions the subjective assessments on welfare tend to be higher. Although an ideal situation could be imagined where objective and subjective assessments were equal, there are deviations from the equilibrium to both directions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anneli.kaasa@ut.ee','2012-04-18 20:33:07','2012-04-19 10:32:37','','Waiting'),(814,'Welfare and economic growth','Heaolu ja majandusareng',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Artikli eesmärgiks on töötada välja heaolu kirjeldavad üldnäitajad ja hinnata heaolu ja majandusarengu seoseid. Aluseks on võetud teoreetiline kontseptsioon, mille kohaselt saab heaolu eri külgi hinnata objektiivsete ja subjektiivsete näitajatega. Üldnäitajate konstrueerimiseks kasutatakse komponentanalüüsi. Objektiivseid aspekte kirjeldavad näitajad on koondatud elutaseme näitajaks, mis ühendab riigi rikkust, haridust ja tervist, valitsemiskorraldust ja inimeste seotust ühiskonnaga. Subjektiivsete näitajate koond kirjeldab elukvaliteeti ja ühendab rahulolu majandusliku seisundiga, rahulolu hariduse ja tervisega, usalduse inimeste ja institutsioonide vastu ning üldise rahulolu ja õnnetunde. Elutaseme näitajat võib tõlgendada majandusarengu näitajana. Elukvaliteedi näitaja peegeldab heaolu paremini, sest arvesse on võetud inimeste subjektiivsed hinnangud oma olukorrale. Kahe näitaja omavaheline korrelatsioon osutus kõrgemalt arenenumates riikides. Eestis on elukvaliteedi hinnang oluliselt kõrgem kui elutaseme näitaja.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anneli.kaasa@ut.ee','2012-04-18 20:41:13','2012-04-19 10:35:56','','Waiting'),(815,'How does Culture Contribute to Innovation? Evidence from European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Culture is deemed to be a crucial basis for innovation in various respects. The aim of this paper is to explore the relationships between different cultural dimensions introduced by Hofstede (2001) and the capability of initiating innovation measured by the number of patent applications using the sample of European countries at the regional level. As a novel approach, instead of using Hofstede’s original index scores, the measures for the cultural dimensions are based on the European Social Survey (ESS). We have learned that to be successful in patenting, a region should have power distance, uncertainty avoidance, family-related collectivism (as opposed to friend-related and organisation-related collectivism) and lower than average masculinity. In addition, the negative relationships between these cultural dimensions and patenting are stronger when there is a higher patenting intensity. However, culture alone does not serve as a guarantee for a high level of patenting intensity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anneli.kaasa@ut.ee','2012-04-18 20:47:46','2012-04-19 10:42:12','','Waiting'),(817,'Does the societal culture benefit to the innovation: Some patterns from the European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Culture is deemed as crucial ground for innovation in various respects. The aim of this paper is to explore the relationships between different culture dimensions introduced by Hofstede (2001) and innovation initiation capability measured by the numbers of patent applications using the sample of European countries at the regional level. As a novelty, instead using Hofstede’s original index scores the measures of culture dimensions are based on European Social Survey (ESS). We have learned that to be successful in patenting a region should have power distance, uncertainty avoidance, family-related collectivism (as an opposite to friends-related and organisations-related collectivism) and masculinity lower than on average. In addition, abovementioned negative relationships between these culture dimensions and patenting are stronger in case of higher patenting intensity. However, culture solely does not serve as a guarantee for high patenting intensity',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anneli.kaasa@ut.ee','2012-04-18 20:55:04','2012-04-19 10:46:36','','Waiting'),(818,'The Effect of System Support on Political Participation. A Comparative Analysis of Western Democracies.','Der Effekt der Systemunterstützung auf die politische Partizipation. Eine vergleichende Analyse westlicher Demokratien.',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What is the shape of the effect of political system support on political participation? Research on political system support has usually assumed a linear effect of political system support on political participation. The assumption has been that individuals with high political system support are more likely to engage in institutionalized political participation whereas individuals with low political system support raise their voice by engaging in non-institutionalized political participation. Although there has been empirical evidence for such linear effects the latest research for Latin American countries demonstrates that the effect is usually U-shaped. If such a parabolic effect of political system support on political participation also exists in western democracies has not been examined so far. In this study the existence of a parabolic effect is examined in several western democracies. The findings reveal that the effects of political system support on political participation are indeed parabolic shaped.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dominik.allenspach@fhnw.ch','2012-04-19 10:50:41','2012-08-13 10:19:53','','Waiting'),(819,'Explaining Low Subjective Well-Being of Persons with Disabilities in Europe: The Impact of Disability, Personal Resources, Participation and Socio-Economic Status','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Persons with chronic disabilities report the lowest subjective well-being (SWB) in many countries. The gap in SWB compared with the non-disabled population is smaller in some countries than in others. Data from the European Social Survey (2007) were analysed in order to: 1) describe the inequality in SWB in 21 European countries; and 2) identify the main determinants of this inequality in SWB. Data on a range of topics of a total of 40,605 persons, including 2,846 persons with serious chronic disabilities, were used of the European Social Survey . SWB was measured using multi-item scales for ‘emotional well-being’ and ‘satisfying life’. Variables on disability, socio-demographics (age, gender, household composition), socio-economic status (level of education, net household income), participation (paid work, voluntary work, social contacts), and personal resources (Supportive relationships, Social cohesion, Vitality, Optimism, Resilience, Perceived autonomy, Perceived accomplishment, Perceived capacity, Perceived engagement, Perceived meaning & purpose) were entered stepwise in regression models of SWB. The results show that persons with disabilities are in a disadvantaged position in terms of SWB in all countries. In the Northern countries, the gaps between disabled and non-disabled persons are smaller than in Eastern European countries. In all countries inequality in SWB is explained mostly by personal resources and not by the level of disability, socio-economic status or level of participation in work. The implications of these findings for policy and practice (e.g. social cohesion and physical exercise programs) are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online first','c.van.campen@scp.nl','2012-04-25 10:00:29','2012-04-26 13:29:51','','Waiting'),(820,'Populism as a divide in politics','Populismi puoluejärjestelmän vedenjakajana',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter analyses support for populist parties in the Nordic countries. Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. The populist parties compared are Danish People\'s party (Denmark), True Finns (Finland), Progress Party (Norway) and Sweden Democrats (Sweden). Based on round 5 of the ESS, opinions of those who are close to the populist party are compared to the opinions of those who are not close to the populist party in the country. Differences between opinions of the supporters of the four populist parties are also compared. A negative attitude towards immigration is typical of the supporters of the populist parties in all the four Nordic nations. On the left-right scale, supporters of the Danish People\'s Party and Norwegian Progress Party are more right wing orientated compared to the supporters of Sweden Democrats and True Finns.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','heikki.paloheimo@uta.fi','2012-04-25 10:09:11','2012-04-26 13:42:40','','Waiting'),(821,'Work and satisfaction with life among 60-69-year-old women and men in seven European countries','60-69-aastaste naiste ja meeste töötamine ja eluga rahulolu seitsmes Euroopa riigis',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article analyzes the factors affecting women\'s and men\'s retirement decisions and satisfaction with, life among working and non-working 60-69-year-olds in seven European countries with different labor markets and pension systems - Estonia, Finland, Sweden, Denmark, United Kingdom, Spain and Ger¬many. The primary aim is to find out whether continuing to work affects women\'s and men\'s satisfaction with life. The data was derived from the integrated database of the 2004,2006,2008-2009 data collection rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS).\nThe results demonstrate that both univer¬sal and gender-specific factors affect retirement decisions. Universal factors affecting the time of retirement include age and health. Economic wellbeing and education are associated with the decision to continue working in advanced years, but there are more country- and gender-specific differences in this respect. Working is usually accompan ied by a more positive attitude towards economic wellbeing, especially among men, and the longer a persons educational career, the more likely they are to continue to work at 60-69. Both male and female workers have a higher need for success and consider a safe environment less important. However, there are differences in the profile of the wor¬king senior by country, which derive from the specificity of the labor markets of the countries and the nature of men\'s and women\'s work.\nIn all countries seniors\' satisfaction with life was affected by health, income, the range of social contacts and trust in other people. The analyses of work and satisfaction with life among 60-69-year-olds demonstrated that work itself did not make seniors more or less satisfied with life. The only exception was Denmark, where working seniors were less satisfied with life. The preliminary results for Estonia and Finland that showed a higher level of satisfaction with life among working seniors were actually affected by working seniors\' better health and incomes. In some countries the wellbeing of seniors was also affected by a lack of a perception of discri¬mination, gender and the partner\'s involvement in the labor market.\nThe results of the analysis allow us to conclude that the increase in the age of retire¬ment and the norms of peoples health and wor¬king age could be a relatively painless process, especially in view of the general changed nature of work. The results demonstrate the great influ¬ence of health on the wish to continue to work as a senior. If we could increase the number of years lived healthy, we can hope that people\'s motivation to work does not decrease with age. However, age was an important independent factor influencing the decision to continue to work. This might be explained by the social norms concerning the age of workers. With the increase in working age, these norms should change as well.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2012-05-08 11:21:45','2012-05-09 10:43:40','','Waiting'),(822,'What does individual gender ideology depend on?','Individuaalne sooideoloogia - millest see sõltub?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article attempts to analyze to what extent attitudes towards gender-stereotyped behavior or, in other words, gender ideology, vary in Estonian society. In striving towards gender equality we need to consider not only people\'s behavior and legal regulations directing their activities, but also the charac¬teristics of gender ideology and the extent to which it varies. The analysis of the European Social Survey results from 2008 demonstrates that gender ideology varies between women and men, but also in terms of ethnicity and age. Men and women of active working age were more supportive of men\'s and women\'s equal opportunities on the labor market than younger people only entering the labor market or older people leaving the labor market. The gap in the attitudes of young men and women can partly be explained by structural condi¬tions or greater competition for work places, which may encourage gender-stereotyped thinking. For young people the development of an adult identity is strongly associated with employment and independent income. Thus, young men express gender-stereotyped values in which they see breadwinner and family sup¬port roles as central to male identity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kairi.kasearu@ut.ee','2012-05-08 11:27:12','2012-05-09 10:44:57','','Waiting'),(823,'Children in the Family and Welfare State Attitudes: Altruism or Self-Interest?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main interest of this chapter was altruism and selfishness in attitudes. We were interested in whether people will support the responsibility of government generally, or only in those domains related to their own life cycle. The attitudes of people with and without children were compared in different life domains. Analyses of data seem to give more support to the idea of the selfish nature of people. People with children tended to support more government responsibility for domains that are more relevant to families with children and gave lower scores towards actions in favor of other welfare recipients. On the other hand, those without children evaluated the need for government actions more highly in domains not related to  children, than in domains related to children. \n		Although family policy is often analysed in the context of monetary benefits, no differences were revealed in the attitudes of respondents with and without children with regard to income distribution policies. This might be partially related to the wide range of target groups for income redistribution policies. This interpretation is also supported by the fact that income distribution attitudes were stronger if the general poverty level, compared to child poverty, was higher, although a high general poverty level itself diminished the support for income support policies as a task of government. This controversial result can be related to previous knowledge that solidarity is influenced simultaneously by the frequency of contacts and the perception of justified or deserved support. In high poverty areas where all people are poor, the justification for dealing particularly with this policy might be lower, but at the same time income inequalities between different groups might raise support for inequality reduction policies.\n			The other consistent result was the dependency of attitudes on individual vulnerability and identity related indicators, such as income, education, gender, perception of a just society, left-right positioning, the perception of the benefits compared with the costs of a welfare system and individual value systems. The levels of security needs and benevolence were also statistically important factors in all models, after controlling for gender, income and ideological preferences.\n			Differences in attitudes resulting from gender might indicate persistent differences in gender equity. The difference was more notable in attitudes about childrelated policies and other vulnerable support schemes than in the case of income policy. Lappegard (2008) believes that gender differences in respect of family are dependent on the general gender equality situation, i.e. the more equal the genders are in societies, the more equal should be their attitudes. The present study revealed continuous gender differences even after controlling for many vulnerability indicators. \n		Attitudes-based cluster analyses of countries did not reveal any classical pattern of welfare state types, although there are many references to path dependency in literature. It is not surprising in the light of previous studies into attitudes (see Gelissen, 2000), and indicates that the relationships between the welfare system and attitudes are not linear or simple. At the same time, the results for people with children were often closer to the results for people without children  in the same country than to those for people children in neighboring countries, which refers to the influence of country culture. Social norms and general ideological attitudes can be factors that shape the common standpoints.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2012-05-08 11:49:20','2012-05-09 10:48:03','','Waiting'),(824,'Estonian Classic Structure of Basic Human Values based on the European Social Survey','Eesti klassikaline alusväärtusstruktuur Euroopa sotsiaaluuringu põhjal',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The objective of the master’s paper is to present comprehensive overview of the Estonian basic human value structure. Therefore both the general preferences of the basic values of the Estonian population and the main factors that have impact on these values have been studied. In addition to that the value priorities have been compared with the neighbouring countries to describe the present status of the Estonian basic value development.\nThe research is based on the values theory of Shalom Schwartz that is focused on the basic values on individual and cultural level. His Portrait Values Questionnaire has been used, which enables to represent different individual values based on 21 portrait descriptions.\nIndividual values form 10 basic values that can be placed into basic value circle according to polarity. Most of the data has been obtained from the results of the second, third and fourth round of The European Social Survey that was conducted in Estonia in 2004, 2006 and 2008. Altogether the responses of 5167 respondents have been used.\nHypotheses describing the Estonian basic value structure based on earlier surveys and theoretical studies are not 100 % confirmed, which refers to profound changes that are difficult to predict. In Estonian society the most important factors that have impact on values are age, nationality and gender. Minor influence has also education, belonging to the national minority group and religion. Estonian development toward the post-modern society is hindered mainly by the ethnic difference based on the basic values. This is a destabilizing factor of the general functioning of the Estonian state. The judgements of the Estonians are coming closer to the Scandinavian people, but non-Estonians remain closer to the people in Russia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','laur@tlu.ee','2012-05-14 10:36:23','2012-05-15 09:45:27','','Waiting'),(825,'Basic Human Values in Estonia on Second Wave Period','Alusväärtused Eestis teise laine perioodil',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'...',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','laur@tlu.ee','2012-05-15 09:13:00','2012-05-15 12:08:15','','Waiting'),(826,'The Basic Values of Birth Cohorts in the 2000s Estonia.','Sünnikohortide alusväärtused ja nende muutumine nullindate Eestis',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'...',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','laur@tlu.ee','2012-05-15 11:00:28','2012-05-15 12:09:29','','Waiting'),(827,'Revisiting Procedural Utility: Evidence from European Survey Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using survey data from 25 European countries, we can show that in most of the countries the self-employed are more satisfied with their jobs than employees. This paper aims to discuss the reasons why this is the case. The results show that part of the differences in job satisfaction between employees and self-employed individuals are due to creativity and autonomy in self-employment. This suggests that our results are in line with procedural utility theory (Benz and Frey 2004, 2008). In other words, especially self-employed individuals seem to derive utility from the way outcomes are achieved.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Schneck@ifm-bonn.org','2012-05-18 15:21:17','2012-08-13 11:00:20','','Waiting'),(828,'Could Iran Turn Into a Liberal Democracy?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research proposes new lenses from which to view the Islamic Republic of Iran, different than the common picture portrayed in the Western World. Based on the theory of basic human values, developed by Professor Shalom Schwartz, this research formulates a new index \"Societal Potential for Liberal Democracy\" which measures the potential of a society to foster a liberal democracy based on a society\'s value structure. In order to study the values which characterize the Iranian people and to measure Iran\'s societal potential for liberal democracy relative to other countries, two separate surveys were conducted in Iran, consisting of over 900 respondents, and including two representative samples of Iranian society. Using the newly formulated index, this research placed Iran 22nd out of 46 countries in a world-wide continuum of Societal Potential for Liberal Democracy, above Egypt, Morocco and Jordan, thus proving the provocative thesis that the greatest potential for democracy in the Middle East lies not in Arab Sunni countries, but rather in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In addition, a significant gap was found between the societal potential for democracy in Iran and the actual level of democracy, indicating a high potential for future regime change. Hopefully this research will help ignite public discourse regarding new courses of actions for dealing with the threat posed by Iran, based on an alliance with the liberal forces discussed in this research, with the objective of promoting liberal democracy in the Islamic Republic.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','yuval@iranresearch.org','2012-05-19 22:27:51','2012-05-21 11:05:56','','Waiting'),(829,'Entrepreneurship in Greece: Institutions, Culture and Incentives','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper analyses the various interactions among the institutional and cultural environment and the quality of entrepreneurial activity in Greece. The institutional context and the way in which institutions perform in particular, shape the structure of entrepreneurial incentives. As explicitly demonstrated by Baumol (1990) institutions actually channel entrepreneurial talent toward different activities which may be productive, unproductive or destructive. At the same time, informal institutions, i.e. culture and values have proven to be of equal importance for entrepreneurship.  In many cases, the design of formal institutions fails to take into account the existing informal institutional environment and its important constructs such as trust, social capital, norms and beliefs, or else culture. Such failures carry tremendous consequences in terms of a country’s economic performance and the prevailing types of entrepreneurship and growth, in specific. The interrelationship between formal and informal institutional environments and their effect on entrepreneurship and growth are subjects of increased research emphasis. Recent evidence show that well-functioning institutions are often observed in countries or regions where individual values are consistent with generalized morality and this implies a causal effect from values to formal institutional outcomes (Tabellini, 2007). The present study builds upon these theoretical insights in order to develop a theoretical construct and testable empirical hypotheses over the interactions between formal and informal institutions and their effect upon the supply of entrepreneurship in Greece.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','apetrou@uop.gr','2012-05-28 11:41:16','2012-05-29 09:22:09','','Waiting'),(830,'Political Nationalism and Attitudes towards Immigration: The Interaction of Knowledge and Policy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The issue of immigration is highly salient to citizens of industrialised democracies. Globalisation and the emergence of an international human rights regime, among other reasons, led to high levels of immigration to industrialised countries in recent decades. Immigrant-receiving states have shown only limited ability to control the size and composition of their immigrant population. Immigration has therefore emerged as a prominent political issue in practically all economically developed countries, and there are raising concerns over anti-immigration sentiments and nationalist tendencies that seem to be taking hold among modern publics. We argue that anti-immigration attitudes are not merely a response to increased immigration, but rather that these attitudes mirror governments’ nationalistic and anti-immigration stance. In addition, people who are interested in politics are expected to be more influenced by their governments’ policies than those who show less interest. We use data from the European Social Survey and the Comparative Manifesto Project to test these claims. Results from our multilevel models show that people living in countries where the government is right wing are more opposed to immigration than people living in countries where the government exhibits less right-wing tendencies. The effect of government policy positions is also found to be conditioned by political interest at the individual level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','tor.g.jakobsen@hist.no','2012-05-28 14:46:22','2012-05-29 09:39:35','','Waiting'),(831,'A psycho-political profile of political activists and left-wing and right-wing extremists','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,' Previous studies comparing ideological groups have been restricted to tests of between-group differences in the means of relevant political psychological variables, thereby neglecting group differences in the variances, meanings and nomological networks of the tested variables. A first exploratory study used data from the European Social Survey (N = 7,314) comparing groups of political party members on the basis of their scores on a self-placement leftright scale. The second study (N = 69) constituted an in-depth test for the presence of differences between samples of political activists of moderate parties, communists, anarchists and right-wing extremists. The results revealed that there is a fair amount of heterogeneity within left-wing and right-wing extremists, indicating a substantial amount of within-group variance of social attitudes, values and prejudice. Moreover, the extremist ideologies are best approached as distinct ideologies that cannot be reduced to extreme versions of moderate ideology, and differences in the meanings and nomological networks of the various extremist ideologies were also obtained. It is erroneous to consider members of extremist groups as being all alike. The findings obtained from samples of political moderates are not a particularly solid basis for theories about extremism. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alain.vanhiel@UGent.be','2012-06-04 10:42:55','2012-06-04 17:19:42','','Waiting'),(832,'Social inequalities and collective action in Europe','Desigualdades sociais e ação coletiva na Europa',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research aims to contribute to the enrichment of the scientific study of collective action in contemporary societies. The research sought to examine the relevance and impact of social inequalities on collective action in the European context. The thesis starts with a theoretical discussion around the concepts of social classes, collective actors and collective action, and then presents a structural and cultural analysis of collective action, using contemporary and central tools from the sociology of social classes. At the structural level, we analyze the consequences of inequality (based on class, economic capital, gender, knowledge, labor and politics). At the cultural level, we analyze the impact of egalitarian values, social representations about the state and ideological positions on collective action. In terms of methodology, results were obtained from the \"European Social Survey\" (2008 and 2006), through a transnational and comparative analysis. The potentialities offered by the combined use of extensive European surveys with national indicators allowed us to extend the problematic of social classes methodologically, analytically and theoretically. The main research findings reveal that collective action in Europe varies according to social class, social inequality and also according to the dynamics of the knowledge society, values, political culture and labor market in different European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nuno.nunes@iscte.pt','2012-06-06 17:37:00','2012-06-07 12:59:15','','Waiting'),(833,'Work-family conflict and well-being in Northern Europe ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter examines work-family conflicts (WFC) and well-being in Northern Europe.  Using data from the European Social Survey module on work, family and well-being we examine how both the experience of WFC and well-being are gendered in ways that reflect the gendered division of paid and unpaid work.  We also explore how different policies in support of maternal employment and a more equitable divide of domestic labour may reduce or enhance men and women\'s well-being.  Contrary to expectations, we find that men not women benefit from a less traditional gender role divide in household chores.  We suggest that men may be uncomfortably conscious of work getting in the way of their doing a fair share of chores at home, whereas women have long been used to doing a \'double shift\'.  We conclude that more attention needs to be paid to the gender divide of unpaid work, if we are to understand how changes in family and employment impinge on well-being. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jls@cam.ac.uk','2012-06-06 18:36:17','2012-06-07 13:03:31','','Waiting'),(834,'Diversity and the European Public Sphere The Case of the Czech Republic','Diversity and the European Public Sphere The Case of the Czech Republic',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main objective of this text is to deliver supplementary information to the empirical data collected in the Czech Republic within the Eurosphere project. The data on diversity, migration, citizenship etc. which were gathered in the process of media analyses and interviews may need a larger cultural and historical context. This text aspires to provide the desired background as well as additional data which were collected in a representative sample of the Czech population.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','romana.trusinova@seznam.cz','2012-06-07 16:55:45','2012-06-08 14:31:25','','Waiting'),(835,'Tolerance to diversity and diversity of intolerance in the Czech Republic','Tolerance to diversity and diversity of intolerance in the Czech Republic',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Czech lands (and Czechoslovakia) historically developed as a multicultural environment but the unfortunate modern history drastically reduced its traditional Jewish, Roma, Ruthenian, German, Hungarian and Slovak minorities through holocaust, expulsion and political partition, leaving the Czech lands with a relatively homogeneous citizenry. Inhabited mostly by the Czechs (90%) and Moravians (4%) who share a similar historical and cultural background, the Czech Republic’s largest minorities involve Slovaks (3%) and Roma (3%) along with immigration waves primarily from Ukraine and Vietnam. Our study consists of two parts: 1) A representative survey involved 1.037 respondents of the Czech Republic and focused on opinions on homogeneity, diversity, EU enlargement and open borders. The results indicate a widespread joy of belonging to the EU but also prevalent worries about free movement of foreigners and apprehension of further EU enlargement. 2) The other part is a secondary analysis of European Social Survey (ESS) data for the Czech Republic. It focused on development of a psychological, value-based typology in order to further analyze attitudes to immigration and diversity. Cluster analysis (Sawtooth method) of Schwartz Value Questionnaire data resulted in four prominent axiological types (mentalities) of Czech respondents: (educated and aspiring) Social Liberals, (older and virtuous) Ascetic Conservatives, (young) Hedonistic Individualists and Withdrawn Negativists (for a great part, bitter underdogs). These mentalities well resonate with types which were extracted by different methodology earlier (Klicperová.-Baker et al., 2007). Validity of these types was corroborated by demographic and attitudinal analysis. \nThe extracted types manifested various patterns of tolerance to immigrants: While the tolerant Social Liberals predominantly embrace diversity, the other types manifest less friendly patterns of attitudes which can be assigned to various causes. Whereas the young Hedonistic Individualists prevalently lack crystallized opinions and if they manifest tolerance, it may be labeled as ignorant tolerance; the Ascetic Traditionalists manifest a greater variance of attitudes: a genuine concern for their country and culture along with benevolence to others which stops short when it comes to people of different ethnicity (a possible sign of bigotry). Withdrawn Negativists, as expected, extended their generalized negativism and resentment to other peoples. Study is concluded with discussion of reasons which may play role in the Czech circumspection toward open borders and immigration—the small size of the Czech Republic, existential challenges in the past, negative role of minorities in destruction of Czechoslovakia, economic crisis, totalitarian & post-totalitarian experience and peculiarities of the Czech national character (e.g., reserved skepticism). Identification of patterns of intolerance may add to differentiated education for democratic citizenship and to adaptation of relevant policies. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','romana.trusnova@seznam.cz','2012-06-07 17:06:32','2012-06-08 14:23:58','','Waiting'),(836,'Age as a Source of Social Identity','Věk jako zdroj sociální identity',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article examines age as a possible group identity. It sets out to determine which age groups in society today have a stronger sense of identity and the source of that identity, while drawing on the tenets of social psychology and the theories of social identity and optimal distinctiveness. The latter two theories provide insight into the motives for identification with social groups, but see different needs at the heart of this identification, and thus offer alternative hypotheses of age as a source of status and positive self-image versus age as a source of distinctiveness and a ‘substitute’ source of identity. The analysis is based on representative data for the Czech population over the age of 20 drawn from the European Social Survey Round 4 and the International Social Survey Programme 2003. It shows that self-categorisation into the verbally defined age groups of young, middle-aged, and old is indeed common. It also reveals a much stronger level of peer group self-identification among the youngest and oldest respondents, despite the low social status of these age groups. The article closes with a discussion of the varying significance age has as a source of social identity and the invalidity of the hypothesis that age group identification is dependent on the social status of its members.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','romana.trusinova@seznam.cz','2012-06-07 17:12:38','2012-06-08 14:08:57','','Waiting');
INSERT INTO `publication` VALUES (837,'Who is young / middle age / old?','Kdo je mladý / střední / starý?',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this study is to find out which characteristics affect the age identity of individuals. The main question is: What determines whether the people in the Czech Republic find themselves young, middle aged or old? Two alternative hypotheses were tested: a) the age identity is mainly influenced by person’s family and working roles; b) the age identity is primarily a function of person’s chronological age and his health. While the second hypothesis understands the age identity as an ordinal variable, the first hypothesis views values of youth, middle age and old age as three different nominal constructs. The question is answered by analysis of quantitative data from European Social Survey Round 4. The sample contains 1864 respondents aged 20-95. Author uses binary logistic regression to find models for adopting age identities in different age categories. The second hypothesis of age identity being primarily an effect of age and health is proved. The influence of some family and working roles on age identity are, however, also discussed. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','romana.trusinova@seznam.cz','2012-06-07 17:17:08','2012-06-08 14:05:41','','Waiting'),(838,'Attitudes toward Immigrants and Immigration Policy in United Kingdom','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although recent research found substantial variation in the strength of anti-immigrant opinions across new and old countries of immigration, most studies determined that restrictive immigration policies are increasingly supported by the public. This paper explores several sources of attitudes toward immigrants in United Kingdom and attempts to simultaneously test some of the most important theoretical explanations of public attitudes toward immigration issues when the family immigration history is taken into account. Results are based on a quantitative analysis of data from the European Social Survey (Round 4/2008). Even if when compared to persons from families with at least one foreign-born member natives express the strongest opposition to flexible migration policies and are more likely to have negative views regarding the immigrants’ role in the British society, opinions vary significantly among groups differentiated by political preferences, socioeconomic attributes, and demographic characteristics. While for native Britons findings support the economic self-interest theory, education and social attachment (i.e., interpersonal and institutional trust) appear to be the strongest predictors of positive attitudes toward immigrants and opposition to restrictive immigration policies.    ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','v0andr01@louisville.edu','2012-06-09 02:48:30','2012-08-13 10:03:23','','Waiting'),(839,'Religious Beliefs and Practices in the European Landscape','Θρησκευτικές πεποιθήσεις και πρακτικές στον Ευρωπαϊκό χώρο.',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines empirically the religious beliefs and practices in all the countries that participated in the fourth round of ESS. The European enlargement along with the political transformation in the former socialist regimes as well as the significant increase of immigrant flows do not favour the maintenance of homogenous religious identities. Europe is characterized by religious heterogeneity a feature that is best pictured in the co-existence of opposing trends, secular and religous, inside and across countries. Church attendance is not directly related to the level of religiosity and frequency of praying. Church attendance is still low in Europe, whereas in Greece all religious indicators are declining and seem to converge with the European average. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'If possible please correct first name in  previous entries under Stathopoulou T. (Full name:Stathopoulou Theoni) ','theosta@ekke.gr','2012-06-11 12:11:27','2012-08-13 13:54:25','','Waiting'),(841,'National Institutional Structures and Self-Enhancement Values: A Multilevel Approach Using the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Contemporary market-societies can be characterised by a “culture of competition” (Coleman 1987). Competition is “a builder of character, a test of personal worth, and a powerful stimulus to individual achievement that ultimately produces the maximum economic value for society as a whole.” (ibid.) From this point of view living in a market-society has a strong impact on individual value priorities. But as Messner/ Rosenfeld (1994) point out, the influence of market-mechanism on individuals differs between market-societies and depend on national institutional arrangements. Konty (2005) makes the idea more concrete when he agues that the more influence economic social institutions gain the greater the people’s importance of self-enhancement-values. Other social institutions like the family or the polity can counterbalance these effects of societal economic institutions. However recent studies usually use either samples of specific social groups and examine only micro-micro-relations (e.g. Konty) or just take macro-macro-relations into account (e.g. Messner/ Rosenfeld). It lacks research about the question, how different institutional structures at the societal level influence the priority of self-enhancement-values at the individual level.\n\nTo shed light on the mentioned question in a first step some multilevel-confirmatory-factor-models for self-enhancement-values (Schwartz 1992) with data from the third round of the European Social Survey are estimated. After finding a model supporting cross-country configural invariance in a second step covariates concerning the national institutional structure (Gini-coefficient, Decommodification-index etc.) are introduced. At first glance there is evidence that the more social politics protecting citizen against market-forces the lower the priority of self-enhancement-values. After controlling for national socioeconomic development (GDP per capita, etc.) this effect disappears. Thus not mainly the national institutional structure rather the socioeconomic development seems to be the main social force influencing the priority of citizen’s self-enhancement-values.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dennis.koethemann@uni-bielefeld.de','2012-07-06 11:23:21','2012-08-13 13:46:46','','Waiting'),(842,'Top Down or Bottom Up? A Cross-National Study of Vertical Occupational Sex Segregation in Twelve European Countries','Top Down or Bottom Up? A Cross-National Study of Vertical Occupational Sex Segregation in Twelve European Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Starting with a comparative assessment of different welfare regimes and political economies from the perspective of gender awareness and ‘‘pro-women’’ policies, this chapter identifies the determinants of cross-national variation in women’s chances of being in a high-status occupation in 12 West European countries. Special emphasis is given to size and structure of the service sector, including share of women in public employment and structural factors such as trade union density and employment protection. The first level of comparison between men and women concentrates on gender representation in the higher echelons of the job hierarchy, while the second section extends the scope of analysis, comparing women in high status occupations and low-wage employment in order to allow for a more nuanced study of gender and class interaction. The first analysis is based on European Social Survey data for the years 2002, 2004, 2006, and 2008, capturing recent trends in occupational dynamics. Results indicate that in general a large service sector and a high trade union density enhance women’s chances of being in high-status occupations, while more specifically a large public sector helps to reduce channelling women into low-wage employment. Thus, equality at the top can well be paired with inequality at the bottom, as postindustrial countries with a highly polarized occupational hierarchy such as the UK show. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a.schaefer@zes.uni-bremen.de','2012-07-17 10:52:06','2012-08-13 13:59:39','','Waiting'),(843,'Parties and Voters','Parteien und Wahlen',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In large-scale polities such as contemporary nation states, democracy can hardly be organised by way of direct participation of citizens in political decision making. For the most part, democracy means representative democracy here, and general elections provide the linkage mechanism between the citizenry at large and political elites. Using data from the first four rounds of the ESS (2002 - 2008), this paper tests how the material preconditions of representative democracy have evolved in mature electoral systems of Western Europe, and in the consolidating systems of post-communist Eastern Europe. The main findings of the paper suggest that two decades after the breakdown of communism, the party systems of Eastern Europe are still in a state of relative flux, and citizens’ criteria for vote choice there are still very much of a circumstantial rather than a structural nature. Social-structural cleavages, stable party alignments, and ideological foundations of the vote are generally much weaker in post-communist Eastern Europe than they are in the West of the continent. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','angelika.scheuer@gesis.org','2012-07-30 15:56:49','2012-08-13 14:03:03','','Waiting'),(844,'Broad support for the European model of a strong welfare state','Breite Zustimmung für das europäische Modell eines starken Sozialstaats',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using indicators from the welfare module in ESS Round 4, six countries (SE, GB, DE, FR, ES, PO) are compared with regard to people\'s attitudes towards the responsability of the state for welfare, their personal perceived welfare risks, the effects of welfare measures and their preference when choosing between reducing taxes or increasing welfare measures. Despite of differences between the countries compared, a general support for the European model of welfare state can be observed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is also available online: http://www.gesis.org/fileadmin/upload/forschung/publikationen/zeitschriften/isi/isi-47.pdf\n','angelika.scheuer@gesis.org','2012-07-30 16:09:14','2012-08-13 11:13:03','','Waiting'),(845,'Living Conditions and Well-being in Europe','Lebensbedingungen und Wohlbefinden in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social report comparing EU-27 member states according to housing and living standard; labour market and labour conditions; evaluation of public services; social integration and subjective wellbeing.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is also available online:\nhttps://www.destatis.de/DE/Publikationen/Datenreport/Downloads/Datenreport2011Kap16.pdf;jsessionid=5DC143E9A4C05B1535CBF93D24D0D9DD.cae1?__blob=publicationFile','angelika.scheuer@gesis.org','2012-07-30 16:27:42','2012-08-13 14:14:44','','Waiting'),(846,'The determinants of vote choice in Western and Eastern Europe','A választói döntések meghatározói Kelet- és Nyugat-Európában',13,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the first four rounds of the ESS (2002 - 2008), this paper tests how the material preconditions of representative democracy have evolved in mature electoral systems of Western Europe, and in the consolidating systems of post-communist Eastern Europe. The main findings of the paper suggest that two decades after the breakdown of communism, the party systems of Eastern Europe are still in a state of relative flux, and citizens’ criteria for vote choice there are still very much of a circumstantial rather than a structural nature. Social-structural cleavages, stable party alignments, and ideological foundations of the vote are generally much weaker in post-communist Eastern Europe than they are in the West of the continent.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is also available online:\nhttp://www.valasztaskutatas.hu/kiadvanyok/rkpv/reszvetel-kepviselet-politikai-valtozas-1/hermann-schmitt-angelika-scheuer-a-valasztoi-dontesek-meghatarozoi-kelet-es-nyugat-europaban','angelika.scheuer@gesis.org','2012-07-30 16:42:28','2012-08-13 14:17:01','','Waiting'),(847,'Do the police trust in citizens? European comparisons','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust is expected to promote cooperation between the police and citizens. The trust of citizens in the police has been studied a great deal. This article, however, focuses on the other side of this relationship: the trust of the police in citizens. Literature dealing with the police culture indicates that the police have a rather cynical approach to citizens. However, empirical proof of this is scarce and mainly comes from major cities in the United States and the United Kingdom. On the other hand, literature focusing on social capital suggests that generalized trust varies greatly between societies and that it stems from social equality, good administration and high citizen activity. This article is based on the cumulative materials gathered for the European Social Survey 2002–8 from 22 countries. The study compares the level of generalized trust among police officers and other respondents. The analysis to some extent supports the assumption of cynicism among the police. However, the primary finding of the study is that the generalized trust of those working in the police forces closely reflects the level of generalized trust in the society as a whole. In countries where citizens generally trust each other, the police also trust the citizens; whereas in countries with a low level of trust in general, the police are also cynical towards citizens. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','juha.t.kaariainen@poliisi.fi','2012-08-03 08:16:39','2012-08-13 11:39:06','','Waiting'),(848,'Trust in the police after July 22nd','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The level of trust in the Norwegian police is high compared to most countries and the stability over time suggests that trust is a steady trait of society that doesn’t change abruptly. However some events are of such magnitude and affects so many people that it is natural to assume that they might have an impact on trust. The terror attack in Norway on July 22nd, 2011, is an event that could potentially influence attitudes toward the police. This study examines whether citizens´ general views of the police have changed after the terror attacks, how Norwegians perceive the police actions and judgments during the terror attacks, and to what extent the perceptions of police performance on July 22nd are related to general trust in the police. Three waves of telephone surveys have been presented to representative samples of the Norwegian population (August 2011, November 2011, and March 2012). The results show that just after the July 22nd attacks, the police was viewed in a very positive manner. This applies to the general trust level, as well as more specific views of police actions and judgments during the terror incidents. However, it appears that this initial effect was temporary, and that the public’s view of the police is now more in line with previous years, although still more positive than before the incidents. In addition to the police, a wide spectrum of participants, both institutions and individuals were involved in the operations following the terror attacks in Oslo and Utøya. When comparing the perception of police performance to the perception of how other participants performed we found that local volunteers received the highest mean score of the parties included in the study. Further, hospitals, paramedics, and relief organisations (Red Cross, Norwegian People’s Aid) received highly positive ratings by the respondents in the study. A majority of respondents also had a positive impression of how the police handled the events on July 22nd. However, in comparison to other individuals and institutions who were rated, the police were rated lowest in our survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','guntho@phs.no','2012-08-09 23:34:17','2012-08-13 13:25:26','','Waiting'),(849,'Explaining the Public Distrust of Police in the Newest European Union Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on recent cross-sectional data from the European Social Surveys Round 4 (2008), in Romania and Bulgaria the average levels of confidence in the country’s police appear to be much lower than in most European Union states. However, Romanians and Bulgarians tend to trust more the local police than they trust their country’s legal system, the main political parties, the country’s parliament, and the national government. Using ESS4 data collected from national representative samples of Romanians and Bulgarians, the present quantitative analysis attempts to assess the relative influence on attitudes toward the police of subjective (e.g., perceptions of important legal and political institutions; interpersonal trust; perceived sense of safety; perceived social and economic exclusion) and objective individual-level factors, such as socio-demographic characteristics, residency in capital cities (Bucharest and Sofia), and experiences with victimization.  Results show that in both countries, institutional trust is the most important predictor of public attitudes toward the police. The potential impact of real and perceived recent crime trends and the latent effects of economic, political, legal, and historical conditions on public discontent with the police in developing democracies will be also discussed. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','v0andr01@louisville.edu','2012-08-10 22:45:54','2012-08-13 11:51:48','','Waiting'),(850,'Gender differences in perception of discrimination','Diskrimineerimise tunnetamise soolised erinevused',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Chapter compares perception of discrimination, especially gender based discrimination in Europe. No essential gender differences in discrimination perception were found, but women and men perceive discrimination on different reasons, also large country differences exist. Gender based discrimination was more mentioned by more educated and younger women, who also valued equality of people more.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.sh.ut.ee/sites/default/files/sh_files/Sooline%20ebav%c3%b5rdsus%20t%c3%b6%c3%b6elus%20III%20kogumik.pdf','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2012-08-28 19:18:29','2012-08-29 10:02:08','','Waiting'),(851,'Men’s and women’s equal rights for work - attitudes in European countries','Meeste ja naiste võrdne õigus tööle - hoiakud Euroopa riikides',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter compares attitudes about equal rights for work. It uses ESS data from 2008 and European Value Survey data from 1990 and founds rise of egalitarian attitudes. Egalitarian attitudes demonstrate the most essential rise among older working age and old people.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.sh.ut.ee/sites/default/files/sh_files/Sooline%20ebav%c3%b5rdsus%20t%c3%b6%c3%b6elus%20III%20kogumik.pdf','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2012-08-28 19:38:25','2012-08-29 09:56:49','','Waiting'),(852,'Individual traits as risk factors of unemployment in Estonian and in Finland','Isikuomadused kui meeste ja naiste töötuse riskitegurid Eestis ja Soomes',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter analyses correlations between individual traits and unemployment in Estonia and in Finland. Some gender differences and country differences are reported.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.sh.ut.ee/sites/default/files/sh_files/Sooline%20ebav%c3%b5rdsus%20t%c3%b6%c3%b6elus%20III%20kogumik.pdf','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2012-08-28 19:49:45','2012-08-29 09:58:18','','Waiting'),(853,'Life satisfaction interaction with family model and employment: comparison of Estonia and Finland','Eluga rahulolu seos peremudeli ja tööhõivega: Eesti ja Soome võrdlus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The results demonstrated that living together with a partner, children, and employment status have comparatively limited influence to life satisfaction. Living together with a partner increased life satisfaction in Estonia only when family has small children, in Finland partner is contrary important if family does not have children at home. Employment increases life satisfaction of men more then life satisfaction of women. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.sh.ut.ee/sites/default/files/sh_files/Sooline%20ebav%c3%b5rdsus%20t%c3%b6%c3%b6elus%20III%20kogumik.pdf','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2012-08-29 13:15:00','2012-08-29 14:00:13','','Waiting'),(854,'Who can be contacted by phone? Lessons from Switzerland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Coverage, contactability and response rate for surveys by landline phone in Switzerland are dropping. But CATI interviews keep being a major survey mode in this country. Based mainly on Swiss ESS 2008 data, this contribution investigates the socio-demographic and attitudinal bias possibly caused by the lack of inclusion in the sampling frame and the lack of accessibility in unimode telephone surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Michele.ErnstStaehli@fors.unil.ch','2012-09-04 14:04:41','2012-09-04 15:03:22','','Waiting'),(855,'Spotlight Switzerland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since the 1980\'s, Switzerland has a strong telephone survey culture. However, the decline of landlines in favor of mobile connections challenges the whole Swiss survey landscape. This article shows the evolution of the telephone usage in Switzerland as well the specific survey climate and delineate the difficulties and possible solutions in order to produce reliable data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Michele.ErnstStaehli@fors.unil.ch','2012-09-04 14:16:42','2012-09-04 15:04:55','','Waiting'),(856,'Cultural Values and Group-Related Attitudes:  A Comparison of Individuals With and Without Migration Background Across 24 Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper argues that individuals’ attitudes towards members of other groups are at least partly shaped by the cultural environment the individuals live in. Based on the theory of cultural values by Schwartz it was tested whether cross-country differences in cultural value preferences can explain individual differences in negative group-related attitudes. Furthermore, the present article postulates that individuals with a migration background are less strongly guided by the cultural values of the society they live in, because they are additionally exposed to cultural values originating from their heritage culture. Samples from 24 countries that were part of the fourth wave of the European Social Survey were examined. Cultural values were assessed using the Portrait Value Questionnaire. Group-related attitudes were operationalized through an index of attitudes towards four different groups. Analyses of hierarchical linear models supported the hypotheses: Participants’ degree of negative group-related attitudes varied as a function of the cultural values inherent in the individuals’ countries. Moreover, weaker effects were found for individuals with migration background compared to individuals without migration background, especially for first-generation immigrants and immigrants from culturally more distant countries. Moreover, country-level cultural values were found to moderate the relationship of individual education and income level with group-related attitudes. Results are discussed with regard to their contribution to the literature on acculturation and with regard to the validity of Schwartz’s cultural value theory.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online before print May 18, 2012','d.schiefer@jacobs-university.de','2012-09-07 16:12:11','2012-09-10 11:33:48','','Waiting'),(857,'Mapping civic experiences in Estonia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article concerns civic experiences beyond or prior to civic action. Approaching questions of civic culture and democracy by way of the rather broad notion of civic experience, the author suggests that democratic values and processes involving citizens’ participation should be understood as deeply anchored in the lifeworld. The article establishes a view in which civic culture is understood from a holistic perspective as an experience. At the same time, the author is interested in the ways in which media are involved in that process, without assuming their predominance in fostering civic engagement and public connection. Drawing mainly on %# solicited, open-ended online diaries with young adults from Narva, Tartu, and Tallinn in Estonia and the European Social Survey Round (, the article proposes civic experience as a helpful notion to overcome the generic divide between utopian and dystopian views on the relationship between media and civic culture. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anne.kaun@sh.se','2012-09-17 13:45:54','2012-09-18 08:03:27','','Waiting'),(858,'Is old age stigma? Ageing identity in Lithuania','Ar senatvė yra stigma? Senėjimo tapatumas Lietuvoje',32,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While population ageing is attracting ever more attention of international scientific community and social policy, its cultural and communicative aspects remain underinvestigated. The goal of the dissertation is to investigate the old age (ageing) identity in Lithuania, applying the sociological concept of stigma. In the pursuit of this goal, the research areas of stigma and ageism are connected, highlighting their common denominator - discrimination. The following questions are raised: whether/to what extent old age is stigma in contemporary Lithuania? When and why old age did become stigma? What are manifestations of the old age stigma? How is it reproduced? Searching for answers the historical changes of attitudes towards ageing are reviewed, dominant theories of ageing identity are examined and the concepts of A.Gidden‘s reflexive self and E.Goffman‘s stigma are applied. Scientifically new theses presented for defense are grounded in the findings of three empirical investigations: media texts analysis, interviews with older people and data analysis of the European Social Survey Round 4. The results lead to conclusion that old age in Lithuania is an „open secret\" type stigma: verbally favourable view of older people conceals discrimination. The constructed and internalized stigma is detected both in media and in everyday interactions. The level of discrimination experienced by Lithuanian population over 60 is close to other post-communist and Mediterranean countries.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','g.rapoliene@gmail.com','2012-10-05 10:45:17','2012-10-05 14:35:27','','Waiting'),(859,'Potentials for conflict between Old and Young in the German welfare state - A Quantitative Analysis of the European Social Survey (ESS)','Konfliktpotenziale zwischen Alt und Jung im deutschen Wohlfahrtsstaat - Eine quantitative Analyse des European Social Survey (ESS)',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Due to a low birth rate and increasing life expectancy, the demographic changes in Germany lead to funding shortfalls in the social security system and a political power shift in favor of older generations. This is often too quickly described as a potential conflict between generations, without empirically testing the existence of the necessary social basis for such a conflict.\n\nIn this article, a model is developed that outlines the emergence of a conflict between young and old, to then examine several aspects of the genesis of the conflict empirically. For this purpose, three attitudinal variables are analyzed: the State\'s responsibility for old-age security; the assessment of the standard of living in retirement and the expected development of pension levels. The data is drawn from the 4th round of the European Social Survey in Germany.\n\nThe analyses show that attitudes to the welfare state reveal no significant potential for conflict between old and young. Potential lines of conflict are more likely to follow  educational status or subjective life satisfaction. In addition, to a lesser extent, attitude formation appears to be influenced by age-independent subjective value orientations and political attitudes. From the results it can be concluded that at present in the population, there is no basis for a conflict between old and young at the societal level in Germany.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','thomas.hollfelder@gmx.de','2012-10-07 13:07:11','2012-10-11 11:19:27','','Waiting'),(860,'Recapturing the Reluctant Radical: How to win back Europe\'s populist vote','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Support for right-wing populism in Europe has steadily gained attention from media and policymakers over the past decade. Most of this attention, however, has been focused on the core supporters of right-wing populist parties (RPPs) – the members and the street activists – at the expense of the topic of this publication, the ‘reluctant radicals’. These are our main protagonists: the soft, uncommitted supporters of RPPs. They are crucial for two straightforward reasons: the reluctant radicals are the bulk of RPP support as well as those who can most easily be brought back to the mainstream, thereby depriving RPPs of their main electoral base. This publication is the first of a series produced within Counterpoint’s project ‘Recapturing Europe’s Reluctant Radicals’. Our aim here is to draw an accurate portrait of these voters by exploring the characteristics of the reluctant radicals in ten European countries, with a particular focus on France, Finland and the Netherlands. We aim to critically test some common assumptions – in particular, that right-wing populism is the preserve of disadvantaged young men – as well as outline the contours of the political and cultural context in which the data needs to be interpreted. The result is a better understanding of the diversity of the support for these parties as well as a more accurate reading of the context in which they arise – the histories, traumas, memories, resentments and fears that drive the choices of the reluctant radicals.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','marley.morris@counterpoint.uk.com','2012-10-08 12:12:08','2012-10-11 13:21:32','','Waiting'),(861,'jmstest','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'testing...sfgcv',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-10-25 09:53:33','2012-10-25 15:41:50','','Waiting'),(862,'Ny test','',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'adrhadr',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-10-25 15:04:01','2012-10-25 16:13:26','','Waiting'),(863,'Enda en test','',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'bla bla bla',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-10-25 15:51:49','2012-10-25 15:54:47','','Waiting'),(864,'Enda enda en test','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'srth',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-10-25 16:03:04','2012-10-25 16:14:35','','Waiting'),(865,'NM i testing','',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'adfgsdfg',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-10-25 16:05:28','2012-10-25 16:14:52','','Waiting'),(866,'Snart siste test?','',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'gxfg',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-10-25 16:11:23','2012-10-25 16:12:07','','Waiting'),(867,'Aller siste test','',37,NULL,NULL,NULL,'fgj',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-10-25 16:28:16','2012-10-25 16:28:52','','Waiting'),(868,'Is there a paradox of lower job satisfaction among trade union members? European evidence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In most of the literature on industrial relations, union members are found to be less satisfied with their jobs than non-members. Analysts have applied various statistical and econometric approaches to try to resolve what seems like a paradoxical finding, with mixed results, using theories based on selection bias and ‘exit-voice’ considerations. We review this literature, and note that most empirical studies are from only a few countries – especially the US and the UK. Analysis of a wider range of 18 countries participating in the large-scale European Social Survey in both 2006 and 2010 finds that trade union members generally tend to express higher rather than lower job satisfaction than others, although results differ by country. We use regression models (ordinal logistic) to show that union membership is generally associated with higher job satisfaction, even after controlling for individual, job and workplace differences. Attempts to link the union factor in job satisfaction to typologies of countries, either by welfare regime or extent of collective bargaining coverage, have not been able to address the puzzle of why a negative link persists in a few countries, but not in most.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','s.d.mckay@bham.ac.uk','2012-10-29 10:17:46','2012-10-29 11:34:31','','Waiting'),(869,'Dutch Pill Prudery Confirmed','Hollandse pillenpreutsheid bevestigd',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As was known from corridor chats and from holidat experiences of dispensing chemists: foreigners are much more likely to take a pill. The assumption that the Dutch are much more reticent in taking medication is confirmed by the results of the European Social Survey 20054/2005.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.pw.nl/archief/2006/2006-29/2006pw0952.pdf/at_download/file','s.kooiker@scp.nl','2012-11-14 11:35:08','2012-11-15 10:20:55','','Waiting'),(870,'Time vs. Money – The Supply of Voluntary Labor and Charitable Donations across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Volunteering plays a prominent role in the charitable provision of goods and services, yet we know relatively little about why individuals spend time and money to the charity. Assuming that volunteering is a consumption good, we analyze the determinants of individuals’ charitable cash donations and volunteer labor as well as the interdependence between both goods. Using data from the European Social Survey, we find a positive relationship between time and money contributions on the individual as well as on the country level. The hypothesis that time and money donations are gross complements, however, is not supported by our analysis, as we find evidence that individuals substitute time donations by money donations as the price of time raises. Analyzing philanthropic behavior on a disaggregated level reveals large differences in the determinants and the relationship of time and money donations – both across different types of voluntary organizations and across different welfare regimes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','julia.bredtmann@rub.de','2012-11-19 09:49:55','2012-11-20 14:01:00','','Waiting'),(871,'In Honest Officials We Trust : Institutional Confidence in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyzes trust in public institutions. In both theoretical literature and empirical research, a link between social trust and institutional trust has been established. Our aim is to cast additional light on this relationship. In particular, we test whether institutional trust is dependent on citizens’ perceptions of how well institutions live up to normative expectations held by the public. The focus on such normative expectations, such as  incorruptibility and honesty, is different from much of the previous empirical work which often predominantly focuses on policy outputs, such as economic performance, as a determinant of political support. Two main hypotheses derived from the theoretical discussion are tested in the analysis: Generalized social trust is positively associated with institutional trust (Hypothesis 1) and Institutional trust depends on people’s perceptions of the extent to which institutions live up to such normative expectations as incorruptibility and honesty (Hypothesis 2). Using data from the European Social Survey, the analyses are first carried out at a country level and later at an individual level. Even though the hypotheses are verified to a large extent, the most powerful determinant of institutional trust proves to be satisfaction with policy outputs. Institutional trust is associated with social trust as well as with the perception that public officials act honestly, and the pattern is similar regarding trust in both parliament and the legal system. Furthermore, the analysis suggests that the societies’ average levels of social trust and corruption do not affect the causal mechanisms of institutional trust at the individual level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kimmo.gronlund@abo.fi','2012-11-19 15:24:51','2012-11-20 13:45:38','','Waiting'),(872,'How can we evaluate the reliability of rankings?','Hur kan vi bedöma tillförlitligheten i en rangordning?- en Bayesiansk ansats',3,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During recent years it has become quite popular to rank units like countries, universities or researchers according to a variety of indicators. For example, the so called Shanghai ranking of almost all universities in the whole world has received a lot of attention. On the other side, this ranking has also been the subject of fierce attacks.\n Bayesian methods provide one opportunity to study the uncertainty in rankings due to the fact that the observed values of the indicators on which the rankings are based are more or less wrong. The use of Bayesian methods is illustrated with two examples of which the first is related to the measurement of the support of political parties and is based on data for Finland from the 2010 European Social Survey. The second example concerns the measurement of publication activity in the social science faculties in the universities in Finland 2009.\n The results show that even if the top- and bottom-rankings are quite stable, the middle-rankings may be much more uncertain. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lnordber@abo.fi','2012-11-21 09:39:46','2012-11-22 11:47:15','','Waiting'),(873,'How do people vote in suburbia? Political preference and suburbanisation in Europe','How do people vote in suburbia? Political preference and suburbanisation in Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An important aspect of understanding the urban fringe is to know the political preferences of its inhabitants, since geographically bound political patterns have con- sequences for both local policymaking and the national political sphere. Combining urban geography approaches that explain the interaction between spaces and society with political science theory on (geographical) cleavages, this article explains differ- ences in electoral preferences between core city and suburban voters. The analyses show how voters behave differently due to structural factors that are related to the place of residence, resulting in a clear suburban preference for conservative parties. Common explanations for these urban–suburban differences in electoral preferences mainly refer to socio-economic segregation. However, the article shows that divergences are also substantially based on diverging patterns of daily use of spaces, as well as on different lifestyles of the middle class. The propositions are tested with a series of multinomial logistic regression models using Swiss, German, Dutch and French data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maarit.strobele@eui.eu','2012-11-22 14:25:37','2012-11-22 15:30:37','','Waiting'),(874,'Societal Development, Social Stratification and Power- and Achievement-Values','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Do societal development and social stratification affect the priority of power- and achievement-values? This question is strongly connected to the more general discussion about how societal wellbeing and social stratification shape values of the public and individuals. Unfortunately studies often work with methodologically problematic value-indicators as the Inglehart-Index. The present paper aims at avoiding the use of an imprecise value theory and unreliable indicators by using the framework of the Theory of Basic Human Values by Schwartz (2005). With data from the third, fourth and fifth round of the ESS it can be shown that both societal development and social stratification are associated with the priority of power- and achievement-values. However the interrelations between both mentioned factors and power- and achievement-values are contradictory. The higher the societal development the lower the priority of power- and achievement-values. But the higher the position within the social stratification the higher the priority of power- and achievement-values. As explaining mechanisms Inglehart’s ideas (1997) about societal postmodernization and Kohn’s and Schooler’s (1983) descriptions about social stratification and value priorities together with the idea if social production functions (Esser 1999, Lindenberg 1989, Lindenberg & Frey 1993) are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dennis.koethemann@uni-osnabrueck.de','2012-11-27 07:36:57','2012-11-28 09:23:10','','Waiting'),(875,'The Value Structure in Socioeconomically Less Developed European Countries Still Remains an Ellipse','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on the 21-item Human Values Scale of the European Social Survey (ESS, 2002–2006), Bilsky, Janik, and Schwartz (2011) concluded that the quasi-circular model of Schwartz’s value theory “fits  somewhat less well in less developed societies” (p. 16). This article focuses on their mitigating quantifier “somewhat” and proposes an impartial measure to evaluate Schwartz’s universality claim. European Social Survey data of four rounds 2002–2008 (33 countries, 98 samples) were analysed. Applying restricted confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), we partitioned the 21 items’ variance into an acquiescence part and the two diagonal axes of growth-protection and social-personal focused values. The variance in the growth–protection axis varied between 22.0% (Austria, in 2002) and 2.0% (samples from Romania, Turkey, Ukraine, Hungary, and Slovakia remain below 5%). Within rounds across countries (respective df = 94), the growth–protection axis’ variance strongly correlates (r = .76) with an index of socioeconomic development, aggregated from five indicators adopted from the World Bank. It also strongly correlates (r = .81) with a sample’s mean member’s location on the growth vs. protection value dimension. We interpret these results as a strong effect and conclude that in socioeconomically less developed countries the value structure remains elliptical or even one-dimensional. The discussion relates the results to Klages’ value synthesis theory.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mstrack@uni-goettingen.de','2012-12-02 14:56:09','2012-12-03 10:06:06','','Waiting'),(876,'Tester ny redmine-bruker','',26,NULL,NULL,NULL,'blabla',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-12-14 11:23:10','2013-04-24 11:05:39','','Waiting'),(877,'Tester ny redmine-bruker igjen','',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'bla',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.uib.no','2012-12-14 12:47:43','2013-04-24 11:22:54','','Waiting'),(878,'How beliefs about the impact of immigration shape policy preferences: Evidence from Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper studies the joint determination of beliefs about the economic impact of immigration and immigration policy preferences, using data from the five waves of the European Social Survey (2002-2010). In addition to standard socioeconomic characteristics, this analysis takes into account individual media consumption as a determinant of opinion about immigration. Our results stress the important role of the endogenous determination of beliefs, which appear as a major determinant of policy preferences. Besides, media exposure appears as a key determinant of beliefs: individuals spending more time to get informed on social and political matters through newspapers and radio have a better opinion on the economic impact of immigration relatively to individuals which devote time to other types of contents.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','gilles.spielvogel@univ-paris1.fr','2012-12-19 14:14:27','2012-12-19 15:17:03','','Waiting'),(879,'Gender, Unemployment and Subjective Well-Being: Why Being Unemployed Is Worse for Men than for Women','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper tries to explain why unemployment has such a severe effect on the subjective well-being of people. It is already known that unemployed have among the lowest levels of subjective well-being of all people. This paper explains and tests why this is so. The explanation is based on the social production function theory. This theory states that ultimately people strive for physical well-being and social approval. Because unemployment affect both physical well-being and social approval its effect is so large. We elaborate this explanation to account for the differences between men and women. Because men and women have different ways of achieving social approval unemployment is more detremental for men than for women. We further analyze differences between single men and women and married men and women to test the explanation that is put forward. Using the European Social Survey held in 2004 the hypotheses are tested. We do find that having a job is one of the main factors affecting subjective well-being, that this effect is bigger for men than for women and that women profit from the jobs of their partners whereas men do not.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online 21 NOV 2012','p.h.van.der.meer@rug.nl','2012-12-19 14:19:40','2012-12-19 15:32:53','','Waiting'),(880,'Separate Worlds - Globalization, Borders and Attitudes Towards Immigration in Inner Scandinavia','Skilda vär(l)dar - globalisering, gränser och attityder till invandring i Inre Skandinavien',3,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using survey data from five different waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) this chapter investigates the attitudes towards immigration in Inner Scandinavia. It is argued that while the attitudes in both the Swedish and the Norwegian parts of Inner Scandinavia are quite positive in comparison with other European countries, they nevertheless differ quite a lot. The Norwegians are in general much less positive to immigration than Swedes. This could be understood as problematic with regards to prominent ideas of regional development in Inner Scandinavia. In particular it is argued here that it is not compatible with the will to attract the creative class as it is understood by Richard Florida. Indeed it is concluded here that a one sided focus on such ideas of regional development may themselves be a reason for increased skepticism towards immigration in general.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','andreas.ojehag@kau.se','2012-12-19 14:54:05','2012-12-19 15:40:56','','Waiting'),(881,'Facts and Figures on Healthy Ageing and Long-term Care. Europe and North America','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The 2nd edition of the Facts and Figures on Healthy Ageing and Long-term Care provides information on the ageing phenomenon. It covers data and information on demography, social situation of older people, health, informal care, migrant care workers, public long-term care policies and expenditure for the countries of the UNECE.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Publication freely downloadable from this website: http://www.euro.centre.org/detail.php?xml_id=2079','rodrigues@euro.centre.org','2012-12-19 16:00:11','2012-12-20 11:58:12','','Waiting'),(882,'Attitudes toward the Xeno: Greece in Comparative Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article utilizes extensive survey and other data to argue that Greek responses to immigrants have been largely exclusionary and xenophobic, but that younger and better educated Greeks have more positive attitudes towards migrants, indicating that important attitudinal shifts may be underway.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nkarakat@iusb.edu','2012-12-22 10:54:55','2012-12-28 09:55:09','','Waiting'),(883,'The Securitization of Migration: Greece in the 1990s','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The emergence of mass migration to Greece in the 1990s — one unforeseen by political elites and the mass public — resulted in markedly increased levels of hostility and fear vis-à-vis migrants. Interpreting this response from the perspective of societal security, we analyse both public opinion data and elite discourse. We argue that the official policies of the Greek state and public pronouncements of political leaders helped foster and perpetuate an interpretation of migration centred on threat, fear, criminality and security. Over the course of the decade, Greek public opinion and elite rhetoric were clearly characterized by a sense of danger and threat, both to Greek national culture as well as to individuals’ own personal security.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jswarts@pnc.edu','2012-12-22 11:01:10','2012-12-28 10:34:28','','Waiting'),(884,'Unit Non-Response due to Refusal','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,' \nHigh response rates are often considered to be the outstanding quality feature of surveys. According to Biemer and Lyberg (2003), nonresponse is a quality feature that many survey users and sponsors have heard of, and the response rate is often seen as indicative of the competence of a survey organization. Survey researchers know by now, however, that nonresponse rates are not linearly related to nonresponse bias (Groves, 2006). They are also aware of the fact that devoting limited resources to increasing response rates with little or no impact on total survey error is not money well spent (Merkle & Edelman, 2002). High response rates after excluding ‘difficult’ groups (minority language speakers, mobile only, far away regions) will not result in a good representation of the target population. High response rates on a poorly drafted questionnaire will not contribute to valid conclusions.\n\nAs nonresponse rates are increasing (De Leeuw & De Heer, 2002; Couper & De Leeuw, 2003) survey costs and fieldwork duration increase too, and surveys are increasingly hard to plan. Also, nonresponse is a key threat to survey quality when survey participation is related to the outcome variables of a survey. The higher the nonresponse, and the more respondents differ from the nonrespondents, the larger the nonresponse bias and the lower the validity of survey outcomes. This is both true for noncontact and for refusal.\n\nThis chapter focuses on refusal, both because the major part of nonresponse is usually due to refusal and because refusal is possibly related to the topic of the survey. If this is so, and if surveys on, say, political involvement are completed mainly by those who are interested in politics, the validity of survey results is indeed threatened . The chapter starts with a short introduction on nonresponse bias and on what constitutes a refusal. This is not as clear-cut as one might think. Refusal in mail, e-mail and Internet surveys can usually not be measured, and not opening the door to an interviewer may be an implicit refusal. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','i.stoop@scp.nl','2013-01-02 18:02:31','2013-01-03 07:25:28','','Waiting'),(885,'Classification of Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter will give a short overview of the different ways surveys can be classified. \nIn a good survey, the sample that has been studied represents the target population, and the information that has been collected represents the concepts of interest. The standardized procedures with which data are collected are mostly, but not always, questionnaires which are either presented to the sample persons by an interviewer or completed by the sample persons themselves.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','i.stoop@scp.nl','2013-01-02 18:07:47','2013-01-03 07:27:28','','Waiting'),(886,'Repeated Cross-Sectional Surveys Using FTF','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter we look first at the different steps in survey design, summarised in the concept of the survey life cycle. Although the focus is on face-to-face surveys, we then briefly compare face-to-face administration with other data collection modes. Section 15.2 presents a short overview of the ESS. Section 15.3 covers the first important aspect of surveys, namely how to make sure that the final respondents represent the target population (or how to minimise non-observation errors); Section 15.4 the second key aspect, namely how to make sure that the answers to survey questions represent the concepts we wish to investigate (or how to minimise observation errors). The final section presents some thoughts on the future of face-to-face surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2013-01-03 10:23:56','2013-01-03 10:27:17','','Waiting'),(887,'Cross-national Surveys: Comparing countries and surveys','Landenvergelijkende surveys: Vergelijking tussen landen en surveys',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Overview of problems encountered when designing a cross-national survey and an overview of handling these design issues in the European Social Survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','i.stoop@scp.nl','2013-01-03 13:34:49','2013-01-03 13:53:50','','Waiting'),(888,'Experienced discrimination amongst European old citizens','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study analyses the experienced age discrimination of old European citizens and the factors related to this discrimination. Differences in experienced discrimination between old citizens of different European countries are explored. Data from the 2008 ESS survey are used. Old age is defined as being 62 years or older. The survey data come from 28 European countries and 14,364 old-age citizens. Their average age is 72 years. Factor analysis is used to construct the core variable ‘experienced discrimination’. The influence of the independent variables on experienced discrimination is analysed using linear regression analysis. About one-quarter of old European citizens sometimes or frequently experience discrimination because of their age. Gender, education, income and belonging to a minority are related to experienced age discrimination. Satisfaction with life and subjective health are strongly associated with experienced age discrimination, as is trust in other people and the seriousness of age discrimination in the country. Large, significant differences in experienced discrimination due to old age exist between European countries. A north-west versus south-east European gradient is found in experienced discrimination due to old age. The socio-cultural context is important in explaining experienced age discrimination in old European citizens. Old-age discrimination is experienced less frequently in countries with social security arrangements. Further research is needed to understand the variation in (old) age discrimination between European countries. Measures recommended include increasing public awareness about the value of ageing for communities and changing public attitudes towards the old in a positive way.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','heuvelwim@hotmail.com','2013-01-04 14:47:20','2013-03-18 12:42:19','','Waiting'),(889,'Stratification and Social Mobility','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter provides a state of art report on the topic based on existing research evidence. It discusses the conceptual and historical background of class analysis and of class mobility in sociology. Various class schemas (EGP, Wright, Esping-Andersen, ESeC) are presented derived from the ESS data 2004/2005. The EGP class schema is examined in detailed manner from the perspective of welfare typology of countries, of cohort differences. Validation of the class schemas is also discussed. Class mobility is reviewed from the perspective of changes over time with respect to converging and diverging trends. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','probert@mtapti.hu','2013-01-12 19:27:59','2013-01-14 11:45:42','','Waiting'),(890,'The worst of both worlds? Origin and destination effects on migrant religiosity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Insecurity theory states that religiosity is predominantly affected by insecurities experienced during childhood, instead of present insecurities. The empirical research of these aspects, however, has been hampered by the difficulty to disentangle past and present contextual effects. In this respect, first-generation migrants offer an interesting case study that allows us to discern: (1) contextual effects experienced during childhood (i.e. associated with the origin country); (2) contextual effects experienced during later life (i.e. associated with the destination country); and (3) individual effects experienced during later life in the destination country. We test hypotheses using the European Social Survey (ESS) in cross-classified multi-level analyses on 5,900 individuals within on the one hand twenty-five destination countries and on the other 146 origin countries. While insecurity theory offers interesting prospects of explaining origin country variance, the applicability of insecurity theory to migrants at the individual and destination level is questioned by the results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online first: 10 JAN 2013','koen.vanderbracht@ugent.be','2013-01-15 09:45:39','2016-09-14 10:28:52','','Waiting'),(891,'Institutional Trust, Education, and Corruption: A Micro-Macro Interactive Approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines how the effect of education on institutional trust varies cross-nationally as a function of the pervasiveness of public-sector corruption. We approach institutional trust as a performance-based evaluation of political institutions. Given their greater capacity to accurately assess the level of corruption coupled with their stronger commitment to democratic values, we hypothesize that higher-educated citizens should react differently to corruption from those with less education. Employing multilevel models we find that education has both a conditional and a conditioning effect on institutional trust. First, education is negatively related to institutional trust in corrupt societies and positively related to institutional trust in clean societies. Second, the corrosive effect of corruption on institutional trust worsens as education improves. The article ends with a discussion of the implications of these findings for the functioning of contemporary democracies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','quinton_mayne@harvard.edu','2013-01-15 16:10:55','2013-01-15 17:15:35','','Waiting'),(892,'Self-Concern, Self-Transcendence, and Well-Being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Well-being depends on self-concern and self-transcendence on the person level for which corresponding processes on the country level can be identified. On the person level, self-concern is geared to success; self-transcendence is geared either to other people or to a transcendent reality and manifests itself in altruism as well as in religiosity. On the level of countries, success manifests itself in economic and democratic development, altruism in advances of the civil society, and religiosity—negatively designated secularization—in religious traditions and means of religious practices. On the level of persons and of countries, two questions are examined: Does self-transcendence increase well-being once self-concern is controlled for? And if so, which of the two directions of self-transcendence, other people or another world, has the stronger impact? Dependent variables are life-satisfaction and happiness as measured in the European Social Survey 2002 and 2004 with altogether 48 country × time samples of 88,040 respondents. Intercept models of multi-level regressions are applied. On the person level, success has a strong, altruism a weak, and religiosity a marginal impact on well-being. On the country level, economic and democratic development affect mean well-being, but advances of the civil society and secularization do not. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemann@wiso.uni-koeln.de','2013-01-22 09:38:52','2013-01-22 10:25:31','','Waiting'),(893,'Information and Entertainment in European Mass Media Systems: Preferences for and Uses of Television and Newspapers','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is examined whether preferences of persons and public control of the media determine informational rather than entertainment media use in European countries. Informational use is conceived of as newspaper reading, entertainment use as television viewing. On the person level, the hypotheses that preferences for information increase informational media use and that preferences for entertainment decrease it are tested—controlling for resources. On the country level, the hypotheses that public control increases informational media use as well as the positive effects of preferences for information on informational media use are tested—controlling for supply breadth and wealth. Data are 69 samples from 29 countries of the European Social Survey 2002, 2004, and 2006. On the person level, preferences for information increase, but preferences for entertainment do not decrease, informational media use. Public control increases informational media use only insofar as it decreases television use; but unexpectedly it also decreases newspaper use. In contrast, the supply of newspapers shows both expected effects: it increases informational and decreases entertainment media use. The expectation that public control increases the positive impact of preferences for information on informational media use is confirmed in four of the six tests. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemann@wiso.uni-koeln.de','2013-01-22 09:46:21','2013-01-22 10:26:38','','Waiting'),(894,'Is Altruism More Effective Where it is Required More? Collectivity-Orientation and Involvement in Interest, Issue and Religious Associations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Associations are classified into interest associations which predominantly serve private interests (as e.g. sports clubs), issue associations which predominantly serve public issues (as e.g. environmental organizations), and religious associations which serve interest and issues. Collectivity-orientation of persons as well as of the social order of countries should determine involvement in issue and religious associations more strongly than in interest associations. This is called the pattern hypothesis. It is examined in intercept models of hierarchical linear regressions, controlling for further attitudes and resources of persons and for the opportunity structure of countries. Data are the European Social Survey 2002 for persons, and political regime, religious tradition, economic freedom, democratic tradition, wealth, and cultural heterogeneity for countries. The pattern hypothesis is disconfirmed for personas as well as for countries. As for the determinants of involvement, the borderline within civil society runs between secular – that is, interest as well as issue associations – and religious associations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemann@wiso.uni-koeln.de','2013-01-22 13:53:14','2013-01-22 13:54:34','','Waiting'),(896,'Social Capital and Empowerment at the Work Place','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Empowerment at the workplace is the range of discretion its incumbent has in order to decide about his or her work. It may be seen from three angles, the core of the task, the environment of the task within the firm, and the opportunities outside the firm. It depends on the firm specific human capital, the personal human capital and the quality of the work place on the one hand, and the presence of unions at the work place and the union membership on the other hand; furthermore it may also depend on the worker’s positive experiences in the civil society. On the level of persons, the impact of these factors will be examined. On the level of countries, furthermore, two hypotheses will be examined: the union efficiency hypothesis that labour relations in favour of the unions increase the mean empowerment, and the substitution hypothesis that the more the labour relations system of a country favours union the less important individual strategies become for the worker in order to attain empowerment.\n\nData source is the European Social Survey 2002 (employed population of 22 countries); It contains a new instrument on empowerment at the work place, and also measures of the work place and the civil engagement of the workers. This instrument will be investigated and countries will be as to the different impact on empowerment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemann@wiso.uni-koeln.de','2013-01-22 14:11:24','2013-01-22 14:12:15','','Waiting'),(897,'How far have the effects of the enforced secularization gone? Religiosity 2002-2008 in East and West of Germany and in Europe','Wie weit hat die erzwungene Säkularisierung gewirkt? Religiosität 2002 - 2008 in West und Ost von Deutschland und Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is examined whether the anti-church policy of the state socialist countries in Eastern Europe and in East Germany has had secularizing effects visible up to 2008. Data are taken from the European Social Survey\'s rounds 1-4. It is shown that the enforced secularization has had stronger negative consequences on church membership, church attendance,  frequency of prayer, and religious self-categorization in East Germany than in the Eastern European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemann@wiso.uni-koeln.de','2013-01-22 14:43:34','2013-01-22 15:24:37','','Waiting'),(898,'Choosing Political Contents in Newspapers and Television: A cross-national comparison of preferences for information and entertainment in European nations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is examined whether preferences of persons and media systems of countries determine the choice of political rather than other contents in newspapers as well as in television. On the person level, the hypotheses that preferences for information increase, and preferences for entertainment decrease, the use of political contents are tested – controlling for resources. On the country level, the hypotheses that public control increases the use of political contents as well as the effects of preferences for information on this use are proposed – controlling for media supply and wealth. Data are 69 samples from 29 countries of the European Social Survey 2002, 2004, and 2006. On the person level, preferences for information increase, but preferences for entertainment do not decrease informational media use. On the country level, the percentages of time to political contents in each medium differ only marginally between countries so that it is not worthwhile to test hypotheses on country level predictors. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemann@wiso.uni-koeln.de','2013-01-22 13:53:49','2013-01-22 15:06:36','','Waiting'),(899,'Religiosity - The persistency of a special case','Religiosität: Die Persistenz eines Sonderfalls',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is examined whether the anti-church policy of the state socialist countries in Eastern Europe and in East Germany has had secularizing effects visible up to 2002. Data are taken from the European Social Survey\'s round 1. It is shown that the enforced secularization has had negative consequences on church membership, church attendance,  frequency of prayer, importance of religion and religious self-categorization stronger than in the Eastern European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemann@wiso.uni-koeln.de','2013-01-22 15:13:55','2013-01-22 15:27:14','','Waiting'),(900,'Equality and Achivement: An \"inner wall\" in East Germany','Gleichheit und Leistung: Eine \"innere Mauer\" in Ostdeutschland',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is examined whether the values of equality and achievement are similarly strongly endorsed in East and West of Germany and in Europe. Data source is the European Social Survey, round 1. In Eastern and Western Europe both values are equally strongly endorsed, yet the East Germans less strongly support achievement as a rule of distribution and relate it less strongly to the political order than West Germans.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemann@wiso.uni-koeln.de','2013-01-22 15:18:40','2013-01-22 15:28:37','','Waiting'),(901,'Education as a race of nations? Satisfaction with the educational system','Bildung als Wettlauf der Nationen? Die Zufriedenheit mit dem Bildungswesen',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is examined whether the so-called \"PISA shock\" – the public discussion about Germany’s medium position in cross-country school performance tests – has lowered the satisfaction with the educational system in Germany and in other European countries between 1973, 1995 and 2002. Data sources are the European Community Study of 1973, the Eurobarometer 44.0 of 1995, and the European Social Survey of 2002 (round 1). In comparison to other European countries, the \"PISA shock\" did indeed lower the satisfaction with the educational system in Germany.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meulemann@wiso.uni-koeln.de','2013-01-22 15:22:08','2013-01-22 15:29:57','','Waiting'),(902,'Users Beware: Variable Effects of Parenthood on Happiness Within and Across International Datasets','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Researchers have begun assessing differences in well-being among parents versus non-parents using a cross-national comparative approach. Given the availability of multiple major datasets, a systematic methodological study isolating the effects of data choice would be helpful. To accomplish this objective, we draw upon two major datasets (European Social Survey and International Social Survey Programme) and we devise and implement a uniquely controlled method on five fronts by holding time, outcome measurement, parenthood operationalization, geographic sampling, and set of covariates constant. Our design features four distinct observations for each of 11 European countries (two from the 2006 and 2008 ESS, two from the 2007 and 2008 ISSP; 44 cross sections, N = 57,539). Employing both fixed- and random-effects approaches, we demonstrate that choice of major dataset (ISSP or ESS) and choice between contemporaneous cross-sections both contribute strikingly to the estimates of parenthood on happiness. In fact, effect variances at the cross-sectional, dataset and country levels are all significant and are not statistically different. We conclude by discussing several limitations of our analyses and implications for parenthood researchers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Published online first 19 january 2013','matthew-andersson@uiowa.edu','2013-01-22 15:43:10','2016-09-02 10:12:53','','Waiting'),(903,'Facets of Work–Life Balance across Europe: How the interplay of institutional contexts, work arrangements and individual resources affect capabilities for having a family, and for being involved in family life','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this dissertation is to explore various dimensions of work–life balance in Europe. I examine the extent to which institutional factors, working conditions and individual resources influence individuals’ capabilities to have a family and engage in family life. The theoretical framework is inspired by Amartya Sen’s capability framework, a multi-dimensional approach that provides a deeper understanding of the relationship between institutional contexts and individual capabilities. Four studies have been conducted. The first study focuses on women’s short-term childbearing intentions in ten European countries and finds that the association between such intentions and economic uncertainties varies by the policy support for work-family reconciliation in the country as well as individual factors, such as her educational level, and her number of children. The second study addresses the impact of family-friendly working conditions on young adult women’s childbearing behaviour in Sweden, showing the importance of family-friendly working condition for the transition to motherhood of less educated childless women with low income, and for second births of low educated mothers. The third study analyses gender differences in perceived work–home conflict in ten European countries, and the importance of work-family policies and gender norms. I find that gender differences are more pronounced in countries with weaker support for work-family reconciliation and more traditional gender norms. The fourth study focuses on tensions between work and family demands that parents in Hungary and Sweden experience, and on their capabilities to make claims for work–life balance. We find greater agency inequalities for Hungarian parents for claims making for and achievement of work-life balance, in contrast to a strong sense of entitlement to exercise rights to care among Swedish parents, which reflect country variations in policy supports for work-life balance, working time regimes and social norms regarding work and care.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','susanne.fahlen@sociology.su.se','2013-01-23 15:34:35','2013-01-24 11:45:50','','Waiting'),(904,'Competing Scenarios for European Fathers: Applying Sen\'s Capabilities and Agency Framework to Work-Family Balance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European policy and discourse create crosscurrents for fathers: the promotion of work-family balance (WFB) and more involved fathering versus work-focused competitiveness and productivity goals in globalized economies. Using Amartya Sen\'s capabilities and agency paradigm, the authors provide a theoretical framework for analyzing agency inequalities in WFB: the disjuncture between norms/values and practices and between policies and fathers\' capabilities to exercise them. The authors apply the capability framework to comparative European data considering working times and desired working times, flexibility and autonomy in employment, as well as perceptions of economic security and job security. The authors find differences in fathers\' capabilities and agency for WFB across countries representing different welfare regime configurations, most strikingly between old and new EU member states. The majority of the European fathers wanted to reduce working hours substantially despite possible reductions in pay, underscoring the value of the capabilities framework for understanding potential freedoms for achieving WFB. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','barbara.hobson@sociology.su.se','2013-01-23 15:44:47','2013-01-23 15:52:14','','Waiting'),(906,'Political Change in Russia and Post-Soviet Countries: Unique Paths and Common European Trends in Political Attitudes and Behaviour','Политические изменения в России и бывших советских республиках: уникальные траектории и общеевропейские тренды в сфере политического поведения и политических установок',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The key question of the analysis in this paper will be whether post-Soviet countries join European family in respect of political values, attitudes and political behavior for 20 years old reforms. The analysis shows that this region is moving along with general European trends in political life but the differences are still substantial, and the division into “West and East” on political indicators are clearly visible. One of the major differences of post-Soviet region and older democracies was fond in non-electoral political participation. It is much lower in post-Soviet democracies than in other parts of Europe (25% total compared to over 50%). And this gap persists for the last 10 years not getting smaller according to ESS data. If non-electoral participated in “old democracies” is relatively stable, the participation in post-Soviet region is even slightly declining - which raise important issue of the stability of these democracies and its future prospects. We found more similarities in the political values and attitudes between post-Soviet countries and other parts of Europe than are usually expected. An these similarities tend to increase over time –the example is the views and demands of European population for social equality, fair distribution of resources, generally great importance of fairness as social value although this value derived from different historical and political traditions and experiences (concept of welfare state in Nordic countries, socialist state in Eastern Europe and post-Soviet countries). More similarities between countries were found in the “input” part of political system (interest to politics, consumption of political media, some basic political attitudes), than in participation and the “output” (evaluation of the effectiveness of political system in general and particular government). If in older democracies “input” variables (like interest to politics) are positively related to political involvement and higher satisfaction with democracy, higher political support, in Russia in particular it is in opposite - negatively related. The latest trend persists for all years of ESS and allows to explain a lot in the raise of mass protest actions of the most well-off and unsatisfied groups of population in Russia and some other countries of the region. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-01-28 12:12:12','2013-01-28 12:53:49','','Waiting'),(907,'The Main Trends in Social Attitudes and Behavior of Russians in Comparison to Other European Countries: 6 years of ESS in Russia','Основные тренды в социальных установках и поведении россиян в сравнении с населением других европейских стран: 6 лет Европейского Социального Исследования (ESS) в России',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main idea of the report was to describe the major trends in social attitudes and behavior of Russians in larger socio-cultural context and in comparison to other countries based on the European Social Survey (ESS) data. ESS is an academically-driven comparative survey in social science in Europe of the last decade. The aim of the ESS is to provide the most systematic and comparable data about attitudes and values of the Europeans in the basic spheres of life: family, politics, religion, social structure and social inequality, the quality of life, etc. Survey is carried out every two years since 2002 year, but Russia joined the ESS only in 2006.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-01-28 12:23:25','2013-01-28 12:55:59','','Waiting'),(908,'Major trends in social attitudes and behavior in Russia compared to other European countries: 6 years of European Social Survey','Основные тенденции в социальных установках и поведении в России по сравнению с другими европейскими странами: шестилетний период проведения Европейского социального исследования',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This lecture presented some results of the 5th round of The European Social Survey, which has been carried out every 2 years since 2002. The major aim of European Social Survey (ESS) is studying different attitudes, behavior patterns, social and demographic structure of European society. Adult population (15+) is surveyed. Many social indicators related to social capital, trust, discrimination, ethnic and religious identity, family and work are covered. Two new modules are new in each wave (so called rotating modules) on a competitve basis. This means that groups of researchers may elaborate new modules and apply for including them into the questionnaire. Some of the new modules included recently are devoted to future subjective well-being, trust in criminal justice, understanding and evaluation of democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-01-28 12:43:36','2013-01-28 12:58:47','','Waiting'),(909,'The Relationship Between Life Satisfaction and Emotional Experience in 21 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the current study, the relationship between life satisfaction (LS) and the affective components of subjective well-being (SWB) was examined in a sample of 40,487 people across 21 European countries using data from the European Social Survey. After running multilevel confirmatory factor analyses in order to establish the measurement invariance of the constructs across the countries, the individual-level dataset was linked to available country-level aggregate personality traits, cultural values, and human development index (HDI). Results from hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) analysis showed that LS is best predicted by positive and negative affect (PA and NA, respectively), but may also be predicted by the degree of mixed emotions (ME). At the country level, national mean scores of Extraversion and Neuroticism moderated the relationship between LS and ME in different directions, whereas neither of the two personality traits had a significant impact on the relationship of LS to PA and NA. Survival/self-expression and the HDI ranking influenced the LS-PA and LS-ME relationships, whereas individualism/collectivism did not. Our research indicates that in addition to analyzing separate effects of NA and PA, it is also important to consider emotional complexity in SWB research, whereas these analyses need to take into account the moderating effect of cultural aspects, such as survival/self-expression values and countries’ level of development. Our findings also emphasize the importance of employing representative samples, as the age variance of participants can have a profound impact on results. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liisi.koots-ausmees@ut.ee','2013-01-29 08:31:46','2013-01-29 11:18:44','','Waiting'),(910,'The Resource of Inter-Ethnic Tolerance and the Balance of Intolerance in Contemporary Russian Society','Ресурс межнационального согласия и баланс нетерпимости в современном российском обществе',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The resource of interethnic tolerance in the Russian multiethnic society as well as the balance of intolerance and exceptions is being analyzed in the article. The source of the analysis is based on the results of sociological survey ‘20 Years of Reforms as viewed by the Russians’, which was conducted in 2011 by the Institute of Sociology at the Russian Academy of Sciences on a cross-regional sample with a total of 1750 respondents.\n\nThe results of the research show that the balance of consent and intolerance in Russia depends on the activities of Russians in various fields such as institutions (family, school, higher education, mass-media), ideologies (construction of country images, heroes, positive norms of interaction, historical memory wars, formation of radical ethnic or civic nationalism, etc.), state policy (integration or assimilation, Russia as mutual home or the Russian state). The article defines problem zones and offers operational steps based on the necessity of avoiding the risks of splitting the society at the ethnical level.\n\nThe author does not waive such terms as ‘the political nation’, ‘the Russian identity’ because they unite citizens independently of their nationality. She demonstrates that the Russian (civil) identity complies with the ethnic identity. As to the Russians as a nation, their strong connection with the state-civil identity is even more expressed than the one with the ethnic identity. At the same time a share of people with actualized ethnic identity is no less than that of among the Bashkirs, Tartars or Yakuts. Under these conditions mutual understanding and tolerance may vary.\nIn discussion the author demonstrates the illegal character of now popular proposals to forbid the term ‘state-base nation’ as the state is formed by citizens, not by nationalities. It looks also illogical to limit the interests and demands of Russian people and other nationalities to the cultural aspects only, since their interests are wider including labor equality, access to the resources and participation in decision-making processes',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-01 09:50:28','2013-02-01 10:45:17','','Waiting'),(911,'Subjective Wellbeing over Age: Russia among other Countries','Субъективное благополучие и возраст: Россия в контексте межстрановых сравнений',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This work analyses the connection between age and different aspects of subjective wellbeing in Russia and other European countries. Empirical analysis is based on the European Social Survey (ESS) data. According to this study, in the developed countries the level of subjective wellbeing among the older generations is not lower, and possibly even higher, than among the young. In the developed countries, ambitions are realized with age on one hand, and the social security system works efficiently on the other. The older people there continue to feel joy in life and hope for the best, if their health allows. In the post-socialist world including Russia, old age without perspectives becomes an ordeal. This is very important to grasp as the population of Russia is aging, and the share of older ages rapidly increases. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-01 10:59:56','2013-02-01 13:40:07','','Waiting'),(912,'Social Attitudes of Russians to the State: the Factors of their Formation and Cross-country Comparisons ','Социальные запросы россиян к государству: факторы формирования и межстрановые сравнения',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With an apparent increase in social inequality between different population groups in Russia, the study of social attitudes to the state with regards to its role in reducing inequality and providing social support becomes an issue of great interest to social researchers. Compared to other European countries, Russia has a very high level of inequalities both in terms of income and the accessibility of the social services provided by the state (healthcare, the assistance to families with children, etc). And these levels continue to grow. The persistence of these social problems and deepening of inequality provoke an increase in social tension. This may consequently result in the relapse of various conflicts in the society. The risk is particularly high when existing inequality is perceived as illegitimate and unlawful by the population. The problem of control over the level of inequality is closely connected with social support and protection policies of the government. In their essence, the measures of social support are to compensate the excessive and unlawful social inequalities. So it is very important to understand what attitudes the society has to the government in the sphere of social assistance – both in general and in every particular profile (employment, healthcare, pensions, family protection, etc.); as well as the uniqueness of Russia in this respect, and the grounds for these social attitudes.\nThe results of the study presented in the article shed light on some important problems concerning both particular social attitudes of Russians in comparison with other countries and the factors of their formation, including those associated with the group affiliation which determine this identity. The empirical data come from the European Social Survey 2008. The survey suits perfectly well for the cause of this research, since it allows accounting for the influence of structural heterogeneity on the social needs of the population (such as occupational status, income level, education, etc.).\nIt is believed that Russians traditionally exposed rather high requirements to the government with respect to reducing inequalities as well as providing wide social support. However, if compared to other countries and accounting for the real socioeconomic situation in these countries, these social attitudes do not appear that much unique. The reason for such high requirements of Russians for the social support and decrease in inequality lies not in the Russians’ strive for the equalization, but, above all, in the presence of social problems in the country both at the level of an individual and of the state in general. According to the results of the regressive analysis of the ESS data, the main determiners of the social requirements of the Russians are the social support indicators – the level of income and the concerns about the possible aggravation of their social and economic state in future. The social attitudes of the Russians are strongly influenced by respondents’ evaluation of the situation of socially vulnerable groups of population. Above that, the level of education proved to be a very influential factor. The social attitudes are also very much influenced by the peculiarities of the country, particularly the value system of the people and their opinion about the lawful level of inequality. All of this appears to be important to assess the prospects and trends in the dynamic of the social structure of Russian society, as well as for effective formation of its social policy. And it gets even more important today – two decades after implementing the radical liberal reforms – when the model of state’s social policy and the attitudes of population towards its desired state have been more or less shaped\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-01 11:29:33','2013-02-01 13:43:49','','Waiting'),(913,'Sustainability of Russian and Other Post-Socialist Societies: 20 Years after Reform','Жизнеспособность российского и других постсоциалистических обществ: итоги 20-летия реформ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we argue that the existing divergence of development paths in the postsocialist world appears to have been caused by reformers’ poor (and, perhaps, intentionally wrong) understanding of the certain cultural and historical contexts of these countries’ development, because such understanding was blindly focused on institutional building rather than setting the milestones for development and achieving certain goals in terms of society’s well-being as a whole. However, since the 1990s the literature on development has accumulated a rich line of arguments in favor of non-European modernity and variability of development, and attempts to distinguish modernization from westernization (Eisenstadt’s multiple modernities, varieties of capitalism approach, and the renaissance of civilization theories).\n\nAll evaluations are based on various sources, such as World Bank, Human Development Indicators, World Health Organization, Eurostat and the European Social Survey. Several general conclusions were drawn based on empirical analysis. First of all, as far as successfulness of the Great Transformation is concerned, it is possible to conclude that the outcomes were highly unequal. While Central and Eastern Europe today can more or less enjoy the levels of social development comparable to that of Western Europe, the CIS countries still have a lot to catch up. Russia is in particular poor shape in spite of the fact that it has enjoyed higher economic performance in recent years (thanks to the favorable oil markets). Second, economic performance is, indeed, important as it provides certain endowment to social development. However, the actual relationship between the two is still very uncertain, since better economic performance may as well be a consequence of better human development. However, in the case of underperformance of Russia and, to a lesser extent, Kazakhstan it is clear, that in both countries the problems of human development are highly neglected. Third, democracy seems to be a good cure to social development, as it helps developing the consensus in population about the corresponding goals and measures.However, this truth is convincing only in a certain context. A European context, where better democracies are associated with higher levels of human development. And we would dare to suggest that particular countries such as Turkey, Kazakhstan and Belarus look quite challenging to this experience. Finally, we introduce our preliminary theoretical and methodological framework for further analysis and argue in favor of considering a civilization context, within which any kind of social, political or economic change is implemented.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-01 11:43:36','2013-02-01 13:56:19','','Waiting'),(914,'Testing of the hypothesis of binary structure of values','Проверка гипотезы о бинарной структуре ценностей ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Testing of the hypothesis of binary structure of values using the data of ESS survey',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-01 12:09:04','2013-02-01 14:16:20','','Waiting'),(915,'The relationship between the strength of value orientations and electoral preferences of the populace','Связь силы ценностных ориентаций с  электоральными предпочтениями  у населения РФ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This work was intended to identify the relationship between value orientations and political and party preferences of the electorate during parliamentary elections',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-01 12:37:21','2013-02-01 14:20:59','','Waiting'),(916,'Latvian National Development Plan for 2014–2020','Latvijas Nacionālais attīstības plāns 2014.–2020. gadam',23,NULL,NULL,NULL,'«The Latvian National Development Plan for 2014–2020» (NDP2020) is the main mid-term development policy document in Latvia. This is the action plan for the «Latvian sustainable development strategy until 2030» (Latvija2030). \n\nThe NDP2020 is a «business plan» for the whole state, which sketches a growth model: the guidelines for investment for achieving economic self-sufficiency, increase of productivity, and competitiveness. It seeks for paths towards synergy between investments goals and balances development. \n\nAt the same time it serves as a «social contract» between the state and its people. The government presents the general vision of the mid-term development for informed decision-making.\n\nThe authors examine the ESS data on the satisfaction with life in Latvia.\n\nThe NDP2020 was accepted by the Saeima of Latvia in December, 2012.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','pkc@pkc.mk.gov.lv','2013-02-02 15:16:35','2013-02-04 10:51:44','','Waiting'),(917,'Demand of population for state-run social policy and readiness to pay taxes across various European countries','Запрос на социальную политику и готовность к её софинансированию: межстрановые сравнения',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Demand of population of European countries for state-run social policy, readiness to participate in funding it and differences between these indicators are analyzed on the basis of the European Social Survey (ESS-2008) data. Readiness of the populace for the tax increases necessary to fund state-run social policy, and disparity between the demand and readiness for tax increases depend significantly upon the institutional characteristics which create fiscal illusions in people. The lesser is an extent of corruption in the state, and the more transparent and open are the spheres of fiscal and social policy, the more the demand for the social services of the people in those states matches their readiness to fund their demand via taxes. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-04 07:12:24','2013-02-04 10:54:14','','Waiting'),(918,'Review of the book \"Russia in Europe: papers based on the European Social Survey\"','Рецензия на книгу “Россия в Европе»',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A review of an anthology of articles based on European Social Survey and focusing on the Russian population in comparative view',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-04 10:43:57','2013-02-04 11:10:36','','Waiting'),(919,'Moral attitudes and values in Russia in the European context','Моральные установки и ценности населения России в европейском контексте',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article deals with the analysis of data of the European social survey. Compilation of the empirical data allows us to draw a conclusion that the Russian population is not only similar to those of the European countries in term of its moral attitudes and values, but also has some differences from them from the sociocultural point of view. Prevalence of negative moral attitudes over the positive ones is the main feature of Russia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-04 10:56:12','2013-02-04 11:22:06','','Waiting'),(920,'Generation\'s structure of valuable priorities and moral attitudes of the Russian population','Поколенческая структура ценностных приоритетов и моральных установок современной России ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article deals with the analysis of generations structure of moral consciousness. Generalization of the empirical data resulted in drawing a conclusion that in modern Russia witnesses reorganization of morals and those traditional values remain at all generations rather that their decline.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-04 11:01:49','2013-02-04 11:27:53','','Waiting'),(921,'Sociology of Morality. Lectures','Социология морали. Курс лекций',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The lectures intended for the students of applied ethics at the Philosophy department of St. Petersburg State University',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-04 11:09:49','2013-02-04 11:31:58','','Waiting'),(922,'Education in Russia and economic modernization','Образование в России и модернизация экономики (по результатам Европейского социального исследования) ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the data of European Social Survey (ESS 2008), the author analyses the most important component of the cultural capital of European countries – the level of education, and demonstrates it’s characteristic features in Russia, the importance of the educational potential of the populace for modernization of Russian Federation and renewal of it’s economy. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-04 11:34:24','2013-02-04 11:42:50','','Waiting'),(923,'Russian Identity and Tolerance in Ethnic Relations: 20 Years of Reforms','Российская идентичность и толерантность межэтнических отношений: опыт 20 лет реформ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'All over the world the process of forming citizens’ collective identity is regarded as a necessary condition for preserving the integrity of the state and maintaining social harmony. The author notes the changes that have occurred over the past 20 years in the content of different identities in Russia and examines the level of tolerance toward interethnic arrangements on the part of Russians and people of other nationalities. These data lead the author to conclude that although a growing Russian identity combined with an ethnic one helps to bring people together, it does not eliminate social dissatisfaction with the existing resource allocation system, nor does it promote the consolidation of people against injustice of all kinds, inequality, corruption, and lawlessness. Such symbolic concepts as “unity of the Russian nation”, tolerance in ethnic interactions, and love for the Motherland, should not deviate from what people see in real life. Otherwise state or even civil identity will be unable to guard against hostility towards the “others”. Society and the authorities must direct their joint efforts toward making Russia a “common home” for all its citizens.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-04 12:52:45','2013-02-04 13:11:01','','Waiting'),(924,'Russian Identity and Tendencies in Ethnic Attitudes: 20 years of reforms','Российская Идентичность И Тенденции В Межэтнических Установках За 20 Лет Реформ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the change of position of Russiam identity among other identities in years 1990-2000, it’s efficiency in facilitating inter-ethnic solidarity and lowering prejudice. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 11:38:50','2013-02-05 20:07:51','','Waiting'),(925,'Integrational  Attitudes of the Hosting Majority as a Condition for Migrant Adaptation ','Интеграционные установки принимающего большинства как условие адаптации мигрантов',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Integrational  attitudes of the hosting majority as a condition for migrant adaptation. Based on ESS data',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 12:04:05','2013-02-05 20:24:01','','Waiting'),(926,'Comparing Humane Dimensions of Modernization (according to the results of the 3rd round of the European Social Survey 2006)','Сверяем человеческие измерения модернизации (По результатам третьей волны Европейского социального исследования) ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The politician, who sees nothing but technical and economic essence of modernization, takes unnecessary risks. In fact, there is an integrated solution for the political, economic, social and cultural problems, which Russia is about to face in the context of internal megaregional and global threats and risks.Many people across the world, including Russians, compare the quality of their life with respect to people from other countries and react accordingly: adapt or protest, slip into alcoholism or drug addiction, murder or commit suicides, emigrate, etc. The difficulty of the problems, which are faced by the politicians and common citizens, depends on humane dimensions of modernization (or its absence). What are these dimensions? What shapes do they take in Russia as compared to other European countries? What is the best strategy of modernization for Russia? The author attempts to answer all these questions consequently by supporting the concept of integrated modernization, which includes industrial, informational and sociocultural as its humane dimensions. The empirical part of the research is based on the results of European Social Survey (3rd round, 2006), which has taken place in 25 European countries, including Russia.The author identifies 7 parameters related to humane dimensions of modernization in 25 countries: 1) satisfaction with life as a whole; 2) adequacy of income for life; 3) agreement with occupation being the most important area of life; 4) women’s age at the birth of the first child; 5) the state of advancement of the social structure; 6) democratization of political culture and behavior of citizens; 7) modernity in value orientations. The significances for each parameter are reduced to a 5-point scale. The 25 European countries are separated into two distinct clusters: those that are currently undergoing modernization and those which are already modernized. The first cluster includes 13 countries with at least one parameter having a value below 3.0 (on a 5-point scale); the average value of all their parameters equals to 2.6. These countries are further divided into three groups: the ones which are only at the beginning of their modernization (Bulgaria, Ukraine, Russia); the ones which are extensively modernizing (Romania, Hungary, Latvia, Portugal, Slovakia, Estonia, Poland); and the ones which are modernizing intensively (Slovenia, Cyprus, Spain). The second cluster consists of 12 countries, all with parameters having a value of 3.0 points and above; the average value of their parameters is 4.2. There are two groups in this cluster: the most economically powerful but being less efficient in the sociocultural sense (France, England, Germany); and economically less powerful but being outstanding in the sociocultural sense (Belgium, Austria, Ireland, Netherlands, Norway, Finland, Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland). The author also refers to the recent data gathered by Chinese researchers on modernization processes in 131 countries, including Russia and, most notably, China. According to these data 25 European countries are assigned into three types of (industrial, informational and integrated) and further described in terms of modernization cycles with a forecast up to the year 2100. In the final section of his article the author discusses Russia’s possible choices for its post-crisis trajectory: further stagnation or integrated modernization with a humane dimension. The author also attempts to outline the sociocultural logic of movement towards an integrated modernization: from mutual distrust of its potential actors to coordination of their efforts in order to efficiently produce institutional, technological and productive innovations. The rational start of this movement can be considered as the first step towards modernization and achievement of European standards with respect to humane dimensions. Only then can Russia seek to achieve the status of a modernized country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 12:17:57','2013-02-05 20:31:36','','Waiting'),(927,'Value orientations of Russian and European youth','Ценностные ориентации российской и европейской молодежи ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is based on the analysis of data of 4th wave of ESS - European Social Survey 2008. Author study the age differentiation of the value orientations inside Russia and international differences of the same orientations among young people in 28 countries-participants of ESS project (including Russia). ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 12:35:17','2013-02-05 20:38:23','','Waiting'),(928,'Influence of family and demographic status on public opinion about public health service','Влияние демографического статуса и семейного положения на общественное мнение о системе здравоохранения ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The goal of this article is a study of influence of demographic and family status of Russian respondents on their evaluations of public health service, and also a comparison of public opinion about public health service in Russia and in 27 European countries. The article is based on statistical and sociological analysis of data of 4th round of ESS - European Social Survey 2008. The author compares the evaluations of public health service in 28 countries-participants of ESS project (including Russia). As an integral indicator, a mean ball of evaluation by respondents of public health service is used. Scale of evaluation is from 0 («Extremely bad») to 10 («Extremely good»). Mean evaluation of own national public health service by Russian respondents is 3.56. That\'s less than in 23 of the 28 countries studied. More high evaluations are typical for respondents below 30 years old. Serious problems of health are relatively rarely and less actual for them than for older respondents who evaluate public health service much more low than young people. Family and demographic status of respondents also provide influence on their evaluations. Married women living with children evaluate public health service higher than childless married women (or living without children). However, there are no significant difference between evaluations of public health service by married men with or without children. Probably men’s evaluations are based on experience in medical care connected predominantly with their own diseases. Women’s evaluations are based on experience of medical care connected both with their own diseases and diseases of their children. Even in the groups of respondents with relatively higher evaluations of public health service (in comparison with all another groups), these evaluations are less than 5 on average. All demographic groups of respondents (despite the abovementioned differences between them) are not satisfied with the public health service in the Russian Federation. It once again forces us to reflect seriously on public health service problems in our country. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 12:43:53','2013-02-06 09:56:22','','Waiting'),(929,'Influence of marital status on self-evaluation of health','Влияние брачного статуса на самооценку состояния здоровья ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The goal of this article is a study of influence of marital status of Russian respondents to their self-evaluations of own health. The article is based on statistical and sociological analysis of data of 3rd (2006) and 4th (2008) rounds of ESS - European Social Survey. Russian Federation took part in both rounds, with the combined number of Russian participants totalling 4949.\n\nIn Russia at 2009 life expectancy for men (62,8 years ) almost 12 years lesser than for women (74,7 years). In spite of this difference, 45% of female respondents and only 31% of male respondents recognize own restrictions in their daily activities in any way by any longstanding illness, or disability, infirmity or mental health problem. Self-evaluation of own health for men is higher than for women at any age. It is connected with the specific male and female psychology.\n\nThe mortality level of married men and women is less than mortality level of never-married, widowed and divorced persons. But the differences of self-evaluation of own health between married and unmarried men and between married and unmarried women probably reflect real differences in their health.\n\nAnalysis of ESS data show: in modern Russia negative influence of life out of marriage to state of health is not strong. There are no negative influence among men below 30 years old and women below 45 years old. Negative influence exists among men from 30 to 59 years old and women at age 45 years or olrder. The more detailed analysis shows that specific groups of risk (in comparison with the married persons at the same age) are never-married men from 30 to 44 years old and widowed women after 45 years old. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 12:49:29','2013-02-06 09:55:44','','Waiting'),(930,'The Character of the Russian Society Stratification in Comparative Context','Характер стратификации российского общества в сравнительном контексте: от «высоких» теорий к грустной реальности ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The author believes the approaches developed by Western sociologists for describing the structure of social inequality to be not quite adequate for the situation having been established in Russia in recent decades. The author thinks the conception of real (homogeneous) social groups that had been developed actively in the 1970s by Russian sociologists (O.Shkaratan and others) to be more appropriate. Based on this, the secondary analysis of the data of the Russian population representative surveys carried out under O.  Shkaratan guidance in 1994, 2002 and 2006 shows that Russian society remains largely the outcome of the former, Soviet institutional system. Social inequality in contemporary Russia stems from division defined by the place of people in the system of property relations and in power hierarchy. Moreover, in Russia, in contrast to some post-Socialist and developed Western countries, opportunities of social upward mobility are connected to a great extent with individuals’ social background which testifies to extremely low level of chances equality in the Russian society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 13:14:06','2013-04-19 18:04:50','','Waiting'),(931,'Vectors of Human Development in Post-Socialist Countries of Europe and CIS: a Case of Quantitative Evaluation. Part 1','Векторы человеческого развития в постсоциалистических странах Европы и СНГ: опыт количественной оценки. Часть 1',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is a start to a series of publications aiming to disseminate the results of the ongoing project “Comparative Analysis of Human Potential Development in Post-Socialist Countries of Europe” by the Laboratory for Comparative Analysis of Post-Socialist Development (National Research University – Higher School of Economics). In this paper we define the major elements of the theoretical and methodological framework to the analysis of post-socialist transformation in terms of ensuring society’s viability, i.e. a capacity to sustain human development. By that we particularly intend to understand an extent, to which the people’s needs in safety, education, health, self-actualization, demographic and social reproduction are satisfied. We also consider the limitations of existing evaluations, which are based on the generally accepted methodological tool such as UN Human Development Index. The authors design a broader definition of viability based on the classical definition of “health” by the World Health Organization suggested as far back as in 1948. A considerable part of the article covers a review of empirical data collected from different sources (WHO, World Bank, UNDP etc.) related to the quality of human development in some countries of Europe and the CIS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 13:23:25','2013-02-06 10:24:18','','Waiting'),(932,'Vectors of Human Development in Post-Socialist Countries of Europe and CIS: a Case of Quantitative Evaluation. Part 2','Векторы человеческого развития в постсоциалистических странах Европы и СНГ: опыт количественной оценки. Часть 2',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is a start to a series of publications aiming to disseminate the results of the ongoing project “Comparative Analysis of Human Potential Development in Post-Socialist Countries of Europe” by the Laboratory for Comparative Analysis of Post-Socialist Development (National Research University – Higher School of Economics). In this paper we define the major elements of the theoretical and methodological framework to the analysis of post-socialist transformation in terms of ensuring society’s viability, i.e. a capacity to sustain human development. By that we particularly intend to understand an extent, to which the people’s needs in safety, education, health, self-actualization, demographic and social reproduction are satisfied. We also consider the limitations of existing evaluations, which are based on the generally accepted methodological tool such as UN Human Development Index. The authors design a broader definition of viability based on the classical definition of “health” by the World Health Organization suggested as far back as in 1948. A considerable part of the article covers a review of empirical data collected from different sources (WHO, World Bank, UNDP etc.) related to the quality of human development in some countries of Europe and the CIS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 13:47:53','2013-02-06 10:27:17','','Waiting'),(933,'Comparative Analysis of Satisfaction with Life And Determining Factors','Сравнительный анализ удовлетворенности жизнью и определяющих ее факторов ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article examines the satisfaction with life option. Based on ESS data, the study analyses the factors that define satisfaction with life level such as: a) internal factors which characterize the person and his/her place in social relations (social and psychological, social and demographic), and, b) external factors which characterize the environment a person is living in (social environment and social network, institutional, economic and ecological factors). The analysis is based on comparison of countries and comparison of people (aggregated and individual analyses).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 14:00:26','2013-02-06 10:37:02','','Waiting'),(934,'Attitudes Towards Migrants in Russia and European Countries (based on European Social Survey Conducted in 2006 and 2008)','Отношение к иммигрантам в России и странах Европы (по материалам Европейского социального исследования 2006 и 2008 гг.)',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The mass character of xenophobic and migrant-phobic attitudes in modern Russia is a focus of attention for many researchers. Interest in the migration issue is also fueled by a whole series of demographic problems studied by scholars whose findings substantiate the idea that the influx of migrants is vital to the Russian economy. The author compares the attitude towards foreign ethnic migrants arriving for permanent residence in various European countries and in Russia. She uses as her primary source the findings of “European Social Survey” that was conducted in order to measure social, political and cultural changes in 28 countries of Europe, including Russia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-05 14:27:21','2013-02-06 10:47:54','','Waiting'),(935,'Migrantophobia in Russia and Europe','Мигрантофобии в России и Европе ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The problem of migrantophobia is now discussed everywhere in the world. In Russia it is connected to the significant inflow of migration, which peaked at 1990s. Naturally, the current economic problems not only complicate the actual situation, but also influence the moods and expectations. For example, the problem of the possibility of increase in criminality among immigrants in case many of them lose their jobs as a consequence of economic crisis is now actively discussed in the public sphere, and probably aids in the increase of tension. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 13:46:07','2013-02-06 15:56:18','','Waiting'),(936,'On the approach to latent values analysis','Об одном подходе к анализу латентных ценностей ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Basing on the secondary analysis of the international research data the article presents the approach to the comparative analysis of value orientations. The approach is founded on the principle of introduction of «latent values-antipodes», or «values doubling» technique which was used for interpretation of the factor analysis results. The approach permits to reveal latent values including neutral ones – some groups of the population keep social silence in reply to the «declarative» values offered in interview.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 14:27:24','2013-02-06 16:04:56','','Waiting'),(937,'Identity and ethnic attitudes of Russians in the own/other ethnic medium','Идентичность и межэтнические установки русских в своей и инокультурной среде ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the main dimensions of change in the state and ethnic identity and ethnic attitudes of Russians in 1990s and 2000s. It demonstrates the dynamic of the relation between Russian and ethnic identities in different social and cultural mediums and ethnopolitical environments, the characteristics of ethnic attitudes of Russian people in different districts and republics of Russian Federation is elaborated upon. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 14:48:57','2013-02-07 09:29:13','','Waiting'),(938,'Dynamics of national and citizenship identity of Russian citizens','Динамика национально-гражданской идентичности россиян ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article utilizes considerable empirical data to examine the problems of compatibility between national- state, ethnic, and regional identities in the circumstances of contemporary Russia. It offers prognosis for strengthening positive citizen and ethnic ethnicity, and gives practical recommendations for retaining the necessary level of ethnic and social tolerance \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 15:31:50','2013-02-07 09:30:59','','Waiting'),(939,'Value-Normative Schedule of Human Life: Views of People from Different Countries About When a Girl Becomes an Adult','Ценностно-нормативные «расписания» человеческой жизни: представления жителей разных стран о том, когда девушка становится взрослой',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is based on data acquired from round 3 of the European Social Survey and focuses on the public opinion towards age parameters of the development of girls.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 15:40:38','2013-02-07 09:44:09','','Waiting'),(940,'Globalization and Poverty','Глобализация и бедность ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Globalization and Poverty',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 15:57:58','2013-02-07 09:53:50','','Waiting'),(941,'Religiosity of Russians and Europeans','Религиозность россиян и европейцев ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The authors compare religiousness of Russians and Europeans. Russia is in the middle of the religiousness ranking list of European countries but remarkably Muslims are dominant among other confessions. The study revealed that Russia remains to be secular; the confessional self-determination is an identification method related to a specific cultural tradition, rather than genuine expression of deep religiosity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 16:12:31','2013-02-07 11:33:41','','Waiting'),(942,'Revision of gnoseological models of politics: the inclusion of religious referents','Изменение объяснительных моделей политики: включение религиозных референтов ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article deals with modern epistemological problems through the prism of the need for reinterpretation of the politics by including the socio-cultural (religious) component. The author analyzes the new developments of socio-political realities and possibilities of the existing cognitive tools. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 16:32:27','2013-02-07 11:45:55','','Waiting'),(943,'Influence of demographic and family status to public opinion','Влияние демографического статуса и семейного положения на общественное мнение ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is based on analyses of data from the 4th round of ESS (European Social Survey 2008). The author compares the evaluations of education and public health services in 28 participating countries of the ESS4 (including Russia) and also studies the influence of family status of Russian respondents on their evaluations of these services.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 16:43:29','2013-02-07 12:14:34','','Waiting'),(944,'The family – attitudes, behavioral choices, consequences for Russia and Europe','Семья- установки, выбор действий, последствия в России и в Европе',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The family – attitudes, behavioral choices, consequences for Russia and Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 17:00:44','2013-02-07 12:00:24','','Waiting'),(945,'Socio-Economic Differentiation of Population: A Comparative Analysis of Russia and Europe','социально-экономической дифференциации населения: сравнительный анализ России и Европы',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It has been a rather long sustained tradition in comparative studies of social stratification to rely on categories and concepts, which have been introduced by Western sociologists and which are appropriate for developed and modernizing countries. The article provides an attempt to establish whether such universalistic approaches to stratification are actually sufficient for explaining real inequalities between countries, which may develop along different paths (as is getting more or less obvious in the case of post-socialist development).\n\nIn our earlier collaborate study with professor O. Shkaratan we have already provided some theoretical and empirical justifications in favor of a particular character of social and economic differentiation in contemporary Russia. By looking at the process of structuration and reproduction of homogenous social groups we have established that they are more likely to resemble estates (originating from power/authority ranks) rather than classes (based on differences in market situation). A possible explanation for this is that Russia has not given up its statist tradition in social and economic development, and that it has further shifted away from developing a Western type of capitalism. However, to claim so, we had to provide further credibility for this argument by looking at these findings from comparative perspective, i.e. we had to establish whether similar hierarchies can be observed in the neighboring (geographically as well as historically) post-socialist countries, and whether they are less likely to dominate among the Western developed countries.\n\nUsing the empirical data from the European Social Survey (Round 3, 2006) I show that there is a far stronger degree of matching between individual occupation, education and income in better developed European countries than is observed among the post-socialist states. To emphasize this finding I also look at the differences in patterns of intergenerational mobility, according to which the post-socialist societies are far less mobile and \'meritocratic\' than their Western counterparts. The main theoretical argument behind this, I suggest, is the incompatibility of modern \'capitalistic\' institutions, such as private property and market, with historical and cultural contexts of development in post-socialist countries. To test this argument I develop the corresponding scale and superpose it with my empirical findings. From this point of view Russia is regarded as one of the most unsuccessful cases of transformation, since the initial conditions of its social change were less consistent with the logic of Western modernization than in any other post-socialist European country. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 17:12:58','2013-04-19 18:01:47','','Waiting'),(946,'The Socio-Economic Differentiation of Population: A Comparative Analysis of Russia and Europe','The Socio-Economic Differentiation of Population: A Comparative Analysis of Russia and Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this preliminary paper I am trying to distinguish and explain some differences in character of social and economic inequality between West and East-European societies with a special focus on Russia. More exactly, analyzing the well-known data set of the European Social Survey 2006/2007, I show that there is a far stronger degree of matching between individual occupation, education and income in better developed European countries than is observed among the post-socialist states. To emphasize this finding, I also look at the differences in patterns of intergenerational mobility, according to which the post-socialist societies are far less mobile and ‘meritocratic’ than their Western counterparts. The main theoretical argument behind this, I suggest, is the incompatibility of modern ‘capitalistic’ institutions, such as private property and market, with historical and cultural contexts of development in post-socialist countries. To test this argument I develop the corresponding scale and superpose it with my empirical findings. From this point of view Russia is regarded as one of the least successful cases of transformation, since the initial conditions of its social change were less consistent with the logic of Western modernization, which stood behind the radical reforms of the 1990s, than in any other post-socialist European country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-06 17:18:05','2013-02-07 12:39:33','','Waiting'),(947,'Young and Older People in Society: The Relationships and Communication Among Generations','Молодежь и пожилые люди в обществе: отношения и коммуникация между поколениями',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper presents analysis of inter-generational relationships and communication, based on ESS round 4 data from Latvia, Estonia, Poland, Germany, Sweden, Denmark and Finland. Departing from the assumption that culture in general makes the grounds for respect towards the older people, their status, and stereotypical expectations, the analysis highlights several indicators: self-perception of various age groups in the population, stereotypes, and general attitudes towards one another. For instance, In Latvia, 50–59 years old respondents are more «pessimistic» in their valuation of own age —  20% consider themselves old, while in other countries on average only 9% do so, and only 4% in Sweden. Another aspect is the perception of social status of elderly population — it appears to be the lowest in Poland and Latvia. However, the impact of older people on traditions and norms in surveyed societies was rated as the highest among various age groups, which was true for all countries examined in the paper. The authors come to a conclusion that relatively lower perceptions of older peoples\' status, especially in Latvia, Estonia, and Poland, are due to the lower perception of their economic input. In other words, in countries with developing new economies young people are seen as more valuable. The analysis reveals the contradictory manifestations of stereotypic perception: the respondents may envy or glorify young people, but at the same time they feel pity and sorry for the elderly people, which happens much more often in Latvia, if compared to an average in the observed European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aleksandrsa@gmail.com','2013-02-07 00:36:21','2013-02-07 13:11:09','','Waiting'),(948,'National survey of reproductive health of Russian women','Всероссийское исследование репродуктивного здоровья российских женщин',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'National survey of reproductive health of Russian women',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 07:23:22','2013-02-07 13:15:47','','Waiting'),(949,'The challenges and possibilities of the multivariate analysis of the social differentiation of Russian society','Проблемы и возможности многомерного анализа социального расслоения российского общества',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The challenges and possibilities of the multivariate analysis of the social differentiation of Russian society',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 07:44:12','2013-02-07 13:26:19','','Waiting'),(950,'Stagnant spheres in the functioning of regional communities, and cultivation of the institutions for their self-development','Застойные сферы функционирования региональных сообществ и выращивание институтов их саморазвития ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Stagnant spheres in the functioning of regional communities, and cultivation of the institutions for their self-development',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 07:49:57','2013-02-07 13:28:28','','Waiting'),(951,'Reflexive Interpretation of the Proximity of Value Orientations of people in Russia and Western Europe','Рефлексивная интерпретация близости ценностных ориентаций населения России и западной Европы ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Reflexive Interpretation of the Proximity of Value Orientations of people in Russia and Western Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 08:11:08','2013-02-07 13:45:26','','Waiting'),(952,'Methods of analysis of the system organization of the relations between values','Методика анализа системной организованности связей между ценностями ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Methods of analysis of the system organization of the relations between values',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 09:28:14','2013-02-07 13:47:39','','Waiting'),(953,'Citizen and ethnic identity: the problem of positive compatibility in Moscow, regions and republics  ','Гражданская и этническая идентичность: проблемы позитивной совместимости в Москве, областях, республиках',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Citizen and ethnic identity: the problem of positive compatibility in Moscow, regions and republics  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 09:57:52','2013-02-07 13:50:01','','Waiting'),(954,'Social and cultural diversity as a resource of the transforming Sochi ','Социально-культурное многообразие как ресурс трансформирующегося Сочи',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social and cultural diversity as a resource for transforming Sochi ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 10:33:08','2013-02-07 13:51:40','','Waiting'),(955,'When does a girl become an adult?','Когда девушка становится взрослой? ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'When does a girl become an adult',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 10:41:59','2013-02-07 13:55:55','','Waiting'),(956,'Work Satisfaction: cross-country comparisons','Удовлетворенность трудом: межстрановые сопоставления',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Work Satisfaction: cross-country comparisons',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 10:51:10','2013-02-07 14:05:47','','Waiting'),(957,'Religion Identity in Contemporary Socio-Political Processes in Russia and Europe','Религиозная  идентичность в современных социально-политических процессах в России и Европе',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article considers the questions connected with the role of religion in contemporary socio-political processes in Russia and in Europe. The main emphasis is laid on the problem of the actualization of the religion as the basis of the cultural-civilized identity, which requires political strategies, first of all on the basis of the principals of tolerance. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 11:17:54','2013-02-07 14:09:37','','Waiting'),(958,'Perception of Migrants in Russia and in Europe: Comparative Analysis','Отношение к мигрантам в России и Европе: сравнительный анализ ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Migration growth is now observed all over the world. To form proper migration policies it is necessary to research into perception of immigrants in different countries as well as factors affecting it. The article, based on data from the European Social Survey, considers migration attitudes in 25 countries. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 11:34:03','2013-02-07 14:47:53','','Waiting'),(959,'Ethnic distance in Russia and European countries','Этническая дистанция в странах Европы и в России ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ethnic distance in Russia and European countries',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 11:52:57','2013-02-07 14:26:21','','Waiting'),(960,'The Middle Class, Democratic Values and Political Preferences: Before and After the ','Средний класс, демократические ценности и политические преференции: до и после «оранжевой революции» ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The western political science is traditionally characterized by the research direction (Almond, Verba, Inkles, Inglehart) that believes in the existence of political culture promoting a model of representative democracy. This kind of political culture contains views and values, which support an existing democratic system and encourage democratization of autocracies. However, there is another research direction (De Graaf, Werfhorst, Güveli) emphasizing a special role of the new middle class members who adhere to democratic views and prefer to vote for the parties belonging to the left wing of political spectrum. If these statements are true, so, possibly, the class factor and the factor of pro-democratic political culture should play an essential role in the internal political situation. The paper is aimed at accomplishing the attempt to analyze theconnection between political culture, class and voting preferences in Ukraine. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 12:02:47','2013-02-07 14:38:21','','Waiting'),(961,'Tolerance as a Call of Modernity: Religious Foundations of Identity in Russia and Europe','Толерантность как требование современности :религиозные основания идентичности в России и Европе ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the given article are considered the issues of influence of current state of religiousness in Russia and Europe on socio-political realities. The stress is made on a problem of actualization of religion as a basis of cultural-civilization identity that demanded new political strategies. These strategies are necessary based on the principle of tolerance. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 12:29:43','2013-02-07 14:45:11','','Waiting'),(962,'Ukraine and Europe: Outcomes of Comparative Sociological Survey','Украина и Европа: результаты сравнительного социологического исследования ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ukraine and Europe: Outcomes of Comparative Sociological Survey',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 12:40:10','2013-02-07 14:52:28','','Waiting'),(963,'Agents of modernisation in Russia and regions (sociostructural analysis)','Агенты модернизации в России и регионах (социоструктурный анализ)',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Agents of modernisation in Russia and regions (sociostructural analysis)',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 13:44:08','2013-02-07 14:54:05','','Waiting'),(964,'Cultural capital in transitive society: The case of Russia','Культурный капитал в транзитивном обществе: случай России (по результатам европейского социального исследования) ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cultural capital in transitive society: The case of Russia. Based on ESS data',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-07 14:07:50','2013-02-07 14:55:34','','Waiting'),(965,'Faith and the cultural and civilizational identity','Вера и культурно-цивилизационная идентичность ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Faith and the cultural and civilizational identity',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-08 08:00:43','2013-02-08 12:10:03','','Waiting'),(966,'EU expansion and public opinion in Europe','Проблема расширения ЕС и общественное мнение в Европе ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'EU expansion and public opinion in Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-08 08:10:27','2013-02-08 12:12:28','','Waiting'),(967,'Family, Marriage and Life Satisfaction in Russia and Europe','Семья, брак, удовлетворенность жизнью в России и Европе',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Family, Marriage and Life Satisfaction in Russia and Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-08 08:18:09','2013-02-08 12:17:27','','Waiting'),(968,'Public opinion about the Constitution of Russian Federation in Russia','Российское общественное мнение о Конституции Российской Федерации ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Public opinion about the Constitution of Russian Federation in Russia',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-02-08 08:25:52','2013-02-08 12:21:12','','Waiting'),(969,'Attitudes Towards Age and Elderly People: Analysis of European Social Survey ','Attieksme pret vecumu un veciem cilvēkiem sabiedrībā: Eiropas Sociālā pētījuma datu analīze',23,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper is based on the analysis of ESS data collected in round 3 and 4. The authors analyze subjective attitudes towards age. In Latvia, the average age when people stop thinking of themselves as young is rather high — 44 years, while in EU countries it is 40 years. Speaking of the age when a person should be considered old, opinions in various countries are more uniform. In Latvia, just as in other EU countries on average, it is 63 years. The ideas on what is characteristic to elderly people vary from country to country. The majority of respondents in Latvia, Germany and Denmark associate old age with physical weakness and the need for help from other people. In all of the countries that were included in the analysis the fact of becoming a grandmother or granddad is not an indicator of old age for the majority of respondents. The authors conclude that the most significant differences among old and new EU member states are in the perception of economic input of the elderly population. Such situtation contributes to the spread of age stereotypes and discrimination, as well as slows down the implementation of active aging policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aleksandrsa@gmail.com','2013-02-11 22:25:17','2013-02-12 09:16:14','','Waiting'),(970,'Macro-level gender equality and depression in men and women in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A recurrent finding in international literature is a greater prevalence of depression in women than in men. While explanations for this gender gap have been studied extensively at the individual level, few researchers have studied macro-level determinants of depression in men and women. In the current study we aim to examine the micro–macro linkage of the  relationship between gender equality and depression by gender in Europe, using data from the European Social Survey, 2006–2007 (N = 39,891). Using a multilevel framework we find that a high degree of macro-level gender equality is related to lower levels of depression in both women and men. It is also related to a smaller gender difference in depression, but only for certain social subgroups and only for specific dimensions of gender equality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sarah.vandevelde@ugent.be','2013-02-19 16:04:40','2013-02-20 10:16:15','','Waiting'),(971,'Socio-economic uncertainty and attitudes towards immigration in Europe','Incertidumbre socio-economica y actitudes hacia la inmigración en Europa',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The recent economic crisis has brought an unprecedented deterioration in labour market conditions in many European countries. This may have provided new stimulus for the extension of anti-immigrant attitudes amongst population, especially amongst those in the lower segments of labour markets. In this paper we analyze the attitudes of European citizens towards immigration and migrant workers. In particular, we try to understand what role plays perceived socio-economic uncertainty in order to explain attitudes towards immigration. Comparing data of the 2002, 2008 and 2010 waves of European Social Survey for sixteen European countries, the paper shows no remarkable change in the relative importance of objective and subjective socio-economic variables between the period of growth and recession. Moreover, logistic analysis consistently shows political-ideology to be a strong predictor of attitudes. Finally, multiple correspondence analyses allowed us to classify the countries surveyed according to their attitudes towards immigration\n\nKeywords: crisis, economic uncertainty, unemployment, immigration, attitudes, restrictive policies; political ideology\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ESS is a very helpfull data for comparative research. Plase, include Italy, because this country isn\'t included in last rounds.\nKind regards.\nAntonio Martin Artiles','antonio.martin@uab.es','2013-02-25 17:50:22','2013-03-04 09:29:33','','Waiting'),(972,'Has Divorce Become a Pro-Natal Force in Europe at the Turn of the 21st Century?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since the 1990s, the correlation between divorce and total fertility has turned positive on the country level in Europe. This paper investigates whether this positive association also holds on the individual level. To this end, it uses microlevel data from the third round of the European Social Survey about 23 countries. We introduce location-scale models to analyze both the average number of children and the dispersion around this number. Particular attention goes to the role played by repartnering. We find that a past divorce experience is generally negatively associated with the number of children ever born for both men and women, even for people who are in a new post-divorce union. So, contrary to what is suggested  by aggregate level correlations, divorce has not become a pro-natal force in Europe. The only exception may be remarried men, who are somewhat more likely to  have three or more children in our sample. Whereas the difference in average number of children born between divorced and never divorced people is small, divorce is associated with much greater heterogeneity in childbearing.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Jan.VanBavel@soc.kuleuven.be','2013-02-28 09:58:40','2013-03-04 09:41:07','','Waiting'),(973,'Low Expectations or Different Evaluations: What Explains Immigrants\' High Levels of Trust in Host-Country Institutions?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Several recent studies show that immigrants exhibit higher levels of trust in public institutions than natives. This study uses pooled data from the European Social Survey to examine possible reasons for this ‘over-confidence’ of immigrants, arguing that it is largely the relatively lower expectations of immigrants from countries with poorer institutional performance that account for this difference. The eminent role of expectations is also underscored by the finding that low social standing matters less for the level of trust of immigrants than it does for natives. The ‘frame of reference effect’ weakens over time and with increased acculturation in the country of residence,suggesting that expectations are less-strongly based on experiences in the country of origin the better integrated an immigrant is in the country of residence. Small parts of immigrants’ higher trust levels and of the dual frames of reference effect are mediated by the more conservative value orientations of immigrants from countries with lower political stability, who appear to regard stability and conformity more highly. However,the overall pattern of effects indicates that lower rather than different expectations explain immigrants’ higher levels of institutional trust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aroeder@tcd.ie','2013-03-14 12:40:05','2013-03-14 14:46:19','','Waiting'),(974,'Discimination, Exclusion and Immigrants\' Confidence in Public Institutions in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What determines the confidence of immigrants in public institutions? Using pooled data from the European Social Survey of 26 countries, the study examines whether processes of social exclusion and discrimination can account for migrants’ confidence in public institutions. Specifically, it examines the role of the quality of public institutions and of the migrant integration policies of the host country and how they interact with migrant status and proxies for experienced or potential discrimination in shaping institutional trust. Results show that the performance of public institutions matters less for the confidence of immigrants than that of natives, in particular for those who see themselves as an ethnic minority or members of a group that has faced discrimination. Second-generation migrants exhibit less trust than first-generation migrants. However, discriminatory processes appear to be of less importance than the expectations carried from the home country or acculturation processes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aroeder@tcd.ie','2013-03-14 12:46:16','2013-03-14 14:50:35','','Waiting'),(975,'What Determines the Trust of Immigrants in Criminal Justice Institutions in Europe?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines whether the confidence of immigrants in European countries in criminal justice institutions can be explained by two counteracting processes: expectations formed in the country of origin and discrimination experienced in the residence country. The study draws on the pooled waves of the European Social Survey (2002–8), comparing first- and secondgeneration immigrants from 66 countries of origin with natives in 21 residence countries. Multilevel regressions are employed to examine the relationship between confidence in institutions and proxy variables for the processes under study. The data strongly support the hypothesis that the high confidence of first-generation immigrants can be explained by frames of reference formed in the country of origin. Some, but limited, support is also found for the impact of discrimination.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aroeder@tcd.ie','2013-03-14 12:50:41','2013-03-14 15:04:43','','Waiting'),(976,'Variation of Basic Values With Respect to Socio Economic Status (SES) Groups in Turkey','Türkiye’de Sosyoekonomik Statü (SES) Gruplarına Göre Temel Değerlerin Farklılaşması',19,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study variation of basic values with respect to socio economic status (SES) has been examined. Primarily, the concept of value and cultural value theories have been studied. In this context, “openness to change”, “conservatism”, “self-enhancement”, and “self-transcendence”, which were obtained from countries including Turkey by Schwartz (1992) and  have cultural validity, have been accepted as the basic values. Later, the concept of socio economic status and the related theories have been discussed. In this context, the graded SES grouping method, which was developed by Çagil (2006) and has a national representation capability and is based on “occupation and education” variables, has been adopted. With this method, six different SES groups (A, B, C1, C2, D and E) have been formed. The research has been tested on two samples. The first sample has national representation quality. This sample has been obtained from the data base of “European Social Survey” (ESS) financed by EU and Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK). The second sample is a 495-person student group, which has specially been designed so that they possess similar social and demographic qualities except for their family SES. According to the first main finding from the research, statistically, the SES groups differ significantly in terms of “openness to change”, “self-enhancement”, and “self-transcendence”.  However, different SES levels of the Turkish society resembled to each other in terms of the basic value, “conservatism”. It has been specified that the strongest basic value agreement in the Turkish society has centered around “conservatism” which comprises “tradition, security and conformity”. According to the findings obtained from the national sample, the higher SES groups (A and B) adopt and value the basic values “openness to change”, “self-transcendence”  and “self-enhancement” more than the lower SES groups (D and E). On the other hand, according to the second main finding of the researcher, “modernity” affects the Turkish society positively with respect to the basic values. In this context, among the school-attending children of families belonging to different SES groups, a statistically meaningful difference has not been found in terms of the four basic values.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','merkenekli@gmail.com','2013-03-14 15:00:52','2013-03-15 10:26:54','','Waiting'),(977,'Values and adult age: Findings from two cohorts of the  European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Human values are assessed biannually in a multinational sample as part of the European Social Survey (ESS). Based on theories of adaptive ageing, it was predicted that ten lower order values and four higher order values would show age differences that would be invariant across (a) two sample cohorts (2002 and 2008), (b) gender and (c) 12 industrialised nations. The value categories measured by the ESS are the following: conservative values (tradition, conformity and security), openness to change values (self-direction, hedonism and stimulation), self-transcendent values (universalism, benevolence) and self-enhancement values (power, achievement). Of the ten lower order values, tradition shows the strongest positive relation with adult age, while the value of stimulation shows the strongest negative relation with age. With regards to the four higher order value categories, conservative values increased across age groups, while openness to change values decreased. Neither of these value types showed cohort or gender differences. Self-transcendence values were greater in midlife and older adults compared with young adults, were higher in women than in men, and higher in the 2008 compared with the 2002 cohort. Self-enhancement values showed a negative relation with age, with men of all age groups scoring higher in this value type than women. Age effects on the four higher order value types were replicated across all 12 countries in the sample, with the single exception of self-enhancement values in Spain, which show no relation with age.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','o.c.robinson@gre.ac.uk','2013-03-16 09:34:43','2013-03-18 12:38:07','','Waiting'),(978,'Side Effects of Multiculturalism : The Interaction Effect of a Multicultural Ideology and Authoritarianism on Prejudice and Diversity Beliefs','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We studied the influence of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) on the relationship between a multicultural ideology and attitudes about ethnic diversity and immigrants. We hypothesized that a multicultural ideology poses a threat to authoritarian individuals, which leads to a decrease in positive diversity beliefs and an increase in prejudice toward immigrants. On the basis of representative survey-data from 23 European countries, we showed that the negative relationship between RWA and positive diversity beliefs was stronger the more a country engages in multiculturalism (Study 1). In addition, in two experiments we demonstrated that RWA moderated the relationship between a video promoting multiculturalism (Study 2) or a picture showing a multicultural group (Study 3) and attitudes toward immigrants and diversity. As expected, for high-RWAs, both stimuli led to an increase in prejudice. In Study 3, perceived threat mediated the relationship between a multicultural norm and prejudice for people high in RWA.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mathias.kauff@uni-marburg.de','2013-03-27 15:37:10','2013-04-02 10:52:34','','Waiting'),(979,'Current and Historical Antecedents of Individual Value Differences Across 195 Regions in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study analyzes differences on two value dimensions, conservation and self-enhancement at both the individual and regional level across Europe. Within-country regions represent “cultunits” that often have belonged to different nation states in history. Eight antecedent variables are explored. At the regional level, the variables include historical sociopolitical context, recent sociopolitical context, regional affluence, and main religion of the region; at the individual level, they feature religiousness, education, gender, and age cohort. The largest effects for region are associated with Gross Domestic Product, including differences between former Communist and non-Communist regions. Hardly any effects pertain to more distant history. At the individual level there are substantial differences across age cohorts and effects of education, religiosity, and gender. Interactions between region- and individual-level conditions suggest people’s values are shaped in their youth; the largest differences mark cohorts in Central and Western Europe who were raised during the Cold War. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','h.van.herk@vu.nl','2013-04-01 12:30:45','2013-04-02 15:46:16','','Waiting'),(980,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2013/1','Burgerperspectieven 2013 | 1. Kwartaalbericht van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-04-04 11:30:19','2013-04-04 12:40:33','','Waiting'),(981,'The Social State of the Netherlands 2011 ','De sociale staat van Nederland 2011',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this book we describe the position of the Netherlands and the Dutch in a number of key areas of life and the changes that have taken place in people\'s life situation over the last ten years. The Social State of the Netherlands covers many domains of Dutch life: education, public opinion, income and work, health, prevention and care, social and political participation and engagement, use of leisure time, mobility, public safety, and housing and the residential setting. By bringing these diverse themes together, placing them in the context of the economic and demographic developments taking place in Dutch society and describing trends over time, this report arrives at a picture of the overall life situation of the Dutch population. We also devote attention to individual groups in society, reflecting the fact that people\'s options, opportunities and preferences in structuring their lives are related to their age, sex, education level, degree of disability, ethnic origin and financial position.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-04-04 13:52:56','2013-04-05 10:17:17','','Waiting'),(982,'Placed at a Distance','Op afstand gezet',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Dutch government has been hiving off government services since the early 1980s through privatisation or agencification. What do the Dutch public think about this? What are their views on privatisation and agencification? Do they actually think about it at all, and what do they know about it? How do people\'s views on privatisation relate to their attitudes towards the government? How plausible is it that privatisation is a source of political discontent?\nIn Placed at a distance (Op afstand gezet), these questions are answered on the basis of new survey data and group interviews. These reveal not only what people think about privatisation and agencification, but also why they hold those views and how they talk about the subject. This study was carried out at the request of the Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry on privatisation and agencification, instituted by the Upper House of the Dutch parliament.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-04-04 14:05:18','2013-04-05 10:20:26','','Waiting'),(983,'Countries compared on public performance: A study of public sector performance in 28 countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report compares the performance of nine public services in 28 developed countries over the period 1995-2009. Four sectors - education, health care, social safety and housing - are studied in some detail, while the report  takes a more limited look at the sectors social security, environment, economic affairs and infrastructure, culture and participation, and public administration. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-04-04 14:23:39','2013-04-05 11:05:15','','Waiting'),(984,'Strategic Europe: Markets and power in 2030 and public opinion on the European Union','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Outlook is an annual co-production of the Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis (CPB) and the Netherlands Institute for Social Research/SCP. This seventh edition explores the future of the European Union in relation to energy, foreign sovereign capital and immigration, and investigates current public opinion on Europe. With regard to the latter aspect, the report includes accounts about Europe by ordinary Dutch citizens.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-04-04 14:38:47','2013-04-05 11:29:07','','Waiting'),(985,'Social and Cultural Report 2006','Investeren in vermogen. Sociaal en Cultureel Rapport 2006',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Social and Cultural Report (SCR) is a biannual SCP-publication describing the various areas of government policy on the basis of a specific central theme. The main fields covered are health, welfare, social security, the labour market and education.\nThe central theme of the SCR 2006 is ”investing in capabilities”.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-04-10 15:24:58','2013-04-10 15:46:59','','Waiting'),(986,'Social and Cultural Report 2010','Wisseling van de wacht: generaties in Nederland. Sociaal en Cultureel Rapport 2010',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Social and Cultural Report (SCR) is a biannual SCP-publication describing the various areas of government policy on the basis of a specific central theme. The main fields covered are health, welfare, social security, the labour market and education.\nThe central theme of the SCR 2010 is “generations in the Netherlands”.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-04-10 15:32:30','2013-04-10 15:50:13','','Waiting'),(987,'Social and Cultural Report 2012','Een beroep op de burger. Sociaal en Cultureel Rapport 2012',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Social and Cultural Report (SCR) is a biannual SCP-publication describing the various areas of government policy on the basis of a specific central theme. The main fields covered are health, welfare, social security, the labour market and education.\nThe central theme of the SCR 2012 is “the shift in responsibilities between government and citizens”.	\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-04-10 15:54:46','2013-04-10 16:03:43','','Waiting'),(988,'Contribution to the definition of a typology of behaviors and attitudes towards the disease symptoms','Contributo para a definição de uma tipologia de comportamentos e atitudes face aos sintomas de doença',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We present, in this communication, the results of an investigation which aimed to build a typology of attitudes towards disease symptoms based on data provided by the European Social Survey. Our goal is to contribute to the characterization of different patterns of behavior concerning the disease, through behavioral profiling and identification of symbolic references involved in the process of healing and doctor/patient relationship.\nThe methodology was based on the use of different statistical techniques: Cluster Analysis, in order to identify different profiles of behavior in relation to a set of symptoms of disease, and Principal Component Analysis to analyze the symbolic references for the process of healing and doctor/patient relationship.\nThe results demonstrate the existence of different patterns of behaviors associated with social and cultural factors related to the condition of individuals. It was possible to define a four-group typology of attitudes towards disease symptoms, which confirms that the differences in attitudes correspond to different universes of reference for the idealization of the healing process and the conceptualization of the doctor/patient relationship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'File available here: http://comum.rcaap.pt/handle/123456789/2571','antoniocalha@hotmail.com','2013-04-16 12:00:51','2013-04-16 14:50:30','','Waiting'),(989,'Stratification in Russian society in the context of cross-national comparison','Характер стратификации российского общества в контексте международных сопоставлений',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The dissertation presents an accomplished, yet rather unconventional view about Russia’s current stratification system. It begins with discussion of theoretical and methodological issues about the study of social inequality in post-socialist societies, and emphasizes the role of accounting for institutional settings, which are, in their own turn, to a larger extend conditioned by cultural and historical contexts. Thus, it is argued that many contemporary West-borne theories have weak explanatory power with respect to some of post-socialist societies (i.e. Russia). This argument is followed by thorough empirical studies of regularities in stratification process and social mobility patterns in Russia based on data from 3 consecutive representative surveys (1994, 2002, 2006). And it then reinforces the argument by bringing in a comparative perspective and employing the data from European Social Survey (3rd wave, 2006).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-04-16 18:16:12','2013-04-19 17:46:04','','Waiting'),(990,'The Socio-Economic Differentiation of Population: A Comparative Analysis of Russia and Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this preliminary paper I am trying to distinguish and explain some differences in character of social and economic inequality between West and East-European societies with a special focus on Russia. More exactly, analyzing the well-known data set of the European Social Survey 2006/2007 I show that there is a far stronger degree of matching between individual occupation, education and income in better developed European countries than is observed among the post-socialist states. To emphasize this finding I also look at the differences in patterns of intergenerational mobility, according to which the post-socialist societies are far less mobile and ‘meritocratic’ than their Western counterparts. The main theoretical argument behind this, I suggest, is the incompatibility of modern ‘capitalistic’ institutions, such as private property and market, with historical and cultural contexts of development in post-socialist countries. To test this argument I develop the corresponding scale and superpose it with my empirical findings. From this point of view Russia is regarded as one of the least successful cases of transformation, since the initial conditions of its social change were less consistent with the logic of Western modernization, which stood behind the radical reforms of the 1990s, than in any other post-socialist European country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2013-04-16 18:22:54','2013-04-19 17:59:09','','Waiting'),(991,'The Character of the Russian Society Stratification in Comparative Context','Характер стратификации российского общества в сравнительном контексте: от «высоких» теорий к грустной реальности ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The articles discuss mainstream theoretical explanations of social inequality in contemporary societies. It is argued that most of them are based on assumptions about particular institutional setting, namely the conjunction of markets and private property. Hence, the author argues, these approaches have weak explanatory power with respect to societies, which have evolved in different cultural and historical contexts and, thus, may produce other peculiar divisions in their social structure. The articles extend this argument with illustrations from empirical analysis based on data from European Social Survey (3rd wave, 2006).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-04-16 18:32:25','2013-04-19 18:03:43','','Waiting'),(992,'The Socio-Economic Differentiation of Population: a Comparative Analysis of Russia and Europe','Характер социально-экономической дифференциации населения: сравнительный анализ России и Европы ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The articles discuss mainstream theoretical explanations of social inequality in contemporary societies. It is argued that most of them are based on assumptions about particular institutional setting, namely the conjunction of markets and private property. Hence, the author argues, these approaches have weak explanatory power with respect to societies, which have evolved in different cultural and historical contexts and, thus, may produce other peculiar divisions in their social structure. The articles extend this argument with illustrations from empirical analysis based on data from European Social Survey (3rd wave, 2006).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2013-04-16 18:36:55','2013-04-19 18:08:39','','Waiting'),(993,'Ageing of Society: Social Protection, Inequality and Labour Market Risks in Baltic Countries','Sabiedrības novecošana: sociālā aizsardzība, nevienlīdzība un darba tirgus riski',23,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The research project «Ageing of society: social protection, inequality and labour market risks in Baltic countries» was implemented within a sub-project of the grant scheme «Academic research» (Nr. EEZ08AP-14) with an objective to research and compare manifestations of society ageing in the Baltic countries in the aspects of social protection, inequality, social policy and employment. This monograph is based on the research results. Of the various questions investigated within the project, the main five are represented in the chapters of this book: theoretical approaches to society ageing, attitudes towards people of age, employment of older people, and social protection of the elderly. The research is based on secondary data analysis and expert interviews. The data used for analyses includes statistical information (Eurostat and national statistics offices), as well as information provided by international comparative surveys in which Latvia was represented: European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions and European Social Survey (rounds 3 and 4). The overview of social policy is based on interviews with experts, policy makers and researchers, in the fields of social inclusion, social protection and employment policy in the Baltic countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The text includes a summary in English.','aleksandrsa@gmail.com','2013-04-19 21:06:56','2013-04-22 12:02:08','','Waiting'),(994,'Discerning self-interested behaviour in attitudes towards welfare state responsibilities across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article reports on an investigation into the influence of individual characteristics on attitudes to government responsibility for welfare-related tasks using data from the European Social Survey. The main finding of this investigation was that socio-demographic characteristics, basic personal values, a left–right ideological position and religious affiliation were all associated with attitudes towards welfare policies. An item-by-item examination of the six issues enquired about in the survey revealed that people tended to hold the government responsible for tasks that would benefit them more directly. Taken as a whole, the empirical findings were interpreted to mean that individuals’ tastes for welfare state policies were driven, at least partially, by self-interest, but it was also noted that further work was needed to disentangle the potential role of group loyalty effects.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','hkirman@bilgi.edu.tr','2013-04-20 09:34:42','2013-04-22 12:13:32','','Waiting'),(995,'Using basic personal values to test theories of union membership','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the fourth round of the European Social Survey, we investigate the determinants of the individual union membership decision, focusing on the role of dispositional — as opposed to situational — factors. We argue that the battery of items in Schwartz’s (1992) theory of basic personal values is relevant in the context of unionism and can be used to test the validity of certain elements of existing theories. We further claim that the use of basic values in this context is an effective way of operationalizing the role of societal interests embedded in the rational choice explanations for union membership. The econometric work — which features a three-way outcome variable identifying current, former and never-members — reveals that, along with socio-demographic, ideological, firm-level and sectoral characteristics, basic values are closely related to union membership status. While higher selftranscendence and conservation scores are associated with a greater likelihood of being a current member, higher openness-to-change and self-enhancement scores have the opposite effect.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','hkirman@bilgi.edu.tr','2013-04-20 09:41:06','2013-04-22 12:21:52','','Waiting'),(996,'Do Preferences for Job Attributes Provide Evidence of ‘Hierarchy of Needs’?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We examine whether employees’ preferences for various job attributes are associated with their individual characteristics in ways that are in line with ‘hierarchy of needs’ theories. Using data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey, we observe the influence of socio-demographic and dispositional characteristics as well as socialization experiences on opinions regarding the importance of five different desirable job attributes. An item-by-item examination of the attributes (including ‘security’ and ‘offering a high income’) reveals that dispositional factors (measured using the battery of items in Schwartz’s theory of basic personal values) influence job attitudes in expected ways, but employees also tend to place more importance on attributes that concern them more directly. For example, while female employees care more about being able to combine work and family responsibilities, younger workers value training opportunities more highly than older ones. Regarding socialization experiences, we find that job security is more important for those who have been unemployed in the past. We interpret our findings to mean that ‘hierarchy of needs’ theories are valid in the context of job attitudes in the sense that the ranking of preferred job attributes is quite predictable once individual characteristics are accounted for.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','hkirman@bilgi.edu.tr','2013-04-20 09:48:18','2013-04-22 12:37:39','','Waiting'),(997,'The Influence of Societal Values on Attitudes Towards Immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines the influence of societal values on individual attitudes towards immigration and immigrants. We argue that conflict between individual and societal values leads individuals to be exposed to frames and opinions that are contrary to their values, evokes competing considerations and creates attitudinal ambivalence and volatility. To evade ambivalence, individuals whose values are in conflict with those of their society rely less on their core values to construct their attitudes. Using data from the first wave of European Social Surveys and relying on Heteroskedastic Maximum Likelihood Regression, we test our argument simultaneously for 18 European countries and show that deviations from society’s conservation and self-transcendence values lead to greater ambivalence in attitudes towards immigration and immigrants. Our results provide evidence of the importance of the social context and society’s shared values in influencing personal political attitudes and judgments.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','gizem.arikan@yasar.edu.tr','2013-04-23 22:26:41','2013-04-24 10:12:04','','Waiting'),(998,'Values, Religiosity and Support for Redistribution and Social Policy in Turkey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates the individual level factors that influence support for social redistribution and social policy in Turkey by focusing on the role of core values and religiosity. The analysis of data from Round 4 of European Social Surveys shows that self-transcendence and conservation values enhance support for government provision of social safety nets. Different aspects of religiosity have different effects on attitudes toward redistribution and social policy, with self-identified religiosity having a positive and social religious behavior having a negative effect on support for government responsibility in providing social insurance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','gizem.arikan@yasar.edu.tr','2013-04-23 22:28:58','2013-04-24 10:34:24','','Waiting'),(999,'Self-Perceived Age Categorization as a Determinant of the Old Age Boundary','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the European Social Survey, we investigate the influence of individuals\' self-perceptions of being a member of an age group on their assessment of the beginning of ‘old age\'. The proper examination of this relationship calls for the consideration of the effects of age and gender as well as the fact that people who concur that a boundary for old age exists (thus provide a numerical response to the relevant survey question) constitute a non-random subsample of the population with respect to the outcome of interest. Therefore, the econometric work features a two equation selection model that jointly estimates the ‘Old age boundary\' and the ‘Numerical response\' equations. Our finding is that the two equations are in fact correlated, and – along with age and gender – self-perceived age categorization has a significant effect on the subjective old age boundary. People who categorize themselves in younger age groups than others of the same chronological age have higher old age boundaries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','cbaslevent@bilgi.edu.tr','2013-04-24 09:29:21','2016-12-21 11:18:05','','Waiting'),(1000,'Interviewer Effects on Nonresponse in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In face-to-face surveys interviewers play a crucial role in making contact with and gaining cooperation from sample units. While there are a few studies investigating the influence of interviewers on nonresponse, they are typically restricted to analyses within a single country. However, interviewer training, contacting and cooperation strategies as well as survey climates differ across countries, thus influencing differential nonresponse processes and possibly nonresponse biases. Combining call-record data from the European Social Survey (ESS) with data from a detailed interviewer questionnaire on attitudes and doorstep behavior, we analyze interviewer and country effects on nonresponse. Our findings show that there are systematic differences between countries in contacting and cooperation processes, which can in part be explained by differences in interviewer characteristics, such as contacting strategies and avowed doorstep behavior.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','blom@uni-mannheim.de','2013-04-29 17:34:16','2013-04-30 09:40:00','','Waiting'),(1001,'Explaining cross-country differences in survey contact rates: application of decomposition methods','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Survey contact rates differ across countries. However, to date the reasons for these cross-country differences have not been identified. Differences can be due to differences in survey characteristics, differences in population characteristics and differences in processes, i.e. in the association between the first and second reasons and contact propensity. The paper investigates correlates of contact by decomposing cross-country differences in predicted mean contact propensities into these three components. The findings explain which fieldwork strategies and population characteristics are related to cross-country differences in contact rates.The analyses distinguish factors explaining within-country contact propensity from factors explaining cross-country differences.We demonstrate the suitability of decomposition methods for analysing group differences in survey outcomes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','blom@uni-mannheim.de','2013-04-29 17:38:04','2013-04-30 09:44:57','','Waiting'),(1002,'Divorce and the Multidimensionality of Men and Women’s Mental Health: The Role of Social-Relational and Socio-Economic Conditions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research consistently reveals that the divorced generally face more mental health problems than the married. Less attention however has been paid to positive mental health indicators. Insight in these however may help policy makers and care providers to see both the broader picture and stimulate active coping. Using data from the European Social Survey (2006–2007), differences in both feelings of depression, and in feelings of self-esteem, autonomy, and competence between the married (N = 14,072) and divorced (N = 4,304) are estimated for women and men separately. Drawing on stress and coping theories, we map how specific social-relational and socio-economic conditions relate. Analyses reveal that divorce is related not only to more feelings of depression, but also to lower levels of self-esteem and competence. Difference scores in mental health based on marital status are also found to differ significantly between men and women for competence, with the difference being more pronounced in men. Additionally, social-relational and socio-economic conditions explain much of the gap in depression scores – and to a lesser extent, in self-esteem and competence scores – between the married and divorced. Finally, some interesting gender differences were found in how social-relational and socio-economic conditions relate to mental health when divorced, with women especially seeming to benefit from advantageous socio-economic conditions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Online first?','sara.symoens@ugent.be','2013-05-13 11:11:21','2014-08-12 11:28:06','','Waiting'),(1003,'Age norms on leaving home: multilevel evidence from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Young people leave the parental home at different ages, and differences exist both between and within societies. International comparisons have emphasised the importance of institutions, in particular the welfare regime, the educational system, and the labour market, as well as of long-standing cultural differences. Here we focus on subjective age norms (‘age deadlines’) for leaving home—a key determinant of actual behaviour. We analyse the data of a unique multicountry dataset, the third round of the European Social Survey, through a series of multilevel regression models where simultaneously country, regional, and individual-level factors come into play. We find strong normative differences between countries, and significant, though lower, regional-level variation. Norms are significantly influenced by country-level ‘institutional’ factors, as well as by regional-level ‘cultural’ factors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bruno.arpino@upf.edu','2013-05-13 18:06:25','2013-05-14 10:02:43','','Waiting'),(1004,'Fear of Violent Victimization among the Foreign Born','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In general, most studies that examined the relationship immigrants – criminal behavior focused on the immigrants’ involvement in criminal activities as offenders and/or the effects of immigration on crime rates. Only limited research looked at the levels of victimization and perceived safety experienced by immigrants in their receiving countries. Using the most recent available data from the European Social Survey (Round 5/2010), the present quantitative analysis conducted on a representative sample of residents in United Kingdom (N=2422) tries to determine the levels of criminal victimization and fear of violent crime associated with foreign nationals living in a European country, where immigration is generally unpopular. Although foreign-born persons living in United Kingdom appear to have a higher degree of victimization (vicarious and direct) than natives, the inter-group difference is not sufficiently large to be significant at p< .05. Nevertheless, compared to natives, first-generation immigrants manifest a significantly higher level of fear of violent victimization. Results also show that in addition to inter-group differences in the levels of perceived unsafety and experiences with victimization, the effects of fear-of-crime correlates vary in intensity among respondents differentiated by their country of birth. In addition, one’s level of acculturation contributes to differences in fear of crime among immigrants. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','v0andr01@louisville.edu','2013-05-14 21:50:42','2013-05-21 09:55:45','','Waiting'),(1005,'Towards Tolerance. Exploring changes and explaining differences in attitudes towards homosexuality in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Across Europe, public attitudes towards lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals range from broad tolerance to widespread rejection. Attitudes towards homosexuality are more than mere individual opinions, but form part of the social and political structures which foster or hinder the equality and emancipation of LGB citizens. This report addresses the issues behind today’s differences in tolerance. Have attitudes towards homosexuality changed over the past 30 years? Are there European countries where tolerance is increasing, decreasing, or not changing at all? What explains differences in attitudes? Can differences be attributed to levels of income or education, and does religion play a major role? Are tolerant attitudes found in countries with high levels of gender equality?\n\nThis report shows that Europe is moving towards more tolerance. However, different countries are moving at a very different pace and from very different starting positions. In addition, the biggest changes seem to have taken place between 1990 and 1999 and did not persist into the new millennium. Differences are related to other values, levels of income and income inequality, educational attainment, religious factors, degree of urbanization, EU membership and political systems, and to links with civil society and LGB movements.\n\nThis report was compiled at the request of the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture, and Science (OCW).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-05-16 11:46:36','2013-05-21 10:01:14','','Waiting'),(1006,'Acceptance of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender individuals in the Netherlands 2013','Acceptatie van homoseksuelen, biseksuelen en transgenders in Nederland 2013',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Dutch government is committed to equal rights for and social acceptance of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) individuals, and also to securing their acceptance in Dutch society. Since social acceptance is one of the most important goals of the gay emancipation policy, at the request of the Minister of Education, Culture and Science the Netherlands Institute for Social Research/SCP publishes a concise report every two years on the current situation. The present edition also looks for the first time at the social acceptance of bisexuals and transgenders.\nThe conclusion is that acceptance in the general population is continuing to increase, but still lags behind in certain religious, ethnic and political groups, as does the acceptance of certain categories of people (e.g. people who do not behave in accordance with what is expected of members of their sex). ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'in Dutch and in English','info@scp.nl','2013-05-16 11:51:26','2013-05-21 11:05:45','','Waiting'),(1007,'Poverty Monitor 2007','Armoedemonitor 2007',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Poverty Monitor 2007 contains the most up-to-date figures on poverty in the Netherlands. The data were collected and analysed by the Netherlands Institute for Social Research/SCP in collaboration with Statistics Netherlands (CBS). The report describes poverty in terms of income level, duration of poverty, payment arrears and financial constraints, as well as the views of households about their own financial situation. In this edition, special attention is devoted to the working poor, the behavioural effects of the poverty trap, poverty and social exclusion of children, and the differences in political standpoints between people who are less and more well off.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-05-16 14:43:10','2013-05-21 11:09:46','','Waiting'),(1008,'Diverse Europe. Public opinion on the European Union & Cultural diversity, economics and policy. European Outlook 4. Annex to the State of the European Union 2007','De Europese Unie in de publieke opinie & Verscheidenheid in cultuur, economie en beleid (Europese Verkenning 4)',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Europe presents a palette of cultures. The growing expansion of the European Union only increases the richness of its hues. This diversity of cultures is a great achievement, and Europe has learned to bridge the differences in order to work together in union. The previous European Outlooks covered the social systems, migration and working hours in Europe. In comparing the EU member states, we repeatedly encountered differences in institutions, preferences and cultures. It is this cultural diversity that is the focus of this Outlook. Key questions include the following: Where do the cultures of Europe differ? What does this mean for the economic achievements of the countries? What influence does cultural diversity have on cooperation within the EU?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'in Dutch and in English','info@scp.nl','2013-05-16 15:10:44','2013-05-21 11:21:25','','Waiting'),(1009,'The impact of the disease conception in the attitudes and practices of medicine consumption','O impacto da conceção de doença nas atitudes e práticas de consumo de medicamentos',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Our aim, in this communication, is to determine of a typology of attitudes regarding disease symptoms from the data obtained in the European Social Survey (round 2). Based on the results, we try to measure, in each of the profiles identified, different provisions on medication use. The analysis shows the existence of an appropriation of the logical expertise of therapy management. However, this tendency assumes different proportions according to the disease conception profile.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Paper available here:\nhttp://comum.rcaap.pt/handle/123456789/4078\n','antoniocalha@hotmail.com','2013-05-20 11:03:09','2013-05-21 11:31:02','','Waiting'),(1010,'Do Parties \"Playing the Race Card\" Undermine Natives\' Support for Redistribution? Evidence from Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, we address the question of whether the policy statements of political parties with regard to migration affect the link between individual anti-immigrant sentiment and support for redistributive policies. While the effect of political parties “playing the race card” is well documented and repeatedly discussed in the American context, it has received little attention in comparative studies. We test our measurements of issue-salience with regard to migration and welfare-related matters by conducting multilevel models for a sample of 14 European countries. We also control for the potential effects of the countries’ welfare regimes—which is so far the most prominent contextual variable. Our results strongly indicate a moderating party-effect: The more parties accentuate crucial migration issues, the less general support there is for welfare programs by native anti-immigrant groups. In contrast, we find no effect of the repeatedly discussed welfare regime on this relationship, once controlled for party statements.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article will be printed in 2014. Online first in May 2013 (DOI: 10.1177/0010414013488542).\n','alex@alexanderwschmidt.de','2013-05-22 13:53:21','2016-09-14 10:10:02','','Waiting'),(1011,'Religious Behavior, Health, and Well-Being Among Israeli Jews: Findings From the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study investigates the relationship between religious behavior and health status and psychological well-being in a population sample of Israeli Jewish adults (N = 1,849). Using data from the Israeli sample of the European Social Survey, measures of synagogue attendance and private prayer were examined in relation to single-item indicators of subjective and functional health, happiness, and life satisfaction and to a three-item scale tapping into the somatic dimension of well-being. Bivariately, the religious, health,and well-being measures are mostly related, and in a salutary direction, but multivariable analyses revealed that these associations are more nuanced. Specifically, after age-adjustment and controls for effects of various sociodemographic characteristics, including Israeli nativity, synagogue attendance is associated with greater happiness only, whereas prayer is associated with greater happiness and life satisfaction and higher scores on the well-being scale. Additionally, prayer is significantly associated with functional health, but in an inverse direction, suggesting its use as a coping resource in response to physical or functional challenges or impairments. These latter results are supported by supplemental analyses of the well-being indicators, which also adjust for possible exogenous or moderating effects of functional health. These findings contribute to current streams of empirical research on the putative influence of Jewish religious observance on physical and mental health and psychological well-being in Israel and the Jewish diaspora.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Online first publication, June 10, 2013','jeff_levin@baylor.edu','2013-06-13 14:41:54','2016-08-15 11:42:34','','Waiting'),(1012,'Measuring Attitudes Cross-Nationally: Lessons from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With the expansion of the European Union and the development of supra-national governance worldwide, the volume of cross-national data and the importance of rigorous comparative analysis has grown rapidly.\n\nThis book, written by members of the design and implementation team for the groundbreaking European Social Survey (ESS), reviews current best practice in the conduct of cross-national, cross-cultural quantitative research. The first eight chapters cover the background and rationale for the Survey and offer a detailed analysis of the methods and procedures used, as well as exploring ways to overcome the obstacles to successful cross-national research. The final chapter looks ahead to future comparative surveys and discusses the lessons that can be learned from the ESS.\n\nAs well as examining methodological issues, Measuring Attitudes Cross-Nationally includes four substantive chapters on the findings of the ESS, including the emergence of hitherto unknown national differences in values regarding immigration and perceptions of citizenship. The ESS data is also considered in comparison with that from US General Social Survey.\n\nMeasuring Attitudes Cross-Nationally offers a practical guide, firmly grounded in theory, for researchers across the social sciences who have an interest the design, planning or interpretation of cross-national social surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-06-18 14:00:52','2013-07-03 09:06:03','','Waiting'),(1013,'Something about young people or something about elections? Electoral participation of young people in Europe: Evidence from a multilevel analysis of the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Turnout at general elections across Europe is in decline as it is in other established democracies. A particular cause for concern is that young people are less likely to participate than older voters. Evidence presented in this article, based on national election results and the 2002–2003 European Social Survey, shows the overall turnout rate for 22 European countries in elections between 1999 and 2002 was 70 per cent compared to 51 per cent for electors aged less than 25. The authors examine national variations in turnout for young people across Europe, and use multilevel logistic regression models to understand these variations, and to test the extent to which they are attributable to the characteristics of young people and the electoral context in each country. Variations in turnout among young people are partially accounted for by the level of turnout of older voters in the country and partly by the characteristics of young voters, including the level of political interest and civic duty. The authors conclude that both individual-level and election-specific information are important in understanding the turnout of young electors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-06-18 14:09:45','2013-07-03 09:07:23','','Waiting'),(1014,'All inclusive Public Health--what about LGBT populations?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'No abstract available',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','richard.branstrom@ki.se','2013-06-19 12:54:36','2013-07-03 09:14:31','','Waiting'),(1015,'Changing values in a changing Europe. Some results from the European Social Survey','Veranderende waarden in een veranderend Europa. Enkele resultaten uit het European Social Survey',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Booklet containing substantive results from the European Social Survey (ESS) on a variety of issues (media use, political participation, trust in institutions, discrimination, sexuality, attitude towards immigration and ethnic diversity). Specific focus on the results for Belgium compared to other European countries.\nThe aim of the booklet it to enhance the awareness of the existence of the ESS to the general public and researchers in Flanders, Belgium.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dries.tirry@soc.kuleuven.be','2013-06-24 11:45:09','2013-07-03 09:21:16','','Waiting'),(1016,'Sampling for the European Social Survey - Round 5: Belgium','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this report the sampling procedure in Belgium for the European Social Survey in round 5 is outlined. The characteristics of the sample described in this report are: the target population, the sample frame, the sample size, the sample design and the sample validity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dries.tirry@soc.kuleuven.be','2013-06-24 11:50:14','2013-07-03 09:23:39','','Waiting'),(1017,'Exploration of the module \'Trust in Criminal Justice\' Round 5 of the European Social Survey','Exploratie van de module \'Vertrouwen in politie en rechtbanken\' uit de 5de Ronde van het European Social Survey',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report gives a first overview of the results of the rotating module \'Trust in Criminal Justice: A Comparative European Analysis\' that has been included in Round 5 of the European Social Survey.  \nIt should incite researchers and policy makers to empirically test theories and hypotheses based on these reliable and crossnational data on criminal justice.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dries.tirry@soc.kuleuven.be','2013-07-03 10:00:46','2013-07-04 12:28:16','','Waiting'),(1018,'European Social Survey Round 5 Belgium. Process evaluation for the data collection','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this report is to provide an overview of the data collection activities undertaken within the context of the fifth round of the European Social Survey (ESS) implemented in Belgium between autumn 2010 and spring 2011. It provides an overview of the daily activities and decisions taken, and constitutes an evaluation of the entire implementation process including sampling, fieldwork activities, and the resulting final dataset.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dries.tirry@soc.kuleuven.be','2013-07-03 10:05:30','2013-07-04 12:33:10','','Waiting'),(1019,'The translation procedure in Flanders related to the European Social Survey - Round 5','De vertaalprocedure in Vlaanderen in het kader van het Europees Sociaal Onderzoek - Ronde 5',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report gives an overview of the translation procedure that has been followed for the European Social Survey Round 5 in Flanders. In the first paragraph the content and the structure of the questionnaire in Round 5 is discussed. In the second paragraph the translation procedure is elaborately explained. Special attention was given to two new forms of quality control that had to be implemented in round 5 namely cApStAn and SQP. And at last we take a look at the actual translation of the Flemish questionnaire.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dries.tirry@soc.kuleuven.be','2013-07-03 10:15:20','2013-07-04 12:39:58','','Waiting'),(1020,'Sampling for the European Social Survey - Round 6: Belgium','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this report the sampling procedure in Belgium for the European Social Survey in round 6 is outlined. The characteristics of the sample described in this report are: the target population, the sample frame, the sample size, the sample design and the sample validity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dries.tirry@soc.kuleuven.be','2013-07-03 10:17:33','2013-07-04 12:44:00','','Waiting'),(1021,'Opposition to Antiracism Laws Across Swiss Municipalities: A Multilevel Analysis','Opposition to Antiracism Laws Across Swiss Municipalities: A Multilevel Analysis',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Public opposition to antiracism laws—an expression of prejudice toward immigrants—is widespread in Switzerland as well as in other European countries. Using data from the European Social Survey 2002 (N = 1,711), the present study examined across Swiss municipalities individual and contextual predictors of opposition to such laws and of two well-established antecedents of prejudice: perceived threat and intergroup contact. The study extends multilevel research on immigration attitudes by investigating the role of the ideological climate prevailing in municipalities (conservative vs. progressive), in addition to structural features of municipalities. Controlling for individual-level determinants, stronger opposition to antiracism laws was found in more conservative municipalities, while the proportion of immigrants was positively related to intergroup contact. Furthermore, in conservative municipalities with a low proportion of immigrants, fewer intergroup contacts were reported. In line with prior research, intergroup contact decreased prejudiced policy stances through a reduction of perceived threat. Overall, this study highlights the need to include normative and ideological features of local contexts in the analysis of public reactions toward immigrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Eva.Green@unil.ch','2013-07-04 14:16:35','2013-07-04 14:55:18','','Waiting'),(1022,'Sampling and weighting','Echantillonnage et pondération',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Challenges of sampling and weighting in international comparative surveys. Reference to ESS R3 2006.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'entered by colleague Michèle Ernst Stähli','dominique.joye@unil.ch','2013-07-04 15:28:13','2013-07-05 09:52:32','','Waiting'),(1023,'Annual Monitoring Report on Integration 2012','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This third Annual Monitoring Report on Integration aims to provide a comprehensive and concise picture of the state of Integration in Ireland and to identify where in employment, education, social inclusion and active citizenship Ireland can increase the potential for integration. This year\'s special theme is the changing Irish attitudes towards integration. This report is produced in collaboration with the ESRI and is framed within the four categories for assessing integration proposed at the EU Zaragoza Conference in April 2010.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','fran.mcginnity@esri.ie','2013-07-09 16:13:38','2013-07-10 09:40:51','','Waiting'),(1024,'ESTIMATION OF RESPONSE BIAS IN THE EUROPEAN SOCIAL SURVEY: USING INFORMATION FROM RELUCTANT RESPONDENTS IN ROUND ONE','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Central to the methodological quality of the first round of the European Social\nSurvey (ESS) was the principal of equivalence in cross national measurement. The survey\nwas therefore designed with equivalence as its driving force and included features such as the\nrequirement for random probability samples, effective sample sizes, clear specifications for\nfieldwork institutes, clear rules for interviewers about the mode, number and timing of contact\nattempts with all sample units and the documentation of all contact attempts using\nstandardised forms.\nThe use of standardised, detailed contact forms has enabled equivalent cross-national\ncomparisons of non-response as well as providing some indication of the potential bias in\nsurvey estimates. Most but not all of the participating countries in Round 1 successfully\ncollected the information required. The main functions of the contact forms were to\ndocument, across several different but functionally equivalent sample designs, each attempt to\ncontact the sample units. In addition, the forms provided information about the reasons of\nnon-contacts and refusals, allowed the construction of comparable non-response rates across\ncountries, provided information about fully co-operative and reluctant respondents and also\nprovided some information about non-respondents.\nThis paper seeks to uncover ‘traces of bias,’ caused by non response, by comparing cooperative\nand more reluctant respondents on different substantive survey estimates. The\nanalytical framework of the paper is based upon the assumption that the attitudes of nonrespondents\nare more like those of reluctant than co-operative respondents. This is tested by\nanalysing the Round 1 contact form data along with substantive data from the main survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-11 13:37:13','2013-07-11 15:40:12','','Waiting'),(1025,'Measuring Attitudes Cross-Nationally: Lessons from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Winner of the 2006 The Descartes Prize “for excellence in collaborative scientific research”\n\nWith the expansion of the European Union and the development of supra-national governance worldwide, the volume of cross-national data and the importance of rigorous comparative analysis has grown rapidly.\n\nThis book, written by members of the design and implementation team for the groundbreaking European Social Survey (ESS), reviews current best practice in the conduct of cross-national, cross-cultural quantitative research. The first eight chapters cover the background and rationale for the Survey and offer a detailed analysis of the methods and procedures used, as well as exploring ways to overcome the obstacles to successful cross-national research. The final chapter looks ahead to future comparative surveys and discusses the lessons that can be learned from the ESS.\n\nAs well as examining methodological issues, Measuring Attitudes Cross-Nationally includes four substantive chapters on the findings of the ESS, including the emergence of hitherto unknown national differences in values regarding immigration and perceptions of citizenship. The ESS data is also considered in comparison with that from US General Social Survey.\n\nMeasuring Attitudes Cross-Nationally offers a practical guide, firmly grounded in theory, for researchers across the social sciences who have an interest the design, planning or interpretation of cross-national social surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-11 15:02:59','2013-07-11 15:41:09','','Waiting'),(1027,'Gender equity and fertility intentions in Italy and the Netherlands','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Fertility levels have fallen drastically in most industrialized countries. Diverse theoretical and empirical frameworks have had difficulty in explaining these unprecedented low levels of fertility. More recently, however, attention has turned from classic explanations, such as women’s increased labour market participation, to gender equity as the essential link to understand this phenomenon. The increase in women’s labour market participation did not prompt an increase in men’s domestic duties, which is often referred to women’s ‘dual burden’ or ‘second shift’. Institutions and policies within countries also facilitate or constrain the combination of women’s employment with fertility. This paper provides an empirical test of gender equity theory by examining whether the unequal division of household labour leads to lower fertility intentions of women in different institutional contexts. Italy constitutes a case of high gender inequity, low female labour market participation and the lowest-low fertility. The Netherlands has moderate to low gender inequity, high part-time female labour market participation and comparatively higher fertility. Using data from the 2003 Italian Multipurpose Survey - Family and Social Actors and the 2004/5 Dutch sample from the European Social Survey, a series of logistic regression models test this theory. A central finding is that the unequal division of household labour only has a significant impact on women’s fertility intentions when they already carry the load of high paid work hours or children, a finding that is particularly significant for working women in Italy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-12 10:49:50','2013-10-31 14:10:33','','Waiting'),(1028,'The European Socio-Economic Classification: A New Social Class Schema For Comparative European Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As a result of an initiative by the European Statistical Office as part of its Statistical Harmonisation Programme, a prototype of a common European Socio-economic Classification (ESeC) has been created. ESeC is a categorical social class schema based on the concept of employment relations. The paper explains the conceptual basis of ESeC, describes the categories of the classification and how they may be collapsed for analytic purposes, as well as indicating how it is operationalised. The operational variants of ESeC, depending on the data available for its construction, are also discussed. In the second part of the paper some key findings of comparative analyses which use ESeC to examine issues relating to unemployment, education, poverty, deprivation and health across the EU are summarised. These analyses demonstrate the potential of ESeC as a major advance for an improved understanding of the patterns of European social inequalities. As such, this new classification should be of vital importance to both academic and policy researchers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-12 11:18:56','2013-10-31 14:24:02','','Waiting'),(1029,'A new comprehensive and international view on ageing: introducing the ‘Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe’','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper introduces the ‘Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe’ (SHARE) to researchers on ageing. SHARE provides an infrastructure to help researchers better understand the individual and population ageing process: where we are, where we are heading to, and how we can influence the quality of life as we age, both as individuals and as societies. The baseline wave in 2004 provides data on the life circumstances of some 27,000 persons aged 50 and over in 11 European countries, ranging from Scandinavia across Western and Central Europe to the Mediterranean. SHARE has made great efforts to deliver truly comparable data, so we can reliably study how differences in cultures, living conditions and policy approaches shape the life of Europeans just before and after retirement. The paper first describes the SHARE data. In order to demonstrate its value, it then presents highlights from the three main research areas covered by SHARE, namely economics, sociology, and health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-12 13:39:04','2013-10-31 14:44:52','','Waiting'),(1030,'Inequalities in health by social class dimensions in European countries of different political traditions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objective To compare inequalities in self-perceived health in the population older than 50 years, in 2004, using Wright\'s social class dimensions, in nine European countries grouped in three political traditions (Social democracy, Christian democracy and Late democracies).\n\nMethods Cross-sectional design, including data of the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (Sweden, Denmark, Austria, France, Germany, The Netherlands, Spain, Italy and Greece). The population aged from 50 to 74 years was included. Absolute and relative social class dimension inequalities in poor self-reported health and long-term illness were determined for each sex and political tradition. Relative inequalities were assessed by fitting Poisson regression models with robust variance estimators.\n\nResults Absolute and relative health inequalities by social class dimensions are found in the three political traditions, but these differences are more marked in Late democracies and mainly among women. For example the prevalence ratio of poor self-perceived health comparing poorly educated women with highly educated women, was 1.75 (95% CI: 1.39–2.21) in Late democracies and 1.36 (95% CI: 1.21–1.52) in Social democracies. The prevalence differences were 24.2 and 13.7%, respectively.\n\nConclusion This study is one of the first to show the impact of different political traditions on social class inequalities in health. These results emphasize the need to evaluate the impact of the implementation of public policies. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 08:38:35','2013-07-15 08:38:35','','Waiting'),(1031,'Measuring the health and health behaviours of adolescents through cross-national survey research: recent developments in the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cross-national surveys have the potential to\nmake a significant contribution to the study of adolescent\nhealth. The Health Behaviour in School-aged Children\n(HBSC) study was among the first international studies\nestablished in three countries in 1983 and growing to more\nthan 40 countries for the seventh wave of fieldwork in\n2005/06. The original aim of the study has remained largely\nthe same since its inception, to increase understanding of\nadolescent health behaviours, health and well being in their\nsocial context and to collect high quality comparable data to\nachieve this. The challenges to producing valid and reliable\ndata from cross-national, school-based research were\nrecognised from the outset and reflected in the methodological\ndevelopment of the study. The paper sets out how\nthese challenges were addressed, examining key aspects of\nthe methodology, including study design, questionnaire\ncontent, data collection and file preparation. These methods\nare still in place, but HBSC has had to recognise the social\nand political change of recent years. The challenges that\nwere recognised 20 years ago are magnified today, with the\nstudy embracing a variety of cultures across Europe and\nNorth America. As demand for HBSC data has grown from\nthe scientific and policy communities, greater attention has\nbeen paid to scrutiny of the data produced, matched by a\nsharper focus on continuous improvement in data quality.\nKey developments of recent years are summarised in the\npaper, focusing on study organisation, review of the\ninternational Research Protocol, strengthening support for\nsampling, greater attention to translation and improvements\nin data processing and documentation. It is concluded that\nthe HBSC study has evolved over the last 20 years and\ncontinues to do so, recognising the importance of data\nquality, but also the constraints of cross-national survey\nresearch. Looking to the future, some outstanding issues for\nconsideration are touched upon, including the opportunities\nand challenges for expanding our knowledge on the\npossibilities for gathering cross-national and cross-cultural\ndata, with the HBSC study being used to build capacity in\nunderstanding the health needs of young people in other\nregions of the world.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 09:00:23','2013-07-15 09:00:23','','Waiting'),(1032,'Work–Life Balance and the Demand for Reduction in Working Hours: Evidence from the British Social Attitudes Survey 2002','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Work–life balance policies aimed at reducing working hours are often assumed to be of particular interest to workers with family responsibilities such as young children. Although workers in Britain report the kind of time-stress envisaged by the debate over a ‘long-hours culture’, there is little relationship between workers’ family situation and preferences for working fewer hours. Women workers’ hours already reflect family commitments to some extent, while families with young children may need the income levels that only substantial working hours bring. Conversely workers without family commitments may have more capacity to swap income or career progression for increased leisure time.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 09:43:49','2013-11-05 10:54:28','','Waiting'),(1033,'Social capital and health in European welfare regimes: a multilevel approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It has been suggested that welfare state characteristics are important for the creation of social trust and moreover that trust is related to health. However, the relationship between social capital and health has not previously been analysed from a welfare state perspective. This article therefore examines how welfare regimes, trust and self-rated health are related, primarily with multilevel logistic regressions. The findings suggest large variations in trust between European welfare regimes and a strong association between trust and health at population level. An association was also found between the post-socialist regime and individual health. This association persisted after adjustment for several confounders/mediators but turned non-significant after adjustment for contextual trust. This suggests that social trust might account for the association. The results further indicate that contexts with low trust, such as the post-socialist context, are somewhat more detrimental for the health of distrustful individuals. In overall terms, these findings suggest that contextual social trust could explain health differences between European welfare regimes. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 09:49:00','2013-11-05 11:21:07','','Waiting'),(1034,'Inaccurate, Exceptional, One-Sided or Irrelevant? The Debate about the Alleged Decline of Social Capital and Civic Engagement in Western Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An abstract for this item is not available.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 09:56:23','2013-07-15 09:56:23','','Waiting'),(1035,'The marginal utility of income ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In normative public economics it is crucial to know how fast the marginal utility of income declines as income increases. One needs this parameter for cost-benefit analysis, for optimal taxation and for the (Atkinson) measurement of inequality. We estimate this parameter using four large cross-sectional surveys of subjective happiness and two panel surveys. Altogether, the data cover over 50 countries and time periods between 1972 and 2005. In each of the six very different surveys, using a number of assumptions, we are able to estimate the elasticity of marginal utility with respect to income. We obtain very similar results from each survey. The highest (absolute) value is 1.34 and the lowest is 1.19, with a combined estimate of 1.26. The results are also very similar for subgroups in the population. Thus, on the basis of our estimates, the marginal utility of income declines somewhat faster than in proportion to the rise in income.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 10:06:51','2013-11-05 11:53:06','','Waiting'),(1036,'Ageism in Europe - Findings from the European Social Survey ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With more people needing our services than ever before, Age Concern and Help the Aged have joined forces, combining almost 120 years of experience. Together, we are Age UK. The Age UK family includes Age Scotland, Age Cymru and Age NI and, additionally, many local Age Concerns are changing their name to Age UK. We are the new voice for millions of people in later life. We believe that by combining our time and our talents, our services and our solutions, and with your help, we can do more to enrich the lives of many, both at home and abroad. By joining forces, we will ensure that more of our funds go where they are needed. We are now one of the most powerful and influential organisations in the UK.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 10:27:35','2013-11-05 12:06:03','','Waiting'),(1037,'Cross-country variation in sleep disturbance among working and older age groups: an analysis based on the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Sleep disturbance is a common complaint in the general population. There is, however, little cross-national comparative evidence on the prevalence of sleep disturbance and its association with age.\n\nMethods: Cross-sectional data from the third wave of the European Social Survey were used to compare both the prevalence of sleep disturbances and its relationship to age among 27,103 respondents over the age of 40 years from 23 European countries. The outcome measures for the study were based on the proportion of respondents reporting restless sleep over the past week and percentage change in the reporting of restless sleep between the 41–65 age group and the 66 and over age group.\n\nResult: The prevalence rate of sleep disturbance varied between and within age groups, as well as between the 23 European countries. Depressive symptoms (OR = 4.14), anxiety (OR = 2.80), and general health (OR = 1.52) were the strongest correlates of sleep disturbance among both the 41–65 age group and the over 66 age group. The highest positive correlation with change in restless sleep reports occurred with respect to health deterioration. Satisfaction with living standards showed the strongest negative association with change in restless sleep reports.\n\nConclusion: There is considerable variation in reports of sleep disturbance across different European countries. Being in an older age group appears to be associated with worsening sleep, though not always. Different patterns of sleep disturbance seem to indicate the considerable variability of the aging experience across Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 10:42:41','2013-11-07 13:26:28','','Waiting'),(1038,'Social Trust and Attitudes Toward Democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In spite of the great importance attached by social capital theory to the role of social trust in maintaining stable and effective democracy, research has produced rather weak and mixed support for the idea that the socially trusting individuals tend to be politically trusting, and the weight of evidence suggests either a weak or insignificant relationship between social and political trust. The present work, however, reports robust and statistically significant correlations between generalized social trust, on the one hand, and confidence in political institutions and satisfaction with democracy, on the other. The associations are significant in 23 European countries and in the United States. This article argues that its findings are more accurate and more reliable than much of the previous work because they are based on better and more sensitive measures. The results pose a dilemma for future survey work, while reopening possibilities for social capital research. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 10:58:28','2013-11-07 13:43:44','','Waiting'),(1039,'When Does Diversity Erode Trust? Neighborhood Diversity, Interpersonal Trust and the Mediating Effect of Social Interactions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article contributes to the debate about the effects of ethnic diversity on social cohesion, particularly generalized trust. The analysis relies on data from both the ‘Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy’ (CID) survey in the US and the ‘Equality, Security and Community Survey’ (ESCS) in Canada. Our analysis, one of the first controlled cross-national comparisons of small-unit contextual variation, confirms recent findings on the negative effect of neighborhood diversity on white majorities across the two countries. Our most important finding, however, is that not everyone is equally sensitive to context. Individuals who regularly talk with their neighbors are less influenced by the racial and ethnic character of their surroundings than people who lack such social interaction. This finding challenges claims about the negative effects of diversity on trust – at least, it suggests that the negative effects so prevalent in existing research can be mediated by social ties.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 11:09:52','2013-11-07 14:03:48','','Waiting'),(1040,'Occupation-Education Mismatch of Immigrant Workers in Europe: Context and Policies.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses occupational matching of immigrants from over seventy countries of origin to 22 European countries. Using European Social Survey for the years 2002-2009, we show that immigrants are more likely to be both under- and overeducated than the native born for the jobs that they perform. However, immigrants’ outcomes converge to those of the native born with the years of labor market experience. The mismatch is due to immigrants’ selection and sorting across countries. Notably, origin countries’ quality of human capital, by affecting selection, mostly matters for undereducation of immigrants. Overeducation is determined to a greater extent by destination country economic conditions and labor market institutions. Immigrant-specific policies in destination countries, such as those improving labor market access, positively affect overall matching; however, other policies, such as those improving eligibility or aimed at antidiscrimination may aggravate overeducation by attracting a wider range of educated immigrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maleksynska@gmail.com','2013-07-15 11:21:08','2013-11-07 14:28:02','','Waiting'),(1041,'The Determinants of Religiosity among Immigrants and the Native Born in Europe.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines differences in religious behaviors of the native born and immigrants in European countries, measured by self-reported religiosity, frequency of praying, and frequency of church attendance. Using the European Social Survey, we first show that, on average, the religiosity of immigrants is greater than that of the native born and is greater than that of the stayers in the European origins, even among those who report they have no religious affiliation. Hypotheses are tested that can explain these observations. Differences in individual characteristics, such as age, education, income, marital status, and notably religious denominations, partly account for the overall differences. Religiosity of migrants declines with duration in the destination, approaching the levels of both the native born in destination countries and of the stayers in European origin countries. Both origin and destination country characteristics affect religiosity, such as economic development, religious pluralism, religious freedom, and societal attitudes towards religion, suggesting that both economic and culture persistence and adaptation take place.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maleksynska@gmail.com','2013-07-15 11:24:31','2013-11-07 14:58:57','','Waiting'),(1042,'The Effect of Internet Use on Political Participation : An Analysis of Survey Results for 16-Year-Olds in Belgium','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Conflicting claims have been put forward regarding the effects of Internet use on real-life political participation. Some argue that Internet use, and the accompanying political resources, stimulates political participation; others fear that intensive Internet use is associated with a withdrawal from public life. This article’s authors test both claims on a representative sample of 6,330 16-year-olds in Belgium. They investigate young people’s behavior, assuming that young people are the most avid information and communication technologies users and the most susceptible to the influence of various socialization experiences. The authors introduce a distinction between time spent on the Internet (time-replacement hypothesis) and various activities performed online. Results show time on the Internet does not have an effect on the propensity to participate in public life. Although some online activities are clearly and significantly associated with offline political participation, it remains to be investigated whether this relation is a form of causality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 12:59:52','2013-11-07 15:04:38','','Waiting'),(1043,'Northern European retired residents in nine southern European areas: characteristics, motivations and adjustment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During the last two decades, northern European retirement residence in the\nsouthern European sunbelt has grown strongly and its forms have rapidly changed,\nbut standard demographic and social statistical sources provide no information\nabout the flows, the migrants or their increasingly mobile and complex residential\npatterns. Considerable primary research has however recently been undertaken\ninto the causes, conditions, experiences and consequences of international retirement\nmigration (IRM) by investigators from Germany, Spain, Switzerland and\nthe United Kingdom. Many collaborated when designing their studies and instruments,\nand all have subsequently worked together in a European Science Foundation\nScientific Network. This paper compares the findings of six systematic social\nsurveys in (to be more precise than the title) eight regions of southern Europe\nand the Canary Islands : all have tackled similar research questions with similar\nmethods and instruments. It presents interpretations of several comparative tables\ncompiled from their original data, with a focus on the socio-economic backgrounds,\nmotivations and behaviour of the various migrant groups and their\nrelationship with the host and home countries. The paper presents new findings\nabout the typical and variant forms of IRM, and additional understanding of the\nheterogeneity of the retirees of different nations and in the several regions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 14:01:15','2013-11-11 09:43:47','','Waiting'),(1044,'The Rise of Anti-foreigner Sentiment in European Societies, 1988-2000','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study examines change over time in sentiments toward out-group populations in European societies. For\nthis purpose data were compiled from four waves of the Eurobarometer surveys for 12 countries that provided\ndetailed and comparable information on attitudes toward foreigners between 1988 and 2000. A series of\nmultilevel hierarchical linear models were estimated to examine change in the effects of individual- and\ncountry-level sources of threat on anti-foreigner sentiment. The analysis shows a substantial rise in antiforeigner\nsentiment between 1988 and 2000 in all 12 countries. The rise in anti-foreigner sentiment was steep\nin the early period (between 1988 and 1994), then leveled off after that. Although anti-foreigner sentiment\ntends to be more pronounced in places with a large proportion of foreign populations and where economic\nconditions are less prosperous, the effects of both factors on anti-foreigner sentiment have not changed over\ntime. The analysis also shows that anti-foreigner sentiment is more pronounced in places with greater support\nfor right-wing extreme parties. The impact of individual-level socioeconomic characteristics such as education\nhas remained stable over the years, but the effect of political ideology has increased. The',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 14:11:27','2013-11-11 09:45:41','','Waiting'),(1045,'Non-adherence to medication and doctor–patient relationship: Evidence from a European survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objective: Studies on the determinants of non-adherence to medication have put emphasis in understanding the role of the doctor–patient relationship in individuals’ decision to follow recommendations. Yet, evidence on general perceptions that individuals hold about doctors and their impact on their decision to non-adhere is lacking. This paper aims to explore the issue using data from the European Social Survey (ESS).\n\nMethods: The ESS was conducted in 2004/2005 and included 45,700 participants from 24 countries in Europe. A Heckman probit model with sample selection was used for the analysis.\n\nResults: The results show that perceptions about doctors constitute the model that better explains non-adherence to prescribed medication.\n\nConclusion and practice implications: Our findings confirm that general beliefs individuals have about the doctor–patient relationship impact significantly on their decision to non-adhere to prescribed medication. Key points were shown to be involvement in the decision making process, treating patients as equals and avoiding leaving unresolved issues when prescribing.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 14:24:44','2013-11-11 09:53:29','','Waiting'),(1046,'Social productivity and well-being of older people: baseline results from the SHARE study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social and productive activities have been\nassociated with more favorable well-being and health\noutcomes in older populations. There is limited consensus\non what aspects account for the observed effect and\nwhat pathways may underlie their associations. Using\ndata from the 2004 ‘Survey of Health Aging and\nRetirement in Europe’ (SHARE), based on some 22,000\nparticipants aged 50 and older from ten European\ncountries, this study explores types and quality of productive\nactivities (voluntary work, care for a person,\ninformal help) and its association with two indicators of\nwell-being (depressive symptoms, quality of life). Quality\nof social productivity is analyzed in the frame of a\nsociological model based on the notion of exchange\nreciprocity. Results of multivariate linear regression\nanalysis, adjusted for important confounders, confirm an\nassociation of productive activity with well-being.\nHowever, this association varies according to experienced\nquality of exchange: Experienced reciprocity between\nefforts spent and rewards received is associated\nwith positive well-being (with the exception of caring),\nwhile non-reciprocal exchange (high effort and low\nreward) is associated with negative well-being in all\nactivities. Findings underline the need to improve quality\nof exchange in socially productive activities as a means of\nmotivating older people to participate in societal life.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 14:33:09','2013-11-11 09:59:01','','Waiting'),(1047,'Social inequalities in facing old-age dependency: a bi-generational perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Population ageing implies the ageing of family and kinship networks. Because the absolute number of the frail elderly is set to increase, notwithstanding the increase in life expectancy in good health, a top-heavy intergenerational chain is likely both to put stress on the middle generation, and result in the older and younger generations competing for their support. Thus, issues of the redistribution of financial and time resources become relevant in the middle and younger generations when frailty emerges in the older generation. This article adopts a bi-generational perspective in order to examine not only whether social inequality affects resources available to the dependent elderly, but also whether and how a frail elderly person’s demands impact differently on children’s resources and life chances across gender and social classes, as well as what the impact of specific patterns of public care provision (other than healthcare) is on these inequalities. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 14:44:21','2013-11-11 10:01:15','','Waiting'),(1048,'Income Inequality and Demand for Redistribution: A Multilevel Analysis of European Public Opinion','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article employs multilevel modeling to assess the importance of income inequality on the demand for redistribution in a sample of 22 European countries. According to standard political economy models of redistribution – notably the Meltzer-Richard model – inequality and demand for redistribution should be positively linked. However, existing empirical research has disputed this claim. The main advantages of this article is that demand for redistribution is measured at the individual level, and that the relevant interaction between inequality and own income is considered. The main findings are that inequality is positively associated with demand for redistribution, and that the median income person is sensitive to the level of inequality. These findings are robust to the inclusion of a range of relevant control variables. The results are relevant in relation to the increase in inequalities in many European countries, and especially relevant to the current debate about the importance of directly observable differences in public preferences for social policy outcomes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 14:55:31','2013-11-11 10:08:52','','Waiting'),(1049,'Ethnic Residential Segregation, Social Contacts, and Anti-Minority Attitudes in European Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ethnic residential segregation has long been viewed as a major structural mechanism through which ethnic and racial minorities are denied equal access to opportunities, rewards, and amenities. Residential segregation also decreases opportunities for establishment and development of social ties and contacts between members of ethnic minorities and members of the majority population. This article examines the complex inter-relations between ethnic residential segregation, inter-ethnic social contacts and attitudes toward minorities within the context of European societies. It specifically examines the following hypotheses: first, ethnic residential segregation (i.e. residence in homogeneous all-European neighbourhoods) restricts opportunities for establishment and development of inter-ethnic social contacts; second, positive inter-ethnic contacts are likely to reduce anti-minority attitudes (i.e. perception of threat and social distance); and third, contact mediates the relations between the ethnic composition of neighbourhood of residence and anti-minority attitudes. Using data from the 2003 European Social Survey for 21 European countries a series of multi-level regression models are estimated to examine the hypotheses within a cross-national comparative framework. Although the findings generally support the theoretical expectations, they also underscore the complex ways in which patterns of ethnic residential segregation affect attitudes toward minority populations through inter-ethnic contacts. Explanations for the findings are offered and discussed in light of the theoretical expectations presented at the outset of this article. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-15 14:59:49','2013-11-11 10:13:29','','Waiting'),(1050,'Legitimacy, Trust and Compliance: An Empirical Test of Procedural Justice Theory using the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter presents findings from a large-scale empirical test of procedural justice theory, which we (and colleagues) designed using the fifth European Social Survey. The chapter first of all locates concerns about institutional legitimacy within a broader framework of ‘compliance theories’. It then sets out its definitional stall in an attempt to clarify what is meant by the ‘slippery’ concept of legitimacy and how the term is used in different contexts. Then, in testing various hypotheses on procedural justice, we employ a tripartite definition of empirical (i.e. perceived) legitimacy. We define empirical legitimacy as the recognition and justification of the right to exercise power and influence, with influence mostly of the normative (rather than instrumental) variety, and importantly our tripartite notions of consent, moral alignment and legality accord with some well-established social psychological mechanisms of identification and internalisation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 08:58:58','2013-11-11 10:23:32','','Waiting'),(1051,'Social age deadlines for the childbearing of women and men','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\n\nBACKGROUND This study examines whether social age deadlines exist for childbearing in women and men, how they vary across countries, whether they are lower than actual biological deadlines and whether they are associated with childbearing at later ages and the availability of assisted reproduction techniques (ARTs).\n\nMETHODS This study is based on the European Social Survey, Round 3 (2006–2007), which covers 25 countries. Data were gathered on social age deadlines for childbearing in women (21 909 cases) and men (21 239 cases) from samples of representative community-dwelling populations aged 15 and older.\n\nRESULTS Social age deadlines for childbearing were perceived more frequently for women than men. These deadlines are often lower than actual biological limits, and for women and men alike: 57.2% of respondents perceived a maternal social age deadline =40 years of age; 46.2% of the respondents perceived a paternal social age deadline =45 years of age. There is also considerable variability in deadlines across countries, as well as within them. At the country level, the presence of social age deadlines for the childbearing of women was negatively associated with birth rates at advanced ages and the prevalence of ART, and later deadlines were positively associated with these factors.\n\nCONCLUSIONS It is important to understand the factors that increase and limit late fertility. While biological factors condition fertility, so do social expectations. These findings provide widespread evidence across Europe that social limits exist alongside biological ones, though both sets of factors are more binding for women.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 09:53:43','2013-08-29 15:07:24','','Waiting'),(1052,'Origins of Social Capital: Socialization and Institutionalization Approaches Compared','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How is social capital generated and sustained? In Putnam\'s micro-oriented socialization perspective, the main source is face-to-face interaction between members of voluntary organizations. This has so far met little empirical support. Consequently, macro-oriented scholars have concluded that organizations are unimportant to social capital formation. We argue that voluntary organizations do play a pivotal role, not as socialization agents, but as institutions within which social capital is embedded. Using European Social Survey data, we analyse the antecedents of social capital both at the individual and regional level. We find that members are more trusting than non-members, but active members are no more trusting than passive members. Furthermore, regional effects are much stronger than individual effects. Regions with high social capital are characterized by broad participation patterns and visible, politically active organizations. Based on these findings, we put forward an alternative institutional account of how organizations create and sustain social capital. Strong and visible voluntary organizations demonstrate the utility and rationality of collective action and provide individuals with a democratic infrastructure, which can be activated when needed. We support this by showing that a positive perception of the democratic value of organizations is strongly related to trust, while personal, time-intensive involvement has no explanatory power.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 10:00:14','2013-11-11 10:32:02','','Waiting'),(1053,'Personal value orientations in the European Social Survey','Persönliche Wertorientierungen im European Social Survey',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey (ESS) 2002 contains the Schwartz Value Scale, one of the most influential instruments to date. This is a first application of this scale in a representative multi-national comparative survey. It is now possible to compare the ESS data with those of earlier, non-representative studies. This paper replicates as closely and detailed as possible Schwartz\' analytical approach to test the assumption of universality as claimed by Schwartz. In technical terms, the universal validity should show up as a specific pattern of value items in a theoretically defined circle of different value sectors. Our analysis could not support the universality assumption.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 10:10:47','2013-11-11 10:42:28','','Waiting'),(1054,'A social democratic model of civil society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, we argue that the characterization of the Norwegian model of organized civil society as social democratic is misleading. The conflict and collectivist-oriented movements which made a lasting imprint on the sector, predate social democracy. Their contribution include the introduction of a hierarchical local-national organizational structure, which perhaps more than anything else unites the Nordic countries but is not discussed in any of the regime theories. Second, in the heyday of social democracy, it was not \'expressive\' organizations that expanded, but organizations within the welfare field. Finally, in the current period, social democracy has lost its hegemony. The sector is increasingly characterized by individualist and consensus-oriented organizations. This current growth in \'expressive\' organizations cannot reasonably be seen as product of social democracy, but rather of globalization and neo-liberal ideas.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 10:32:05','2013-11-11 10:57:09','','Waiting'),(1055,'Reassessing the Fear of Crime','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A large body of empirical research exploring emotional responses to crime in\nEurope, North America and elsewhere suggests that substantial proportions of\nthe public worry about victimization. The British Crime Survey (BCS) has asked\nquestions exploring English and Welsh respondents’ worry about crime since\n1982, and in the 2003–4 sweep of the BCS new questions were inserted into a\nsubsection to explore the frequency and intensity of such fearful events. As well\nas illustrating the rationale of the new measurement strategy, this research note\nreports the results of the new questions in direct relation to the ‘old’ methods.\nThe findings show that few people experience specific events of worry on a\nfrequent basis and that ‘old’-style questions magnify the everyday experience of\nfear. We propose that ‘worry about crime’ is often best seen as a diffuse anxiety\nabout risk rather than any pattern of everyday concerns over personal safety.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 10:50:24','2013-11-11 11:01:04','','Waiting'),(1056,'Politics in the Supermarket: Political Consumerism as a Form of Political Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Both anecdotal and case-study evidence have long suggested that consumer behavior such as the buying or boycotting of products and services for political and ethical reasons can take on political significance. Despite recent claims that such behavior has become more widespread in recent years, political consumerism has not been studied systematically in survey research on political participation. Through the use of a pilot survey conducted among 1015 Canadian, Belgian, and Swedish students, we ascertain whether political consumerism is a sufficiently consistent behavioral pattern to be measured and studied meaningfully. The data from this pilot survey allow us to build a “political consumerism index” incorporating attitudinal, behavioral, and frequency measurements. Our analysis of this cross-national student sample suggests that political consumerism is primarily a tool of those who are distrustful of political institutions. However, political consumers have more trust in other citizens, and they are disproportionately involved in checkbook organizations. They also tend to score highly on measures of political efficacy and post-materialism. We strongly suggest including measurements of political consumerism together with other emerging forms of activism in future population surveys on political participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 11:27:31','2013-11-11 11:07:20','','Waiting'),(1057,'Comparative Analyses of Public Attitudes Toward Immigrants and Immigration Using Multinational Survey Data: A Review of Theories and Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article critically reviews the intersectional locus of public opinion scholarship and immigration studies that make use of data from multinational survey projects. Specifically, it emphasizes current cross-national research seeking to understand the causes, manifestations, and implications of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration in economically advanced countries of the world. Despite rapid expansion, the field suffers from several methodological challenges and theoretical constraints. A succinct exposure of trends and patterns is followed by presentations of influential theoretical perspectives and established individual- and contextual-level determinants. The review suggests that strengthening the conceptual apparatus and enlarging the analytical focus are priorities. It concludes with some observations on how to circumvent these problems and to bridge current research with future explorations of the embedded nature of such public attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 12:55:37','2013-11-11 12:37:56','','Waiting'),(1058,'Income Aspirations, Television and Happiness: Evidence from the World Values Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates the role of television in producing higher material aspirations, by enhancing both adaptation and positional effects. Using a large sample of individuals from the World Values Survey, we find that the effect of income on both life and financial satisfaction is significantly smaller for heavy television viewers than for occasional viewers. This finding is robust to a number of specification checks and alternative interpretations. The results suggest an additional explanation for the income-happiness paradox: the pervasive and increasing role of television viewing in contemporary society, by raising material aspirations, contributes to offset the effect of higher income on individual happiness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 13:35:49','2013-11-11 12:45:29','','Waiting'),(1060,'  Developing European indicators of trust in justice','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A social indicators approach to trust in justice recognizes that the police and criminal courts need public support and institutional legitimacy if they are to operate effectively and fairly. In order to generate public cooperation and compliance, these institutions must demonstrate to citizens that they are trustworthy and that they possess the authority to govern. In this paper we first outline the conceptual roadmap for a current comparative analysis of trust in justice. We then describe the methodological development process of a 45-item module in Round 5 of the European Social Survey, which fields the core survey indicators. After presenting the findings from a quantitative pilot of the indicators, we consider the policy implications of a procedural justice model of criminal justice. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 13:52:27','2013-11-11 13:50:34','','Waiting'),(1061,'Public morality versus personal choice: the failure of social attitude surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'No abstract available',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 14:04:04','2013-11-11 14:06:04','','Waiting'),(1062,'Survey Questionnaire Translation and Assessment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Survey translation is too often seen as a rather simple affair, not calling for great expenditure of time, expertise, or other resources. In this chapter we aim to demonstrate the relevance of survey translation quality to data quality. It illustrates that translating and assessing questionnaires is a complex undertaking that calls for proven procedures and protocols and cross-disciplinary, crosscultural expertise. Procedures for testing and assessment that are standard requirements for monolingual survey instruments are, surprisingly, not required for translated questionnaires. We address this oversight by first discussing examples of linguistic and cultural challenges faced when trying to produce translations that maintain equivalence of measurement across languages. The outline of practices and procedures that follows highlights other issues (e.g., whether to translate, consequences of “close” translation practices, and dealing with multiple languages). In the following sections we describe translation, assessment, pretesting, and documentation procedures and discuss language harmonization procedures.\n\nQuestionnaires are usually translated to interview populations that cannot be interviewed in the language(s) already available. In translation jargon, we speak of translating out of a source language into a target language. Consequently, questionnaires that serve as the text for translation are called here source questionnaires. Questionnaires are translated in three main contexts: for cross-national survey projects, for within-country research in countries with several official languages, and for projects in which it is necessary to include populations that do not speak the majority language of a given country. The need for translations in all three contexts is growing. At the same time, no commonly accepted set of standards and procedures has been established in the survey research community either for translating questionnaires or for assessing the quality of translations produced. The view advanced here is that quality assurance for translated questionnaires calls for both statistical analysis of questionnaire performance and textual analysis of translation quality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 14:40:09','2013-11-11 14:14:10','','Waiting'),(1063,'Is Immigration Good or Bad for the Economy? Analysis of Attitudinal Responses','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper, we study attitudinal responses of host country residents towards further immigration that are triggered by economic considerations. We develop an economic model motivating the empirical work that takes a broader view on these issues than previous papers. We provide empirical analysis that is based on data more specific and better suited to pick up the many channels of economic interest through which benefits and costs of immigration may be felt. Results support previous literature in establishing strong associations between individual characteristics and a wide range of responses to questions relating to perceived impact of immigrants on economic outcomes. Our analysis points towards harmful effects of immigration on the economy being felt through immigration being a fiscal burden rather than having adverse effects on the labour market.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 15:10:49','2013-07-16 15:10:49','','Waiting'),(1064,'Revisiting convergence and divergence: support for older people in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent commentators have distinguished ‘weak’ from ‘strong’ family societies, arguing that older people in less family-oriented societies receive less support from family members than those in countries with strong family ties (e.g. Southern Europe). This study explored the north-south divide in various dimensions associated with support for older people among selected European countries participating in a European Scientific Foundation network, ‘Family Support for Older People: Determinants and Consequences’ (FAMSUP). Employing data from a wide variety of sources (e.g. nationally representative surveys, censuses, and official publications) we used principal components and cluster analysis to investigate patterns across countries in four dimensions designed to be indicative of the balance between family and formally provided resources for older people and the socio-economic, demographic and policy contexts in which these are provided. Rather than a clear-cut north-south division European countries reflect a more complex classification in terms of support for older individuals when a wide range of measures associated with different dimensions of support for older people are used. Future research requires comparable cross-national data on key indicators of family support.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-16 15:16:10','2013-11-11 14:48:55','','Waiting'),(1065,'WHERE YOU STAND DEPENDS UPON WHERE YOUR GRANDPARENTS SAT- THE INHERITABILITY OF GENERALIZED TRUST','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Generalized trust is a stable value that is transmitted from\nparents to children. Do its roots go back further in time? Using a person’s\nethnic heritage (where their grandparents came from) and the proportion\nof people of different ethnic backgrounds in a state, I ask whether your\nown ethnic background matters more than whom you live among. People\nwhose grandparents came to the United States from countries that have\nhigh levels of trust (Nordics, and the British) tend to have higher levels of\ngeneralized trust (using the General Social Survey from 1972 to 1996).\nPeople living in states with high German or British populations (but\nnot Nordic populations) are also more trusting (using state-level census\ndata). Italians, Latinos, and African Americans tend to have lower levels\nof trust, but it is not clear that country of origin can account for these\nnegative results. Overall, there are effects for both culture (where your\ngrandparents came from) and experience (which groups you live among),\nbut the impact of ethnic heritage seems stronger.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Denne artikelen nevner bare ESS i en fotnote. SKal den da legges inn?','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 10:06:06','2013-11-11 15:07:29','','Waiting'),(1066,'Socio-economic position and quality of life among older people in 10 European countries : results of the SHARE study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines associations between quality of life and multiple indicators\nof socio-economic position among people aged 50 or more years in 10 European\ncountries, and analyses whether the relative importance of the socio-economic\nmeasures vary by age. The data are from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in\nEurope (SHARE) in 2004. 15,080 cases were analysed. Quality of life was measured\nby a short version of the CASP-19 questionnaire, which represents quality of life\nas comprising four conceptual domains of individual needs that are particularly\nrelevant in later life : control (C), autonomy (A), self-realisation (S) and pleasure\n(P). The short version has 12 items (three for each domain). Five indicators\nof socio-economic position were used: income, education, home ownership,\nnet worth, and car ownership. A multiple logistic regression showed that quality\nof life was associated with socio-economic position, but that the associations\nvaried by country. Relatively small socio-economic differences in quality of life\nwere observed for Switzerland, but comparatively large differences in Germany.\nEducation, income, net worth, and car ownership consistently related to quality\nof life, but the association of home ownership was less consistent. There was\nno indication that the socio-economic differences in quality of life diminished\nafter retirement (i.e. from 65+ years). Conventional measures of socio-economic\nposition (education and income), as well as alternative indicators (car ownership\nand household net worth), usefully identified the differential risks of poor\nquality of',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Nevner ESS, men har ikke gjort undersøkelser med ESS. ','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 10:17:48','2013-11-11 15:08:53','','Waiting'),(1067,'Immigration, Europe and the ‘new’ cultural dimension','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Kriesi et al. announced the birth of a new cleavage in contemporary Western Europe, one dividing the winners and losers of globalisation. Their studies in 2006 and 2008 contain analyses of party positions in six countries, based on the contents of editorial sections of newspapers. This article challenges the main conclusion of Kriesi et al. by demonstrating - on the basis of two expert surveys - that party positions are mainly structured by one dimension. The structure detected by Kriesi et al. in their analysis of parties is not found, except concerning voter positions. A consequence of this article\'s findings is that large groups of citizens are not represented by any parties, in particular those who are left-wing on socio-economic issues and right-wing on cultural issues. The article in its conclusion discusses possible causes for the differences between these findings and those of Kriesi et al., and the implications of these findings for democratic representation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 10:25:17','2013-11-11 15:15:42','','Waiting'),(1068,'Growing ethnic diversity and social trust in European societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article investigates the relationship between ethnic diversity and social trust at both the national and local level. As we are particularly concerned with how the rise of new ethnic groups affects trust, the investigation takes place within a European context in which ethnic diversity today is primarily related to immigration from non-western countries. The data originate primarily from the World Value Study (WVS) and the first and second round of the European Social Survey. In contrast to some studies, but consistent with others, we find no general relationships between ethnic diversity, measured in terms of the size of non-western immigrants, and trust either at the country or local level after having checked for other possible sources of influence. There are, furthermore, no indications of trust being influenced by the rise of new ethnic groups or a multiethnic society. All told, ethnic diversity measured in terms of the size of non-western immigrants does not appear to be associated with lower levels of trust in Europe. It may be true in some areas and some countries, but it is not a general phenomenon and problem.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 10:38:11','2013-11-11 15:46:15','','Waiting'),(1069,'Educational health inequalities in former Yugoslavia: evidence from the South-East European Social Survey Project','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An important gap in our knowledge of social inequalities in health is the former Yugoslavia, a region of culturally and historically diverse countries, with recent conflict. The aim of the present paper is to investigate relative and absolute inequalities in self-assessed health in former Yugoslavia (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Slovenia and Serbia) by sex and education. Methods: The data source is the South-East European Social Survey Project fielded in December 2003 to Winter 2004, covering the former Yugoslavia with a total sample of 18 481 respondents. Data from Slovenia were obtained from the 2004-wave of the European Social Survey. The health outcome variables were self-reported general health (SRH) and limiting longstanding illness (LLI).\n\nResults: Both absolute and relative educational health inequalities were present throughout the former Yugoslavia to a larger or lesser extent, although odds ratios (ORs) for LLI and SRH were not significant for Montenegrin women [LLI OR = 1.12, 95% confidence interval (CI): 0.92–1.37; SRH OR= 1.16, 95% CI: 0.96–1.40] and with respect to the reporting of LLI among Slovenian men (OR = 1.16, 95% CI: 0.96–1.44). Overall, Montenegro held the best position. \n\nConclusions: The prevalence of poor health and the degree of relative inequality in self-assessed health in the former Yugoslavian countries were similar in order to one another, and to other East European countries during the same period. Influences on subjective health require further elucidation. Further research should study a wider range of health outcomes using larger survey samples and a wider range of cultural and other predictor variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 11:19:39','2013-11-11 16:15:00','','Waiting'),(1070,'The contact description form in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'No abstract available',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 11:31:25','2013-11-12 11:10:56','','Waiting'),(1071,'Family Ties and Political Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We establish an inverse relationship between family ties and political participation, such that the more individuals rely on the family as a provider of services, insurance, and transfer of resources, the lower is one\'s civic engagement and political participation. We also show that strong family ties appear to be a substitute for generalized trust, rather than a complement to it. These three constructs—civic engagement, political participation, and trust—are part of what is known as social capital; therefore, in this paper, we contribute to the investigation of the origin and evolution of social capital. We establish these results using within-country evidence and looking at the behavior of immigrants from various countries in 32 different destination places.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 12:58:49','2013-11-12 11:18:19','','Waiting'),(1072,'Procedural Justice, Trust, and Institutional Legitimacy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper summarizes ‘procedural justice’ approaches to policing, contrasting these to the more politically dominant discourse about policing as crime control. It argues that public trust in policing is needed partly because this may result in public cooperation with justice, but more importantly because public trust in justice builds institutional legitimacy and thus public compliance with the law and commitment to the rule of law. Some recent survey findings are presented in support of this perspective.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 13:08:07','2013-11-12 11:30:21','','Waiting'),(1073,'Monitoring quality in work: European Employment Strategy indicators and beyond','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Within the framework of the European Employment Strategy, the European\nUnion has defined a set of indicators to monitor employment quality – the socalled\nLaeken indicators. This article discusses and implements these indicators.\nFrom a theoretical perspective, it shows that the concept of work quality encompasses\nseveral dimensions, which are likely to be related to national institutions, particularly\nindustrial relations and welfare systems. It then proceeds with a comparative\nanalysis of quality in work across the 27 Member States, which confirms the existence\nof several models in Europe and suggests that the Laeken indicators should be supplemented\nby additional measures.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 13:26:45','2013-11-12 11:41:03','','Waiting'),(1074,'Ambition and Jealousy: Income Interactions in the ‘Old’ Europe versus the ‘New’ Europe and the United States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using individual-level data from a large number of countries, this paper examines how self-reported subjective well-being depends on own income and reference income, where reference income is defined as the income of one\'s professional peers. It uncovers a divide between ‘old’—low-mobility—European countries on the one hand, and ‘new’ European post-Transition countries and the United States on the other. The relative importance of comparisons (‘jealousy’) versus information (‘ambition’) seems to depend on the degree of mobility and uncertainty in the considered countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Det ligger \"A working paper\" utgave av denne artikelen fra 2005 i databasen. Her er den ferdige artikelen. ','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 13:37:41','2013-11-12 11:47:13','','Waiting'),(1075,'Hypertension and happiness across nations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In surveys of well-being, countries such as Denmark and the Netherlands emerge as particularly happy while nations like Germany and Italy report lower levels of happiness. But are these kinds of findings credible? This paper provides some evidence that the answer is yes. Using data on 16 countries, it shows that happier nations report systematically lower levels of hypertension. As well as potentially validating the differences in measured happiness across nations, this suggests that blood-pressure readings might be valuable as part of a national well-being index. A new ranking of European nations’ GHQ-N6 mental health scores is also given.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 14:12:59','2013-11-12 11:59:09','','Waiting'),(1076,'Relative Income, Happiness, and Utility: An Explanation for the Easterlin Paradox and OtherPuzzles','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The well-known Easterlin paradox points out that average happiness has remained constant over time despite sharp rises in GNP per head. At the same time, a micro literature has typically found positive correlations between individual income and individual measures of subjective well-being. This paper suggests that these two find ings are consistent with the presence of relative income terms in the utility function. Income may be evaluated relative to others (social comparison) or to oneself in the past (habituation). We review the evidence on relative income from the subjective well-being literature. We also discuss the relation (or not) between happiness and utility, and discuss some nonhappiness research (behavioral, experimental, neu rological) related to income comparisons. We last consider how relative income in the utility function can affect economic models of behavior in the domains of con sumption, investment, economic growth, savings, taxation, labor supply, wages, and migration. Every pitifulest whipster that walks within a skin has had his head filled with the notion that he is, shall be, or by all human and divine laws ought to be, \"happy.\" Thomas Carlyle ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 14:22:08','2013-11-12 12:05:06','','Waiting'),(1077,'Citizenship Norms and the Expansion of Political Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A growing chorus of scholars laments the apparent decline of political participation in America, and the\nnegative implications of this trend for American democracy. This article questions this position – arguing\nthat previous studies misdiagnosed the sources of political change and the consequences of changing\nnorms of citizenship for Americans’ political engagement. Citizenship norms are shifting from a pattern\nof duty-based citizenship to engaged citizenship. Using data from the 2005 ‘Citizenship, Involvement,\nDemocracy’ survey of the Center for Democracy and Civil Society (CDACS) I describe these two faces\nof citizenship, and trace their impact on political participation. Rather than the erosion of participation,\nthis norm shift is altering and expanding the patterns of political participation in America.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 14:45:18','2013-11-12 12:10:20','','Waiting'),(1078,'Is Marriage More Than Cohabitation? Well-Being Differences in 30 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study aims to assess, first, whether there is a gap in well-being between unmarried cohabitants and the married, second, if selection factors can explain this so-called cohabitation gap, and third, if the size of the cohabitation gap differs across countries and how this can be explained. We use pooled data from young adults (18–44) in 3 rounds of the European Social Survey (N ˜ 31, 500). Multilevel regression analyses show that there is a moderate cohabitation gap that can be partly explained with the selection factors material resources and religiosity. Country differences were clear and could partly be explained with the level of institutionalization: In countries where cohabitation is more accepted and more prevalent, the cohabitation gap is smaller.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 15:07:01','2013-11-12 12:26:22','','Waiting'),(1079,'Using proxy measures and other correlates of survey outcomes to adjust for non-response: examples from multiple surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Non-response weighting is a commonly used method to adjust for bias due to unit non-response in surveys. Theory and simulations show that, to reduce bias effectively without increasing variance, a covariate that is used for non-response weighting adjustment needs to be highly associated with both the response indicator and the survey outcome variable. In practice, these requirements pose a challenge that is often overlooked, because those covariates are often not observed or may not exist. Surveys have recently begun to collect supplementary data, such as interviewer observations and other proxy measures of key survey outcome variables. To the extent that these auxiliary variables are highly correlated with the actual outcomes, these variables are promising candidates for non-response adjustment. In the present study, we examine traditional covariates and new auxiliary variables for the National Survey of FamilyGrowth, the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey, the American National Election Survey, the European Social Surveys and the University of Michigan Transportation Research Institute survey. We provide empirical estimates of the association between proxy measures and response to the survey request as well as the actual survey outcome variables.We also compare unweighted and weighted estimates under various non-response models.Our results frommultiple surveys with multiple recruitment protocols from multiple organizations on multiple topics show the difficulty of finding suitable covariates for non-response adjustment and the need to improve the quality of auxiliary data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 15:40:34','2013-11-12 12:52:49','','Waiting'),(1080,'Individual-Level Determinants of Social Capital in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates the effect that various individual-level determinants\nhave on social capital, this in order to find out whether there are differences\nbetween transition and non-transition countries in Europe. The novelty lies in more\ncomprehensive sets of both the determinants and the dimensions of social capital\ncovered. Data from the World Values Survey of 31 European countries (including\n16 transition countries) are analysed. Based on estimates of the measurement and\nstructural model of all countries individually, the countries are clustered within\nthree groups to facilitate comparison of transition and non-transition countries. In\ncontrast to previous results, the findings of this study provide support for the\nargument that the sources of social capital are remarkably different between transition\nand non-transition countries. Moreover, the results indicate that subgroups\nhave to be distinguished within both of these country groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Inneholder en refferanse til noen som har analysert ESS data. ','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-17 15:56:09','2013-11-12 13:03:28','','Waiting'),(1081,'Links: Public Employment, Unions and Welfare','Nexos: Empleo público, sindicatos y bienestar',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The relationship between public employment, unions and Welfare has shown its historic contribution to social cohesion and to correct the imbalances created by the labor market. The Ghent System shows that it is possible another alternative model of capitalism to neoliberal paradigm. But the demonization of public employment and trade unions in certain sectors, and the erosion of the welfare state, brings up the old problems of uncertainty, instability and governability. The links between public employment, welfare and unions have provided social cohesion and stability from postwar Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','antonio.martin@uab.es','2013-07-17 16:50:44','2013-11-12 13:15:00','','Waiting'),(1082,'Labor Market Effects of Field of Study in Comparative Perspective An Analysis of 22 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article seeks to provide one of the first systematic comparative analyses of labor market consequences associated with fields of study. Using data of 22 countries from the European Labor Force Surveys (2004 and 2005), we analyze how field of study affects unemployment and occupational status for university-educated graduates. Our core hypothesis is that relative differences between fields should increase with educational expansion at the university level. Results of multilevel two-step regressions generally confirm our expectations. The more students graduate from universities, the greater the differences in labor market chances of university graduates from different fields. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 09:32:41','2013-11-12 13:56:44','','Waiting'),(1083,'Perception of Corruption and the Erosion of Social Capital in Croatia 1995-2003','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper analyses the changes at the level of social capital (SC) in Croatia during the period of 1995 to 2003. Starting from theoretical and empirical argu-\nments which link SC with economic growth, social development and political sta-\nbility, the author uses data from two research projects carried out on representa-\ntive national samples (World Values Survey – Croatia 1995 and South East Euro-\npean Social Survey, 2003), in order to establish and discuss changes at the SC level. The conducted analyses show a decrease in social capital, which cannot be solely attributed to the situational effect present during the 1995 survey. The\npaper analyses the suitability of the standard macro approach to measuring SC in\nthe transitional context, but also points out the influence of perception of the extent of corruption on the negative dynamics of SC.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 09:56:27','2013-11-12 13:58:17','','Waiting'),(1084,'Life Satisfaction and Relative Income: Perceptions and Evidence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using a unique dataset we study both the actual and self-perceived relationship between subjective well-being and income comparisons against a wide range of potential comparison groups, enabling us to investigate a broader range of questions than in previous studies. In questions inserted into a 2008 module of the German-Socio Economic Panel Study we ask subjects to report (a) how their income compares to various groups, such a co-workers, friends, and neighbours, and (b) how important these income comparisons are to them. We find substantial gender differences, with income comparisons being much better predictors of subjective well-being in men than in women. Generic (same-gender) comparisons are the most important, followed by within profession comparisons. Once generic and within-profession comparisons are controlled for, income relative to neighbours has a negative coefficient, implying that living in a high-income neighbourhood increases happiness. The perceived importance of income comparisons is found to be uncorrelated with its actual relationship to subjective well-being, suggesting that people are unconscious of its real impact. Subjects who judge comparisons to be important are, however, significantly less happy than subjects who see income comparisons as unimportant. Finally, the marginal effect of relative income on subjective well-being does not depend on whether a subject is below or above the reference group income. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 10:13:35','2015-06-08 10:47:00','','Waiting'),(1085,'Ethnic diversity in neighborhoods and individual trust of immigrants and natives: A replication of Putnam (2007) in a West-European country.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Putnam (2007) claims that in the short run ethnic diversity tends to reduce\nsolidarity and social capital: in ethnically diverse neighborhoods, residents of all\nethnicities tend to ‘hunker down’. Trust (even in one’s own ethnic group) is lower,\naltruism and community cooperation is more rare, friends fewer. This study replicates\nPutnam’s analysis for a West-European country. Furthermore, by including the\nethnicity of the respondent’s neighbors, a sub-neighborhood level measure of ethnic\ndiversity is added to the analyses. With data from the Netherlands (N=5,757), using\nmulti-level regression, we confirm Putnam’s claim and find that both for immigrants\nand native residents 1) neighborhoods’ ethnic diversity reduces individual trust in\nneighborhoods; 2) those with neighbors of a different ethnicity have less trust in\nneighborhoods and neighbors 3) a substantial part of the effect of neighborhoods’\nethnic diversity on individual trust can be explained by the higher propensity of having\nneighbors of a different ethnicity. We conclude that ethnic diversity can have a\nnegative effect on individual trust. However, we do not find these negative effects of\nneighborhoods’ or neighbors ethnic diversity on inter-ethnic trust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 10:23:53','2013-11-12 14:07:58','','Waiting'),(1086,'AN EVALUATION OF THE MEASUREMENT OF NATIONAL, SUBNATIONAL AND SUPRANATIONAL IDENTITY IN CROSSNATIONAL SURVEYS','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The concept of identity has long been central to the study of nationalism and of problems\nof national self-determination. Interest in the concept has been reinforced in recent years\nby the recrudescence of conflict around these issues. Interest has also been stimulated by\nthe potential impact of national identity on responses to globalization and by the role that\nsuper-arching identities are assumed to play in processes of inter-state economic and\npolitical integration. The study of these issues has produced a substantial body of theory\nlinking various manifestations of identity to disintegrative or integrative tendencies at the\nsubnational, national, and international or supranational level.1 Despite the obvious practical\nand theoretical relevance of the concept of identity, crossnational, empirical\nresearch on the nature, extent, and impact of subnational, national, and supranational\nidentities in mass populations is rare.2 This gap is doubly odd, since, over a period of\n20–30 years, all of the major, repeated crossnational surveys of ‘values’ and of social and\npolitical attitudes have asked questions about identity at least at the national level and in\nmost instances at various subnational and supranational levels as well.3 Given the availability\nof these data and their potential relevance, one must wonder whether the relative\npaucity of research is due to weaknesses in the ways in which national and other levels of\nidentity have been operationalized in the surveys in question. Could it even be that\nconcepts such as identity are impossible to capture in mass survey research? Such a radically\nagnostic conclusion has in fact been advanced by one of the foremost scholars in the\nfield of national identity and nationalism. Writing specifically about European identity,\nAnthony Smith argued that in ‘few areas is the attitude questionnaire of such doubtful\nutility as in the domain of cultural values and meanings’ (Smith, 1992, p. 57). This paper tackles the issue of measurement by undertaking a comparative evaluation of the measures\nof identity that have been deployed in the major, repeated comparative surveys of social\nand political attitudes since the early 1980s',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 10:35:50','2013-11-12 14:15:06','','Waiting'),(1087,'Explaining relationships between ethnic diversity and informal social capital across European countries and regions: Tests of constrict, conflict and contact theory','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study we focus on the relationship between ethnic diversity and informal social capital. As this refers to rather strong social ties in the intimate domain, it is a strict test of Putnam’s claim that ethnic diversity would decrease social capital. In order to explain these relationships, we derived mediating mechanisms from conflict and contact theory. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002/2003), we applied multilevel analyses considering three levels: individuals, regions and countries. Our results revealed a direct positive effect of ethnic diversity at the country level on informal helping, yet no indirect effect via the mediating variables. At the regional level, we only found an indirect effect of ethnic diversity. Here, ethnic diversity increases the likelihood of intergroup contact that in turn is positively related to both informal social meeting and helping. Perceived ethnic threat turned out to have a negative effect on informal social meeting.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 10:44:18','2013-11-12 14:21:04','','Waiting'),(1088,'Work–Life Balance in Europe: A Response to the Baby Bust or Reward for the Baby Boomers?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The academic analysis of work–life balance (WLB) has too often followed the public policy debate without sufficient reflection on its origins, the accuracy of the assumptions it tends to make, or the analytical adequacy of the concepts it uses. This paper suggests that what are usually assumed to be the causes of the debate (longer hours and greater stress at work, along with the collapse of the male breadwinner division of parenting and employment responsibilities within couples) are nothing of the sort. Rather the debate\'s origins lie in states’ concerns about demographic trends, especially low and falling fertility, which they fear threatens the future of the labour supply and viable dependency ratios between those in work and those dependent upon them. The WLB debate can thus be seen as part of a specifically liberal discourse about ‘population ageing’ that seeks to legitimate the rolling back of a welfare state by arguing that current levels of support cannot be sustained in a globalising world. This analysis reveals two new features of WLB policies. First, most are quite contradictory. What makes them popular (such as enabling the ‘baby boomer’ generation to withdraw from work on favourable terms) also makes them unlikely to address their goal of specifically supporting parenting and avoiding a ‘baby bust’. Conversely effective support for parenting may require far more fundamental change than most WLB policies envisage. Second, demographic change has heightened the importance of the inter-generational transfer of resources between those now retired from employment, those currently in it, and those yet to enter it. This reveals a key feature of WLB policies to be how far these transfers are socialised or left to the family.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 11:21:59','2013-11-12 14:35:07','','Waiting'),(1089,'Synthetic Indicators of Quality of Life in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For more than three decades now, sociologists, politicians and economists have used a wide range of statistical and econometric techniques to analyse and measure the quality of life of individuals with the aim of obtaining useful instruments for social, political and economic decision making. The aim of this paper is to analyse the advantages and disadvantages of three possible methodologies for obtaining synthetic indicators for the area of welfare and quality of life. These methodologies are Principal Components Analysis, Data Envelopment Analysis and Measure of Distance P2. Furthermore this paper analyses quality of life in the European Union (EU), as a methodological exercise to demonstrate the principles of calculation, implications and differences between the three indicator-construction approaches. This analysis is particularly useful in a scene like the EU, immersed in a deep transformation process and with profound cultural, economic and social inequalities. Therefore, an analysis of the quality of life and well-being of its inhabitants can play a major role in ironing out such differences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 11:26:42','2013-11-12 14:41:25','','Waiting'),(1090,'Sports Clubs, Social Capital and Social Regeneration: ‘ill-defined interventions with hard to follow outcomes’?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent political and policy concerns with social inclusion, civic renewal and ‘joined up’\ngovernment have placed debates about social capital at the centre of a number of areas of\nsocial policy. In this context increasing demands are being made of sport to contribute to\nthis broader social regeneration agenda. This essay explores the nature of sport’s presumed\ncontribution, in particular the contribution of sports clubs to the development of types of\ncapital, especially social capital. It concludes that it is not clear what contribution sports\nclubs can play in this agenda, that the new policy agenda carries dangers of undermining\nthe nature and strengths of the voluntary sector in sport and that more research is required\nto explore the processes of social capital formation in sports clubs.\nThe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 12:31:17','2013-11-12 14:44:02','','Waiting'),(1091,'	 A second-order medium? The Internet as a source of electoral information in 25 European countries ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\n\nThere is growing interest worldwide concerning new communication technologies and the electoral process. Studies of online elections have yielded a sizeable body of knowledge on the strategies of electoral actors in an increasing range of countries. Although in the US data are routinely gathered regarding citizens\' use of the Internet as a source of electoral information, limited cross-sectional evidence originates from the EU. None of this is comparative. Using data from Flash EuroBarometer 161, this article examines European citizens\' use of the Internet for electoral information regarding the 2004 European Parliament election. Specifically, it discusses use of the Internet for political information in relation to location, technological development, traditional media, individual social position, political attitudes and voting turnout in 25 countries. At micro, individual level, a model is built that controls for traditional predictors of electoral media consumption, such as age, gender, education, political interest, and electoral connectedness and activity. At the macro, country level, the article explores the import of the electoral system and rules, compulsory voting, GDP per capita, levels of electoral engagement of traditional mediators (governments, parties, press) and voting turnout on the use of the Internet for electoral information. Overall, the article introduces original evidence and analysis of the role of the Internet in European elections, and contributes to the debate on the media and elections in a comparative perspective.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 12:44:40','2013-11-12 14:49:55','','Waiting'),(1092,'Partisanship and Party System Institutionalization','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Party identification, the psychological bond between citizens and a political party, is one of the central variables in understanding political behavior. This article argues that such party ties are also a measure of party system institutionalization from the standpoint of the public. We apply Converse’s model of partisan learning to 36 nations surveyed as part of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. We find that electoral experience and parental socialization are strong sources of partisanship, but the third-wave democracies also display evidence of latent socialization carried over from the old regime. The results suggest that party identities can develop in new democracies if the party system creates the conditions to develop these bonds. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 13:24:34','2013-11-12 15:07:54','','Waiting'),(1093,'Variations in relative health inequalities: are they a mathematical artefact?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Substantial research has documented variations in the magnitude of relative socioeconomic differences in health across European countries, and within countries, across different age groups. The aim of this paper is to examine to what extent these variations are determined by differences in the overall rate or prevalence of a health outcome across countries and age-groups in the total population.\nMethods: Three surveys (European Social Survey, and two different population census-mortality registry linked longitudinal data) were used. We plotted rates of mortality and prevalence of poor self-rated health against ratios of mortality and morbidity prevalence associated with educational level. We calculated Pearson coefficients to examine the magnitude of correlations.\nResults: We found a significant negative correlation between total mortality rates and associated rate ratios of mortality by education in the SEDHA study (r = -0.40, p = 0.04), but not in the HUNT study (r = -0.37, p = 0.06). There was a weaker but significant negative correlation between the prevalence of poor health and associated prevalence ratios by education in the European social survey (r = -0.22, p = 0.00). Correlations increased as underlying prevalence and rates increased, while they were weaker or null at low prevalence or rates.\nConclusion: We found some evidence that the magnitude of relative inequalities in mortality and morbidity is negatively correlated with underlying morbidity prevalence and mortality rates. Although correlations are moderate, underlying morbidity prevalence and mortality rates should be taken into account in the interpretation of variations in relative health inequalities among populations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 14:08:00','2013-11-12 15:17:27','','Waiting'),(1094,'Declining memberships, changing members? European political party members in a new era','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In recent years, membership in established political parties has been shrinking, but at the same time members of some parties have received increased powers to help select candidates, leaders and party policies. These twin trends make it important to re-examine who is joining today’s smaller parties. As parties shrink, do they attract a changed mixture of members, possibly with different political priorities? Using data from two sets of European surveys, our study investigates this question to study longitudinal change in party membership. The data show a growing gap between the age of party members and the general population. In most other respects, however, party members seem to be becoming more, not less, like their fellow citizens. This suggests that today’s smaller but more powerful memberships still have the potential to help link their parties to a wider electoral base. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 14:20:37','2013-11-12 15:24:06','','Waiting'),(1095,'British National Identity and Attitudes towards Immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores the distinction between ethnic and civic conceptions of the nation in Britain and the implications for xenophobia and multiculturalism. There is broad consensus on the importance of civic aspects of the nation, such as respecting political institutions, whereas there is dissent on the importance of ethnic aspects such as the role of ancestry. We therefore distinguish three groups: those who believe that both ethnic and civic aspects are important to be truly British, those who believe that civic but not ethnic aspects are important, and a third group of the disengaged who feel that neither is important. People in the first “ethnic-cum-civic” group want to reduce the number of immigrants, remove illegal immigrants, are more likely to report that they are racially prejudiced, and are less enthusiastic about anti-discrimination laws. People in the “civic only” group tend to be more favourable towards multiculturalism. As previous research has shown, people who regard ethnic aspects of national identity as important tend to be rather older than members of our “civic only” group, whereas the “neither civic nor ethnic” group tends to be the youngest. From our data it is not possible to say whether these age differences reflect life cycle or generational factors. Our best guess is that the disengagement of the young may be more a result of their early stage in the life cycle, whereas the emphasis on ancestry of older people may be more a consequence of generational differences, reflecting the climate when they grew up. If this interpretation is correct, then we might expect to see Britain gradually shifting further towards a “civic only” conception of identity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 14:42:42','2013-11-12 15:32:15','','Waiting'),(1096,'Changing Mass Priorities: The Link between Modernization and Democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A revised version of modernization theory implies that certain cultural variables (deeply-instilled attitudes among the public of asociety) play an important role in democratization—and considerable empirical evidence supports this claim. Nevertheless, these variables are rarely used in econometric analysis of democratization. Why? One important reason is a tendency to view subjective mass orientations as volatile, relatively “soft” data. Analyzing data from many Large-N comparative survey projects, this article demonstrates that: (1) certain mass attitudes that are linked with modernization constitute attributes of given societies that are fully as stable as standard social indicators; (2) when treated as national-level variables, these attitudes seem to have predictive power comparable to that of widely-used social indicators in explaining important societal-level variables such as democracy; (3) nationallevel mean scores are a legitimate social indicator; and (4) one gets maximum analytic leverage by analyzing data from the full range of societies. We find numerous strong correlations between these subjective indicators and important societal attributes such as democracy, which suggest that causal linkages exist—but we do not attempt to demonstrate them here. Previous research has tested some of these linkages, finding support for causal interpretations, but conclusive tests of all the linkages shown here would require several book-length treatments. We briefly review some of the evidence supporting the conclusion that modernization leads to enduring mass attitudinal changes that are conducive to democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-18 15:10:36','2013-11-12 15:43:41','','Waiting'),(1097,'Uncovering Societal and Individual Determinants of Power- and Achievement-Values. An Application of Multilevel Confirmatory Factor Analysis with Covariates','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the area of comparative value research some studies deal with societal factors like socioeconomic development influencing values (e.g. Inglehart). Other analyses focus on individual factors like social stratification (e.g. Kohn & Schooler). However, it lacks research taking into account societal- and individual-factors within a multilevel framework. This paper applies multilevel confirmatory factor analysis with covariates (Muthén & Muthén 2010) to explain differences in the priority of power- and achievement-values at both levels. Some advantages using this kind of analysis for comparative research are demonstrated, e.g. testing cross-country- and cross-level invariances.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dennis.koethemann@uni-osnabrueck.de','2013-07-22 11:52:49','2013-11-12 15:54:02','','Waiting'),(1098,'Solidarity towards immigrants in European welfare states','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The concern that immigration could threaten the sustainability of the European Social Model is a reason to have a closer look at popular images of immigrants in the context of European welfare states. The focus is on Europeans’ informal solidarity towards immigrants relative to other vulnerable groups in society. Using data from the European Values Survey 1999/2000 we find that in all European countries the public is least solidaristic towards migrants, in comparison with elderly people, sick and disabled people and unemployed people. Contrary to expectation, there is little relation between welfare state characteristics and people\'s solidarity, while the relative solidarity towards immigrants is higher in culturally more diverse countries. As expected, the relative solidarity towards immigrants is lower in countries with a more negative opinion climate towards immigrants and in poorer countries of Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 09:07:58','2013-11-12 15:55:46','','Waiting'),(1099,'Acculturation in European Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Immigration and ethnic minority issues pose major social, political and intellectual challenges to contemporary Europe. European states and societies are coping with very unevenly spread, rapidly diversifying and most often increasing incoming migration streams. New arrivals include asylum seekers, refugees, sojourners and documented or undocumented immigrants from all parts of the world. In addition, growing numbers of European transmigrants, students and highly qualified professionals, the so-called \'free movers\', are living and working outside their countries of origin within the European Union (Favell, 2003). At the same time, national destinations of South-North and East-West migration streams have spread from the economically most developed North-West to the South and Centre of the European continent (European Commission, 2003). Meanwhile, the children of post-1965 immigrant workers in the North-West of Europe are coming of age (Haug, 2002). The ways in which they are able to negotiate multiple identities and cultures, are crucial for the success of immigrant incorporation in European societies (Crul & Vermeulen, 2003).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 09:19:54','2013-11-12 16:00:53','','Waiting'),(1100,'Attitudes to Social Justice','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter shows that most people support the principles of social justice, but have reservations when it comes to paying more tax, particularly if it is intended primarily to help the poor. Views are complex, and support for greater fairness, a social minimum and more equal opportunities appears to be much stronger in relation to some groups than others. The extent of need is relevant – those with children are more likely to be supported – but, at the same time, groups which are seen to be contributing to society in some way, rather than just being passive recipients of welfare are also likely to be favoured. In other words, there are indications in the data that, while most people support the four principles outlined above, in practice they may add a fifth, a principle of reciprocity or entitlement through social contribution. The analysis is based mainly on the annual British Social Attitudes (BSA) survey; the leading survey of public attitudes in the UK. We reinforced this data with some findings from recent qualitative work carried out by Alan Hedges and Peter Dwyer, which uses focus groups to explore ideas about tax, the role of government in welfare and the circumstances under which different groups merit help. We also draw on the European Social Survey (ESS), which allows us to compare public opinion in the UK to that across Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 09:37:15','2013-11-12 16:10:02','','Waiting'),(1101,'Cross-national Comparability of Survey Attitude Measures','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Many international surveys include batteries of questions which are combined to form scales by secondary analysts who often treat these scales as unproblematic. However, to be able to make valid cross-national comparisons of values on scales such as these, we need to be sure that the variations genuinely reflect differences in populations rather than being due to various forms of error. In order to illustrate the kinds of problems that can occur, and to explore ways of dealing with them, we examine items from the 2003 ISSP module on national identity. We show that differences between countries in response rates and other features of survey design are associated with the substantive outcomes and that ignoring these methodological problems will affect the validity of cross-national comparisons. We also examine whether the items can be assumed to have equivalence of meaning across the different countries in terms of their contributions to measuring two dimensions of national identity: civic and ethnic. We conclude that certain items do not seem to have the same meaning in all countries, thus jeopardizing the validity of cross-national comparisons using these scales. We suggest that the methods used and the lessons to be learnt can be applied to other items and cross-national datasets. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 10:04:41','2013-11-12 16:13:02','','Waiting'),(1102,'Does Formal Education Have an Impact on Active Citizenship Behaviour?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the European context Active Citizenship has been promoted within the education and training Lisbon Strategy as a tool to support the continuation of democracy, human rights and greater social inclusion. In this article the authors analyse the impact of education on Active Citizenship and contribute to the existing debates relating to education levels and participation. The results of their analysis uniformly suggest that there is a significant democratic return associated with formal education. Indeed, using a large sample of individuals from the 2006/2007 European Social Survey, it was found that education is positively and significantly correlated with Active Citizenship behaviour. Tertiary education has by far the biggest impact and this impact is the strongest for the domain of Protest. The findings are robust to the introduction of a large set of control variables and to alternative measures of educational attainment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 10:20:56','2013-11-12 16:18:29','','Waiting'),(1103,'What Makes People Support Public Responsibility for Welfare Provision: Self-interest or Political Ideology? A Longitudinal Approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates which socio-economic and ideological factors make individuals support the normative principles of the welfare state. Two principal theoretical perspectives, relating to self-interest and the political ideology, respectively, have been proposed in the literature as causal explanations. However, as most studies utilize solely cross-sectional data, causal interpretations of which factors make people express support for the welfare state have so far been hard to sustain. This article, using panel data from the Canadian ‘Equality, Security, and Community’ survey and an extended random-effect model, exploits the longitudinal nature of the data and econometric methods to provide a more accurate analysis of the extent to which self-interest and political ideology actually determine support for welfare state principles. The empirical analysis indicates that both self-interest and political ideology variables to some extent are significant predictors of support for welfare state principles. In addition, the article discusses several avenues for future research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 10:33:30','2013-11-12 16:22:34','','Waiting'),(1104,'Conceptual and methodological suggestions for improving cross-national measures of civil society: Commentary on Heinrich','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Volkhart Finn Heinrich has provided an important contribution to the comparative study\nof civil society, both by writing his conceptually lucid article and by developing the very\npromising Civil Society Index (CSI) for Civicus. In the article, he makes a strong methodological\ncase for more transparent, cumulative, and multi-faceted measurements of\ncomparative civil society than have been created to date. I strongly endorse this aim,\nand I share his hope—and conviction—that civil society is not a dying concept.\nNonetheless, with the goal of contributing to a fruitful exchange that may lead to better\nand broader measures of civil society, I would like to raise two main points for discussion:\nthe first is conceptual, while the second is methodological.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 10:40:21','2013-11-12 16:24:00','','Waiting'),(1105,'Volunteer work, informal help, and care among the 50+ in Europe: Further evidence for ‘linked’ productive activities at older ages','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Taking a cross-national perspective, we investigate linkages between volunteer work,\ninformal help, and care among Europeans aged 50 or older. Based on 27,297 personal interviews\nfrom the 2004 Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe, we estimate univariate\nand multivariate probit models, which allow us to analyze the interrelationship\nbetween those non-market productive activities. There is substantial variation in the participation\nin volunteering, helping, and caring between countries. Independent of the general\nlevel of activity in a country, we find evidence for a complementary and\ninterdependent relationship between all three activities. Our findings not only suggest\nan important role of societal opportunity structures in elders’ productive engagement,\nbut also support notions of the existence of a general motivation to be active.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 10:49:45','2013-11-12 16:25:22','','Waiting'),(1106,'Does social capital determine health? Evidence from eight transition countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is growing interest in the role of social relationships in explaining patterns of health. We contribute to this debate by investigating the impact of social capital on self-reported health for eight countries from the Commonwealth of Independent States. We rely on three indicators of social capital at the individual level (trust, participation in local organisations, social isolation) and employ alternative procedures to estimate consistently the impact of social capital on health. The three social capital indicators are choice variables and are hence, by definition, endogenously determined. We attempt to circumvent the endogeneity problems by using instrumental variable estimates. Our results show that the individual degree of trust is positively and significantly correlated with health, this being true with least squares estimators as well as when relying on instrumental variable estimators with (and without) community fixed effects. Similarly, social isolation is negatively and significantly associated with health, irrespective of the procedure of estimation. On the other hand, the effect of being a member of a Putnamesque organisation is more ambiguous and usually not significantly related to health. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 11:00:53','2013-11-12 16:26:50','','Waiting'),(1107,'Social participation, trust and self-rated health: A study among ageing people in urban, semi-urban and rural settings','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examined associations between self-rated health and combinations of social participation and trust among\nageing people in three living areas of Finland (N ¼ 2815, 66% response rate). Social participation and trust combinations\nwere: low social capital (low participation/low trust), traditionalism (low/high), ‘‘the miniaturisation of community’’ (high/\nlow) and high social capital (high/high). The highest rate of good self-rated health was found among the high social capital\ngroup, but after adjusting for background variables, statistical significance remained only in the urban area. High social\ncapital measured at an individual level may thus promote health among ageing people.\nr 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 11:14:05','2013-11-12 16:28:35','','Waiting'),(1108,'An evaluation of the weighting procedures for an online access panel survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Opinion research is frequently carried out through the Internet and a further increase can be expected. The article focuses on the online access panel, in which respondents are previously recruited through non-probability methods. Despite substantial time- and cost-reduction, online access panel research mainly has to cope with limited Internet coverage and self-selection in the recruitment phase of new panel members. The article investigates whether frequently applied weighting procedures, based on poststratification variables and propensity scores, make online access panel data more representative of the general population. To address this issue, the answers to identical questions are compared between an online self-administered survey of previously recruited online access panel respondents and a face-to-face survey of randomly sampled respondents of the general population. Both respondent groups were surveyed at a similar moment in time (2006-2007) in the same geographical region (Flanders, Belgium). The findings reveal many significant differences, regarding sociodemographic characteristics as well as attitudes towards work, politics and immigrants. The results can be explained by both the specific characteristics of the respondent groups and mode effects. Weighting adjustment had only a minor impact on the results and did not eliminate the differences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 11:26:43','2013-11-12 16:32:36','','Waiting'),(1109,'Central and Eastern Europeans Migrants’ Subjective Quality of Life. A Comparative Study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is no general agreement among scholars on the consequences of labor migration on the sending countries. Some argue that the migration would increase the quality of life of the families or communities involved, giving support for democracy and market reforms in these countries, while others share the view that the brain drain and fiscal losses would have long term effects on the sending countries’ development. This paper takes another approach, focusing on the migrant persons’ subjective quality of life. Using data issued in the first two rounds of the European Social Survey (2002/2003, 2004/2005), the Eastern European immigrants’ satisfaction with their lives as a whole and with the social and political environment is measured. They report lower satisfaction with life as a whole, but higher satisfaction with the societal conditions than the natives and other kind of immigrants. Explanation lies in the different sources of these evaluations: when evaluating their overall satisfaction, the immigrants rely on their experiences in their receiving countries, while when evaluating the societal conditions they compare these to those from the sending countries. The fact that they show higher levels of satisfaction with the societal conditions than the other immigrants also supports this hypothesis, because the former are more recent and less accommodated to the receiving society than the latter.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 12:23:04','2013-11-12 16:41:50','','Waiting'),(1110,'The Impact of the Internet on Political Activism: Evidence from Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The core issue for this study concerns less the social than the political consequences of the rise of knowledge societies; in particular, the capacity of the Internet for strengthening democratic participation and civic engagement linking citizens and government. To consider these issues, Part I summarizes debates about the impact of the Internet on the public sphere. The main influence of this development, as it is theorized in a market model, will be determined by the “supply” and “demand” for electronic information and communications about government and politics. Demand, in turn, is assumed to be heavily dependent upon the social characteristics of Internet users and their prior political orientations. Given this understanding, the study predicts that the primary impact of knowledge societies in democratic societies will be upon facilitating cause-oriented and civic forms of political activism, thereby strengthening social movements and interest groups, more than upon conventional channels of political participation exemplified by voting, parties, and election campaigning. Part II summarizes the sources of survey data and the key measures of political activism used in this study, drawing upon the 19-nation European Social Survey, 2002. Part III examines the evidence for the relationship between use of the Internet and indicators of civic engagement. The conclusion in Part IV summarizes the results and considers the broader implications for governance and democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 12:36:00','2013-11-12 16:49:24','','Waiting'),(1111,'Informed citizen and empowered citizen in health: results from an European survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\nBackground\n\nThe knowledge about the relationship between health-related activities on the Internet (i.e. informed citizens) and individuals\' control over their own experiences of health or illness (i.e. empowered citizens) is valuable but scarce. In this paper, we investigate the correlation between four ways of using the Internet for information on health or illness and citizens attitudes and behaviours toward health professionals and health systems and establish the profile of empowered eHealth citizens in Europe.\nMethods\n\nData was collected during April and May 2007 (N = 7022), through computer-assisted telephone interviews (CATI). Respondents from Denmark, Germany, Greece, Latvia, Norway, Poland and Portugal participated in the survey. The profiles were generated using logistic regressions and are based on: a) socio-demographic and health information, b) the level of use of health-related online services, c) the level of use of the Internet to get health information to decide whether to consult a health professional, prepare for a medical appointment and assess its outcome, and d) the impact of online health information on citizens\' attitudes and behavior towards health professionals and health systems.\nResults\n\nCitizens using the Internet to decide whether to consult a health professional or to get a second opinion are likely to be frequent visitors of health sites, active participants of online health forums and recurrent buyers of medicines and other health related products online, while only infrequent epatients, visiting doctors they have never met face-to-face. Participation in online health communities seems to be related with more inquisitive and autonomous patients.\nConclusions\n\nThe profiles of empowered eHealth citizens in Europe are situational and country dependent. The number of Europeans using the Internet to get health information to help them deal with a consultation is raising and having access to online health information seems to be associated with growing number of inquisitive and self-reliant patients. Doctors are increasingly likely to experience consultations with knowledgeable and empowered patients, who will challenge them in various ways.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 13:08:26','2013-11-12 16:53:09','','Waiting'),(1112,'Children’s independent mobility to school, friends and leisure activities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Increased use of the car in the everyday transport of children can lead to environmental problems, and cause increased obesity and decreased independence among children. Using a structural equation model we investigate the influence of a range of background variables on mode choice for Norwegian children’s transport to school or leisure activities. Distance to school and children’s age were the most influential variables on children’s independent mobility, measured as an index. Objective descriptors of the traffic environment only explain independent mobility via parents’ safety experience.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 13:22:01','2013-11-13 09:29:04','','Waiting'),(1113,'Radius of Trust Social Capital in Relation to Familism and Institutional Collectivism','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Countries in which people believe that “most people can be trusted” and where citizens belong to a larger number of different voluntary associations are more individualistic, emphasizing the importance of independence and freedom to choose one\'s own goals. The present study examines the relationship between social capital and individualism/collectivism using a measure that distinguishes between familism and institutional collectivism. Familism correlated negatively with social capital, whereas institutional collectivism practices exhibited positive associations with social capital, especially with trust and participation in voluntary organizations such as church or religious organizations and labor unions. It is concluded that in societies where trust is limited to the nuclear family or kinship alone, people have lower levels of social capital. Social capital increases as the radius of trust widens to encompass a larger number of people and social networks among whom norms of generalized reciprocity are operative. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 13:34:22','2013-11-13 09:31:03','','Waiting'),(1114,'Social capital and subjective well-being trends: Comparing 11 western European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Discovering whether social capital endowments in modern societies have been subjected or not to a\nprocess of gradual erosion is one of the most debated topics in recent economic literature. This new\nstream of research has been inaugurated by Putnam’s pioneering studies about social capital trends in\nthe United States. Recently, a considerable work by Stevenson and Wolfers (2008) put a new emphasis\non this topic contending Easterlin’s assessment. Present work is aimed at analyzing the relationship\nbetween changes in social capital and subjective well-being in western Europe considering 11 different\ncountries. In particular, I would like to answer questions such as: (1) is social capital in western Europe\ndeclining? Is such erosion a general trend of modern societies or is it a characteristic feature of only some\nof them? (2) social capital trend can help to explain subjective well-being trend? In so doing, my research\nconsiders four different set of proxies of social capital controlling for time and socio-demographic aspects\nin eleven different western European countries using World Values Survey (WVS) data between 1980\nand 2000.Myresults are encouraging, showing evidence of a probable relationship between social capital\nand happiness. Furthermore, my results show that during last 20 years western European citizens have\npersistently lost confidence in the judicial system, in the church, in armed forces and the police. Finally,\nconsidering single countries,wediscover that UnitedKingdomis the only country,amongthe investigated\nones, with a negative pattern for social capital: the majority of the proxies of social capital in UK declined\nover the considered period.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 13:41:06','2013-11-13 09:32:35','','Waiting'),(1115,'Social Capital and Social Class in Europe: The Role of Social Networks in Social Stratification','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social capital has become a much researched concept and there has been much theoretical speculation about unequal access to it. However, the cross-national empirical analysis of social capital in relation to social stratification and social inequality is lacking. In this article, we explore the relationship between social stratification and social capital across 27 European countries using the Eurobarometer (EB) 62.2 (N = 27,000) carried out in autumn 2004. Through the use of statistical modelling we are able to determine the extent to which individual characteristics, including occupational position and education, are associated with different measures of social capital and to set this within a cross-national context. We find that social stratification is an important element in understanding social capital both at a country and at an individual level. Upper layers of society have higher levels of social capital, especially through associational networks (formal social capital), although informal contacts were not so clearly stratified by class. Countries with high levels of inequality magnified these differences between classes, giving the upper classes further advantages. Patterns of social capital, therefore, tend to reflect or even perpetuate the stratification patterns of the society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 13:47:34','2013-11-13 09:34:03','','Waiting'),(1116,'Preferences for Redistribution','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper discusses what determines the preferences of individuals for\nredistribution. We review the theoretical literature and provide a framework\nto incorporate various effects previously studied separately in the\nliterature. We then examine empirical evidence for the US, using the General\nSocial Survey, and for a large set of countries, using the World Values\nSurvey. The paper reviews previously found results and provides several\nnew ones. We emphasize, in particular, the role of historical experiences,\ncultural factors and personal history as determinants of preferences for\nequality or tolerance for inequality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 13:54:46','2013-11-13 09:35:30','','Waiting'),(1117,'Potential for comparative public opinion research in public administration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Public administration and public services have always taken a marginal place in political scientists’ behavioural research. Public administration students, in contrast, tend to focus on political and administrative elites and institutions and have largely ignored citizens in comparative research. In this article, we make a plea for international comparative research on citizens’ attitudes towards public administration from an interdisciplinary perspective. Available international survey material is discussed and main trends in empirical practice and theoretical approaches are outlined, especially those with a potential impact on public sector reform. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-23 13:59:45','2013-11-13 09:39:16','','Waiting'),(1118,'How to Survey Education for Cross-National Comparisons: The Hoffmeyer-Zlotnik/Warner- Matrix of Education','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social surveys collect information on socio-demographic characteristics of respondents eligible for the interview. Among others, the highest attained level of education is one of the variables explaining the respondent’s social and political comportment, the interviewee’s human values and orientations, the transition from school to work, the position in the labor force and its segments, the social and economic behavior of the individual actor and structural inequalities in modern societies. Manifold strategies to operationalize the qualification and education variables during interviews can be observed in social surveys. They differ in the underlying latent concept captured, the ranking and classifying of levels into categories and clusters, the degree of classification and measurement details and finally the capabilities of comparison across time and across nations and cultures. The measurement of education for comparative research across countries is a complex task. The national systems of education and schooling are differently organized across the nations. Altogether four different types of school and training systems can be identified in Europe. In this paper we will sort the national certificates from general and vocational schools into one matrix, the newly developed Hoffmeyer-Zlotnik/Warner-matrix of education. This matrix allows us to compare the highest level of education a person has reached, as a combination of general and vocational education and useable for a person to obtain a starting position on the labor market. This article discusses those measurement instruments normally used in international comparative surveys and introduces the Hoffmeyer-Zlotnik/Warner-matrix of education, contrasting this matrix with the other established measurement instruments. To demonstrate the validity of our matrix, we show the advantages of our matrix exemplified in one case from nations out of the four types of different educational systems: Germany, Luxembourg, Denmark, and France.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 07:41:15','2013-11-13 09:45:23','','Waiting'),(1119,'The European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey (the ESS) is an academically driven social survey designed to chart and explain the interaction between Europe’s changing institutions and the attitudes, beliefs and behaviour patterns of its diverse populations. Carried out biennially, the survey consists of a core questionnaire which is conducted with every wave, and a rotating module of questions which appear less frequently. The central coordination of the first two waves of the survey have been funded by the Fifth Framework Programme of the EU, with supplementary funds from the European Science Foundation, while data collection in the participating countries has been funded by the respective Research Councils (or their equivalent) in each country. Irish data collection has been facilitated by grants from the Higher Education Authority. Twenty-two countries participated in Wave 1 of the ESS, comprising countries both from within and outside the EU (Table 1). It is expected that Wave 2 of the survey, which is expected to have completed data collection by December 2004, will cover at least 23 countries. There are two segments to the questionnaire – the core topics, to be covered in each survey, and a rotating module of subjects that will be covered with less frequency. The core questionnaire investigates attitudes on areas such as the media, political interest and engagement, religion, discrimination, and national and ethnic identity. In Wave 1, the topics covered in the rotating module concerned civic engagement and immigration issues. In Wave 2, the topics will include inter-relations between family, work and well-being, health care, and the economic morality of the market society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 07:50:21','2013-11-13 09:51:46','','Waiting'),(1120,'Preferences for place of death if faced with advanced cancer: a population survey in England, Flanders, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\nBackground Cancer end-of-life care (EoLC) policies assume people want to die at home. We aimed to examine variations in preferences for place of death cross-nationally.\n\nMethods A telephone survey of a random sample of individuals aged =16 in England, Flanders, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain. We determined where people would prefer to die if they had a serious illness such as advanced cancer, facilitating circumstances, personal values and experiences of illness, death and dying.\n\nResults Of 9344 participants, between 51% (95% CI: 48% to 54%) in Portugal and 84% (95% CI: 82% to 86%) in the Netherlands would prefer to die at home. Cross-national analysis found there to be an influence of circumstances and values but not of experiences of illness, death and dying. Four factors were associated with a preference for home death in more than one country: younger age up to 70+ (Germany, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain), increased importance of dying in the preferred place (England, Germany, Portugal, Spain), prioritizing keeping a positive attitude (Germany, Spain) and wanting to involve family in decisions if incapable (Flanders, Portugal).\n\nConclusions At least two-thirds of people prefer a home death in all but one country studied. The strong association with personal values suggests keeping home care at the heart of cancer EoLC.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 08:16:50','2013-11-13 11:50:36','','Waiting'),(1121,'Social capital and self-rated health: Results from the US 2006 social capital survey of one community','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the 2006 Social Capital Community Survey in Duluth, Minnesota, and\nSuperior, Wisconsin, USA, we investigate associations between individual social capital\nmeasures (attitudes on trust, formal group involvement, informal socializing, organized\ngroup interaction, social support and volunteer activity) and self-rated health after controlling\nfor individual and economic characteristics. In particular, we address issues of social\ncapital as an endogenous determinant of self-reported health using instrumental variables\nprobit estimation. After accounting for the endogeneity of these various measures of\nindividual social capital, we find that individual social capital is a significant predictor of\nself-rated health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 08:33:25','2013-11-13 11:52:59','','Waiting'),(1122,'Micro Data at the Ifo Institute for Economic Research – The “Ifo Business Survey”, Usage and Access','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Ifo Institute for Economic Research has been conducting regular business surveyssince its foundation in 1949. The most well-known of Ifo’s surveys is the Ifo BusinessSurvey (ifo Konjunkturtest). The micro data of the Ifo Business Survey are accessible toexternal researchers on-site at Ifo as part of the Ifo DataPool, Ifo’s research data centre.This article gives an introduction of the survey questions and data coverage, an overviewof past and present research with the Ifo Business Survey, and describes the dataaccess procedure. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 08:52:46','2013-11-13 11:56:26','','Waiting'),(1123,'Risk, Cooperation and the Economic Origins of Social Trust: an Empirical Investigation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Extensive research has documented the importance of social trust for economic development, yet the origins of trust remain largely unexplored. This paper examines the historical relationship between risk, cooperation and the emergence of social trust. I hypothesize that norms of trust developed in preindustrial times as a result of experiences of collective action and mutual insurance triggered by the need for subsistence farmers to cope with climatic risk. These norms persisted over time, even after climate had become largely unimportant for economic activity. I test this hypothesis in the context of Europe combining high-resolution climate data for the period 1500-2000 with contemporary survey data at the sub-national level. I find that regions characterized by higher year-to-year variability in precipitation and temperature display higher levels of trust. Consistent with a theory of insurance through geographic differentiation, I also find that trust is higher in regions with more spatially heterogeneous precipitation. Furthermore, variation in social trust is driven by weather patterns during the growing season and by historical rather than recent variability. These results are robust to the inclusion of country fixed-effects, a variety of geographical controls, and regional measures of early political and economic development.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 09:18:09','2013-11-13 12:01:08','','Waiting'),(1124,'On the Determinants of Social Capital in Greece Compared to Countries of the European Union','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social capital refers to the stock of social relations, based on norms and networks of\ncooperation and trust that spill over to the market and state to enhance collective action\nbetween actors and achieve improved social efficiency and economic growth. The aim\nof the present paper is to discuss the implications of contemporary literature and\nempirical findings on social capital for the growth prospects of Greece, compared to the\nmember-states of the European Union. In order to examine the potential of social capital\nto enhance growth, we must look into the factors that determine the nature and context\nof trust, norms and networks that have emerged in our multinational, multiethnic and\nmulticultural Europe.\nThe contribution of this paper is to offer insight on the determinants of social capital in\nGreece, compared to the European Union (EU - former 15 member-states). For this\npurpose, we regress an index of individual group membership, derived from the\nEuropean Community Household Panel (ECHP), on a set of individual as well as\naggregate factors of social capital. Regression results provide evidence of the impact of\nboth individual and institutional characteristics on group membership. Differences on\nthe extent of group membership between countries might be indicative of the historical\nand cultural differences that have affected the evolution of social capital across Europe.\nParticularly in Greece, the relatively low level of group membership compared to the\nother EU countries might provide further evidence of its low levels of civicness.\nHistorically, its weak civil society has been a result of a prior civic tradition of\nclientelism under arbitrary rule, the interference of special-interest groups and the lack\nof credibility and impartiality from the part of the state. And these factors might be\nresponsible for the slow pace in reform and growth observed compared to the rest of the\nEU. Nevertheless, the findings on the determinants of social capital may direct us to\npossible means of rebuilding patterns of participatory and cooperative behavior,\nespecially in countries with low levels of trust and civicness, such as Greece.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 09:33:59','2013-11-13 14:55:45','','Waiting'),(1125,'Social Insecurities and Fear of Crime: A Cross-National Study on the Impact of Welfare State Policies on Crime-related Anxieties','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article assesses the association between national welfare state regimes and public insecurities about crime across Europe. A multilevel analysis of respondents in 23 countries sampled in the 2004/05 European Social Survey finds a strong relationship between insecurities about crime and national levels of social expenditure and decommodification of social welfare policy. Some social protection measures are more strongly associated with national levels of fear of crime than others, especially public non-monetary support for children and families that strengthens the individual\'s capacity to cope with problems on their own. We conclude with the idea that state-level social protections may buffer the development of widespread fear of crime by increasing self-efficacy and thereby mitigating various social and economic fears. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 09:38:30','2013-11-13 15:01:26','','Waiting'),(1127,'Quality in Unimode and Mixed-Mode designs: A Multitrait-Multimethod approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'So far, most surveys used face-to-face or telephone questionnaires in order to collect data. But the costs of achieving a survey using these traditional modes increase. At the same time, the response rates decrease, making the idea of switching mode very attractive. Because each mode has its own weaknesses and strengths, the idea of mixing modes of data collection is becoming more and more popular. Nevertheless, combining different modes of data collection may be problematic if people answer differently depending on the mode. Also, a switch from a unimode to a mixed-mode design may threaten the comparability of the data across time. This paper focuses first on the selection effect and shows that different kinds of respondents answer in different modes: therefore, mixing modes might make sense since it may improve the representativeness of the sample keeping the costs low. It is still necessary however to guarantee that mixing modes would not threaten the comparability. Then, the paper therefore compares the quality of questions asked in a unimode and two mixed-mode surveys. Using data of the European Social Survey (ESS) in the Netherlands, and following a multitrait-multimethod approach (MTMM), few differences are found between the unimode and mixed-mode designs in terms of quality. Looking at the differences across modes lead to slightly less similarities, but overall the quality does not change much.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 10:14:33','2013-11-13 15:25:38','','Waiting'),(1128,'Diversity, Social Capital, and Cohesion','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We review the bourgeoning literature on ethno-racial diversity and its\nalleged effects on public trust and cohesion in the context of the evolution\nof the concept of social capital and earlier claims about itsmanifold\npositive effects. We present evidence that questions such claims and\npoints to the roots of civicness and trust in deep historical processes\nassociated with race and immigration.We examine the claims that immigration\nreduces social cohesion by drawing on the sociological classics\nto show the forms of cohesion that actually keep modern societies together.\nThis leads to a typology that shows “communitarianism” to be\njust one such form and one not required, and not necessarily ideal, for\nthe smooth operation of complex organizations and institutions. Implications\nof our conclusions for future research and immigration policy\nare discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 10:29:00','2013-11-13 15:31:04','','Waiting'),(1129,'Economic Disparities and Life Satisfaction in European Regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates the role of economic variables in predicting regional\ndisparities in reported life satisfaction of European Union (EU) citizens. European subnational\nunits (regions) are defined according to the first-level EU nomenclature of territorial\nunits. We use multilevel modeling to explicitly account for the hierarchical nature of\nour data, respondents within regions and countries, and for understanding patterns of\nvariation within and between regions. Main findings are that personal income matters more\nin poor regions than in rich regions, a pattern that still holds for regions within the same\ncountry. Being unemployed is negatively associated with life satisfaction even after controlled\nfor income variation. Living in high unemployment regions does not alleviate the\nunhappiness of being out of work. After controlling for individual characteristics and\nmodeling interactions, regional differences in life satisfaction still remain, confirming that\nregional dimension is relevant for life satisfaction.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 10:44:45','2013-11-13 15:32:56','','Waiting'),(1130,'Swedish Political Consumers: Who they are and why they use the market as an arena for politics','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper offers findings from a national representative postal survey (1,816 persons 15-85 years of age) conducted in Sweden that included several questions on political consumerism. Most of the questions were asked for the first time in the fall of 2003, thus making this survey one of the most comprehensive data sets on political consumerism in existence today. Political consumers are defined as people who state that they have boycotted products or deliberately chosen products for political, ethical, or environmental reasons in the past twelve months. The respondents were asked questions about their trust in and views on a variety of governmental institutions, civil society, and multinational corporations as well as the aspects that they consider as important when shopping for groceries and clothes/shoes. Significant findings are that Swedish political consumers are disproportionately women, highly educated, and come from wealthy households. An overwhelming number of sympathizers of the Green Party and Left Party are political consumers. The study shows that political consumers are more supportive of curbing the power of multinational corporations. They also give more consideration to other-regarding values (animal rights, the general working conditions in countries that manufacture our consumer goods, and child labor) when purchasing products. It is noteworthy that political consumers are more politically interested and active than non-political consumers. The study confirms that political consumers are concerned about risk society, and they are more critical about traditional governmental institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 10:56:27','2013-11-13 15:41:23','','Waiting'),(1131,'Access to Resources in Networks A Theoretical and Empirical Critique of Networks as a Proxy for Social Capital','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In cross-national comparative studies of people\'s social capital, there is a standard practice of measuring social capital using the size and intensity of people\'s networks. In this article, we discuss the validity of this practice, from both a theoretical and an empirical perspective. Theoretically, the practice is problematic, because it disregards that, according to original authors on the subject, social capital is about people\'s access to resources in their networks. This means that having network relationships is a necessary, but by no means sufficient, condition for possessing social capital. Empirically, using pooled data from the 2001 ISSP comparative survey, we found some positive relationships between network characteristics and people\'s potential access to resources in their networks. The relationships are weak, however, which means that the assumption that network characteristics are adequate proxies for social capital is equally weak. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 11:11:32','2013-11-13 15:44:28','','Waiting'),(1132,'Subjective Well-Being and Social Capital in Belgian Communities. The Impact of Community Characteristics on Subjective Well-Being Indicators in Belgium','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, we investigate the effect of individual and community level characteristics on subjective well-being in Belgium. Various indicators for subjective wellbeing are being used in a multilevel analysis of the 2009 SCIF survey (n = 2,080) and the 2006 Belgian ESS sample (n = 1,798). On the individual level, most hypotheses on the determinants of subjective well-being were confirmed. Living with a partner and age were shown to have strong effects, but also social capital indicators had a significant positive effect on subjective well-being. All these effects remained significant controlling for optimism. On the community level, especially unemployment rate had a negative impact on subjective well-being. The analysis further demonstrates that in homogeneous regions, community characteristics have a far weaker impact on subjective well-being indicators than in economically more heterogeneous regions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 11:21:02','2013-11-13 15:48:48','','Waiting'),(1133,'Citizenship Norms and Political Participation in America: The Good News Is ... the Bad News Is Wrong','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What does it mean to be a citizen in America today? The special nature of the American political experience is central to our ideas about nation and citizenship. From John Winthrop’s description of colonial America as the shining city on the hill to Ronald Reagan’s reiteration of this imagery during his presidency, Americans have viewed the United States as the first new nation. Tocqueville’s Democracy in America and other studies have enriched this image of American citizenship and democracy, highlighting what is special about the American public. Indeed, this tradition of citizenship, participation, and democracy is central to the political history and academic scholarship on the United States (e.g., Lipset 1963, 1997; Almond and Verba 1963).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 11:30:52','2013-11-13 15:55:27','','Waiting'),(1134,'Combining methods: a key to understanding complexity in European societies?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Large-scale European research programmes have provided an impetus for social science researchers to co-operate more closely not only across national and cultural boundaries but also across disciplines and research paradigms. Attempts to make sense of diversity have led to a blurring of the traditional methodological divide between quantitative and qualitative paradigms, opening up new perspectives and creating opportunities for synergy and complementarity. The paper draws on examples of the methods used in a cluster of European projects and networks in the field of family and welfare to illustrate the epistemological and practical problems raised when applying multi-methods approaches to research into European societies. It argues that, once these problems have been overcome, by combining methods within and across projects, researchers can expect to gain a deeper understanding of social phenomena in different national settings and develop new insights into complex issues.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 12:34:32','2013-11-13 16:00:08','','Waiting'),(1135,'Studying Values: Personal Adventure, Future Directions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article first gives a brief overview of my adventures in developing two theories of values and the methods to measure them. First came my theory of the basic values on which individuals in all cultures differ. Then, quite unexpectedly, the opportunity arose to develop a theory of cultural values on which societies differ. As the story unfolds, I tell of failures, triumphs, and challenges. Values research has expanded in the past two decades beyond my wildest early imaginings. The second section of the article presents some ideas about future directions worth pursuing in values research. It describes competing theories and controversies as well as ways to go beyond them. I hope it will stimulate further advances in this field to which I have devoted more than 20 years. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 12:45:16','2013-11-13 16:06:31','','Waiting'),(1136,'The Discourse of Social Justice within European Education Policy Developments: the example of key competences and indicator development towards assuring the continuation of democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Neo-liberal discourse is described by many critical education researchers as almost the\nonly discourse within European education policy making. However, although this discourse clearly\nexists and is powerful, the author identifies an alternative discourse within European Union policy\nmaking which incorporates narratives of social justice, solidarity and democracy, particularly citing\neducation as a vehicle for these narratives. This article highlights the place of this alternative discourse\nin the policy process of the identification of key competences and the creation of indicators by which\nthe competences can be evaluated. It uses official texts and direct experience of working in the\nEuropean Commission’s Centre for Research on Lifelong Learning (CRELL) to explain this narrative\nfurther, including the process of the development of indicators on certain key competences, such as\ncivic competence and learning to learn and the social justice dialogue that forms the basis for these\ndiscussions. The article argues that the absence from critical educational researchers’ debates of this\nnarrative leads to an oversimplified understanding of European policy processes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 13:02:50','2013-11-13 16:12:05','','Waiting'),(1137,'The measurement of social capital at international level','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper has been prepared at the invitation of the OECD and the UK Office for National Statistics (ONS) as a contribution to an International Conference on the measurement of social capital in London on 25-27 September, 2002. This conference follows from preliminary work undertaken on social capital both at OECD and in the UK Office for National Statistics1. A recent meeting of Ministers of Education in OECD endorsed continuing work in this area2. This paper is about the measurement of social capital at international level. Readers are referred to the recent OECD publication of the Centre for Educational Research and Innovation, The Well-Being of Nations: the Role of Human and Social Capital (OECD, 2001), for a more detailed consideration of the conceptual and research issues around the role of human and social capital. The Well-Being of Nations report has already raised the issue of international co-operation in the area of survey development and social capital measurement in the following terms: “Better measures of social capital are essential, and work is under way in a number of countries to develop survey instruments. One option would be for the OECD to explore the possibility of an international pooling of resources in this area – perhaps through the development of a common survey instrument, linked to the OECD’s continuing work on educational indicators.” (OECD, 2001: p71) Although there has been a rapid development in conceptual discussion of social capital in the last decade, demand for relevant empirical measures has continued to outstrip supply. Readily available indicators have been used, frequently based on single item measures such as questions on the extent to which people trust others, or questions on membership of associations or participation in voluntary or community activities. This paper presents a number of issues and options in an international context bearing in mind the desire to enhance measurement of social capital with respect to:\n1. reliability and accuracy\n2. coverage\n3. comparability and\n4. validity of measures, especially in a cross-cultural context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 13:18:17','2013-11-13 16:15:59','','Waiting'),(1138,'The Greening of the Globe? Cross-national Levels of Environmental Group Membership','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Is the environmental movement still growing in members? What explains cross-national levels of environmental mobilisation? This article addresses these questions using data from the new 1999–2002 wave of the World Values Survey. We describe the membership levels in environmental groups across nations, and then examine rival explanations for why membership is concentrated in certain nations although environmental concerns exist globally. We first find that environmental groups represent one of the most common forms of political group membership on a global scale, and membership levels are increasing. We also demonstrate that the combination of social and political conditions in advanced industrial democracies is a strong predictor of environmental group membership levels.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 13:25:52','2013-11-14 09:46:15','','Waiting'),(1139,'Immigrant Religion in the U.S. and Western Europe: Bridge or Barrier to Inclusion?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyzes why immigrant religion is viewed as a problematic area in Western Europe in contrast to the United States, where it is seen as facilitating the adaptation process. The difference, it is argued, is anchored in whether or not religion can play a major role for immigrants and the second generation as a bridge to inclusion in the new society. Three factors are critical: the religious backgrounds of immigrants in Western Europe and the United States; the religiosity of the native population; and historically rooted relations and arrangements between the state and religious groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 13:38:31','2013-11-14 09:50:49','','Waiting'),(1140,'Pressures on State Welfare in Post-industrial Societies: Is More or Less Better?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although contemporary comparative welfare state research has advanced our knowledge of how welfare states respond to exogenous and endogenous pressures, the nature and implications of these pressures themselves on post-industrial societies remains somewhat unknown. In the research literature phenomena such as globalization, Europeanization, demographics, individualization and changing labour markets are often claimed to put considerable pressure on welfare states. We analyse which of the alleged pressures are real “crises” or “challenges” to welfare states and which pressures should only be considered as “controversies”—phenomena whose impacts are nonsignificant, ambiguous, or have not been asserted. We suggest that pressures on post-industrial societies may not, as is commonly believed, be countered with retrenchment and restructuring of welfare states. In fact, some pressures seem to call for more rather than less welfare state.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 13:42:52','2013-11-14 09:52:44','','Waiting'),(1141,'Patterns of Social Capital in West German Regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social capital is often defined as consisting of trust and postmaterialist values on the one hand, and social networks on the other hand. This article examines how different governance modes such as networks, markets, and hierarchies are related to trust and postmaterialist values in 74 West German regions.A principle component analysis of 40 social capital indicators shows that trust and postmaterialist values do not solely combine with networks but also with preferences for markets and hierarchies. A cluster analysis identifies two dominant types of regional social capital in West German regions. These types are different from the well-known Italian patterns described by Robert Putnam in his seminal work. In the period 1995—2002, the annual economic growth in regions which have combined trust with preferences for strong markets and weak political networks was on average 1 percent higher than in regions with inverted preferences. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 13:48:07','2013-11-14 09:53:57','','Waiting'),(1142,'Paradata','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Paradata – data about the process of survey production – have drawn increasing attention as the statistical world moves towards the implementation of quality metrics and measures to improve quality and save costs. This paper gives examples of various uses of paradata and discusses access to paradata as well as future developments.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 13:54:57','2013-11-14 09:58:11','','Waiting'),(1143,'The Eurobarometers : Their Evolution, Obvious Merits, and Ways to Add Value to them','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Eurobarometers have been the chief research tool for empirically oriented, comparative social researchers who are interested in the micro-foundations of European politics and society. Conducted on behalf of the European Commission, the surveys serve both short-term (‘political’) and long-term (‘analytical’) purposes. As a matter of principle, the data are made publicly available and thus accessible for academic usage soon after the end of fieldwork. This short article reviews the obvious achievements of the Eurobarometers and ways to add value to them, with particular attention to the longitudinal character of the database and to its potential role in multi-level analyses involving additional data sources.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-24 13:58:00','2013-11-14 10:04:37','','Waiting'),(1144,'Housework and Gender Inequality in European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article focuses on the impact of religion and technological developments on the sharing of domestic work in European countries. Religious beliefs and practices have a significant impact on gender roles, as those who are more religious are more likely to support traditional gender work division. Some religions are more likely to encourage traditional family patterns, with the Christian Orthodox tradition having the most conservative views on gender roles, while Protestants are the most liberal. On the other hand, technological development has a direct impact on housework, by reducing the total amount of time dedicated to the domestic chores and by increasing the women\'s involvement in the formal labour market. Previous studies have provided explanations based either on relative resources theory, gender ideology or by combining them with some countries characteristics such as welfare regime or gender equality, when predicting a partner\'s contribution to chores. Using multi-level regression models, we will test the effect of country\'s level of technological development and of religious orientation on housework division in 24 European countries. The analysis reveals the importance of country\'s technological development, religious culture, and individual religious beliefs.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 09:08:17','2013-11-14 10:08:57','','Waiting'),(1145,'Social Capital and Economic Performance: A Meta-analysis of 65 Studies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper summarizes 15 years of empirical research at various spatial levels on social capital and economic performance. On the firm level, results are unambiguous: there is strong evidence of the impact of social capital on firms\' performance. However, the results become less clear for spatial units with a large number of anonymous actors. The contradictory results of studies on national and regional levels can be explained in part by insufficient measures of the main component parts of social capital: social networks and the norms and values distributed among them. To develop measures for values like creativity, entrepreneurship and tolerance, and to find better measures for social networks, are the main challenges to future research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 09:17:23','2013-11-14 10:15:56','','Waiting'),(1146,'Does Occupation Shape Attitudes on Europe? Benchmarking Validity and Parsimony','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Occupation lies behind many models of individual economic interest, and individual economic interest lies behind most rational accounts of preferences. This article investigates the causal influence of occupation for Euroscepticism. Employing data from the 2003 International Social Science Survey Program, we find that (a) identity and occupation exert independent effects, (b) estimates of the total effect of these variables vary across countries in an explicable way, (c) political framing by political parties influences whether Euroscepticism is related to occupation or identity, and (d) reliability is a serious issue in measuring occupational location.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 09:33:15','2013-11-14 10:23:40','','Waiting'),(1147,'Happiness, Habits and High Rank: Comparisons in Economic and Social Life','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The role of money in producing sustained subjective well-being seems to be seriously compromised by social comparisons and habituation. But does that necessarily mean that we would be better off doing something else instead? This paper suggests that the phenomena of comparison and habituation are actually found in a considerable variety of economic and social activities, rendering conclusions regarding well-being policy less straightforward.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 09:38:38','2015-06-08 10:47:24','','Waiting'),(1148,'Individual-level analysis of social capital and health: A comparison of Arab and Jewish Israelis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Discrepancies exist in existing research regarding the association between social capital and self-rated health, most of which has been undertaken in the developed world. The aim of this study is first to assess the levels of the various variables describing individual social capital in Jews and Arab residing in Israel, and second to assess the association between individual social capital and self-rated health in these two population groups. The data were obtained from an Israeli health interview survey (knowledge, attitudes and practices (KAP)) conducted during 2004–2005, which is based on 3365 interviews with adult Jews and 985 adult Arabs. Social capital measures included social trust, neighborhood safety, perceived helpfulness, trust in local and national authorities and social support. Data were also obtained on self-rated health and socioeconomic and demographic variables. Multivariate logistic regression revealed that Jews reported higher levels of social trust, perceived helpfulness, trust in authorities, and social support compared to Arabs, after adjusting for demographic and socioeconomic variables. Social contacts, however, were reported more frequently in the Arab population. Neighborhood safety was similar in the two population groups. Among Jews, those reporting higher levels of individual social capital reported better self-rated health after adjusting for demographic and socioeconomic variables. Among Arabs, only those reporting higher levels of social support reported better self-rated health. In Israel, individual levels of social capital seem to be lower in the Arab minority than in the Jewish majority. Individual social capital was associated with better self-rated health mainly in the Jewish population and less so in the Arab population. Social capital factors may be associated with health to a higher extent in affluent populations with relatively high social capital and less so in low social capital and more traditional communities. More research is needed to verify these differences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 09:45:04','2013-11-14 10:34:16','','Waiting'),(1149,'Party profiles on the web: an analysis of the logfiles of non-partisan interactive political internet sites in the 2003 and 2004 election campaigns in Belgium','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During recent election campaigns non-partisan party profile websites (PPWs) have become hugely popular in various countries with multiparty systems, sometimes even attracting 25 percent of all voters. On these interactive websites, PPW users respond to policy questions, and their answers are used to calculate the distance between their own preferences and party agendas, resulting in an individualized `party profile\'. PPWs can be seen as one of the few innovations in election campaigning that fully exploit the internet\'s interactive opportunities. The analysis in this article of the log files of 2003 and 2004 Belgian PPWs demonstrate that PPW users tend to be highly educated, male and young. Party and policy preferences of late PPW users (the final days before the elections) are not more crystallized than those of early PPW users (40 days before the elections). The article concludes with speculation on what this finding might reveal about campaign dynamics. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 09:49:21','2013-11-14 10:43:41','','Waiting'),(1150,'Testing the Liberal Multiculturalist Hypothesis: Normative Theories and Social Science Evidence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Abstract. For much of the 1990s, the academic literature on multiculturalism was heavily normative, dominated by political philosophers who developed idealized theories of a distinctly liberal–democratic form of multicultural citizenship. This “liberal multiculturalism hypothesis”—the notion that multiculturalism policies can be adopted without jeopardizing core liberal–democratic values—has been quite influential, shaping debates not just within the field of philosophy, but more widely in academia and indeed in public life. Many social scientists, however, question whether multiculturalism in the real world has been so benign. This paper considers the available evidence, empirically testing the liberal multiculturalism hypothesis, both in Canada and cross-nationally. What does this evidence tell us about the prospects for liberal–democratic multiculturalism and about the impact of multicultural policies on liberal–democratic values?\n\nRésumé. Au cours des années 1990, la littérature académique sur le multiculturalisme était décidément normative, dominée par des philosophes politiques qui ont développé des théories idéalisées d\'une forme de citoyenneté multiculturelle nettement libérale-démocrate. Cette «hypothèse du multiculturalisme libéral» – la notion que des politiques de multiculturalisme peuvent être adoptées sans compromettre les valeurs fondamentales de la démocratie libérale – s\'est avérée très influente, structurant les débats non seulement dans l\'enceinte de la philosophie, mais aussi dans l\'arène plus vaste du milieu académique et même dans la vie publique. Plusieurs chercheurs en sciences humaines, cependant, se demandent si le multiculturalisme dans le monde réel a été si bénin. Cet article examine la preuve disponible tout en évaluant empiriquement l\'hypothèse du multiculturalisme libéral, tant au Canada qu\'ailleurs. Que nous indique cette preuve concernant l\'avenir du multiculturalisme libéral démocratique et l\'impact des politiques multiculturelles sur les valeurs de la démocratie libérale?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 10:04:07','2013-11-14 10:45:59','','Waiting'),(1151,'Virtual world experimentation: An exploratory study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We explore the scientific potential of virtual worlds for experimental economics in terms of the subject pools and experimental platforms they present. Our results offer tentative, qualified support for virtual world experimentation. Overall, the behaviour of virtual subjects recruited, incentivised and observed within Second Life across a range of five standard experimental games was not found to differ significantly from established standard results. In addition, we identify certain methodological opportunities and challenges which confront virtual world experimenters.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 10:10:15','2013-11-14 10:52:13','','Waiting'),(1152,'Life satisfaction and air quality in London','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A growing body of research in economics concerns self-reported happiness, or life satisfaction (LS), and its relationship to a wide range of other variables. The findings of this research tend to highlight the importance of non-income aspects of individuals\' life conditions.\n\nThese findings are strongly complementary to themes within the sustainable development discourse. Firstly, they suggest ways in which we might consume less without compromising on our current levels of LS. And secondly, they help demonstrate the immediate LS benefits that could be gained from higher levels of environmental quality (EQ). However, the empirical evidence for the link between EQ and LS is, to date, somewhat weak, due in part to a lack of EQ data at a level of detail to match the individual-by-individual resolution of LS measures.\n\nThis small, exploratory study therefore seeks to assess how the use of EQ data at very high spatial resolution could advance the empirical literature examining connections between LS and EQ levels, focusing on air quality in particular. It collects original survey data for approximately 400 Londoners, and uses geographical information system (GIS) software to calculate pollutant concentrations in the immediate vicinity of their homes. It uses this data to estimate maximum likelihood regression models explaining LS ratings in terms of a range of individual, household and local variables.\n\nBoth perceived and measured air pollution levels are significantly negatively associated with the LS of the survey respondents, even when controlling for a wide range of other effects. An increase of 10 µg/m3 in annual mean nitrogen dioxide concentration appears to correspond on average to a drop of nearly half a point of LS on an 11-point rating scale.\n\nThese findings cannot yet be generalised with confidence. However, if they were confirmed by larger future studies, they would appear to strengthen and extend existing arguments in favour of policies to reduce urban air pollution, framed both in terms of conventional economic efficiency analyses, and in wider political and ethical (and potentially legal) terms.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 10:17:45','2013-11-14 10:57:23','','Waiting'),(1153,'Senior citizens and Internet technology Reasons and correlates of access versus non-access in a European comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'If offline older citizens remain offline they will become increasingly disadvantaged from a socio-ecological point of view, as the Internet’s societal pervasiveness progresses. We study reasons for non-use and the frequency, intensity, and, the socio-demographic correlates of Internet use of older citizens in Europe. Theoretical relationships on the individual and societal level are ascertained. The Eurobarometer of 2003 offers a range of variables to explore the diffusion of Internet technology among 55+ year-old people in Europe. Descriptive statistics and population average models are used to identify the correlates of Internet access. Within the population segment of older citizens, age continues to have a differentiating effect, net of marital, occupational, and educational status for Internet access. Model replications show that only a few of the net coefficients differ in size. Decisions to remain offline are mainly based on private access possibilities, motivational indifference, and deficient knowledge. Existing socioeconomic inequalities regarding Internet access crystallise within the older population, particularly in the Southern regions of Europe. A claim is made for a necessity to maintain efforts to close the digital age gap.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 10:38:58','2013-11-14 11:01:25','','Waiting'),(1155,'  Nonresponse in the Dutch Time Use Survey: Strategies for Response Enhancement and Bias Reduction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article describes attempts to enhance response rates in the Dutch Time Use Survey (DTUS). The authors examine what kind of nonresponse bias exists in the DTUS—with special concern for “busyness”—and they analyze whether enhanced response rates result in lower nonresponse bias. Results partly confirm the outcomes of earlier studies. First, time pressure does not seem to stop people from cooperating in the DTUS. Second, people who are participating actively in other domains (work, sports, volunteer work) and people who are more involved (political interest, reading newspapers) tend to cooperate more often in the survey than others. Surprisingly, the authors conclude that an increase in response rate does not necessarily lead to less selectiveness, which is a counterintuitive and worrisome finding. Additional field efforts resulted in more of the same kinds of people cooperating.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 10:52:59','2013-11-14 11:03:59','','Waiting'),(1156,'Social capital, ‘Ghent’ and workplace contexts matter: Comparing union membership in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Union density still varies considerably across Europe. This cross-national diversity has inspired multiple explanations ranging from institutional to workplace or socio-demographic factors. In this comparative multilevel analysis, we combine personal, workplace and macro-institutional explanations of union membership using the European Social Survey. By controlling for individual factors, we test the cross-national effect of meso- and macro-level variables, in particular workplace representation, establishment size, Ghent unemployment insurance and a society’s social capital. We conclude that all these institutional and social contextual factors matter in explaining differences in union membership. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 11:03:21','2013-11-14 11:07:43','','Waiting'),(1157,'The Division of Labour Among European Couples: The Effects of Life Course and Welfare Policy on Value–Practice Configurations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Even though egalitarian gender values are increasingly spreading among younger Europeans, division of labour does not always comply with this trend. Traditional theories of familial behaviour struggle to explain the resulting paradoxical simultaneity of egalitarian values and inegalitarian practices. In this article, we propose an approach based on the ideas that (i) practices are the translation of values moderated by specific social structures and (ii) incoherencies between values and practices are biographically unstable. Therefore, the biographical stage and welfare policies support or hinder couples in realizing their values in the form of specific divisions of work. On the basis of the multi-level regression analyses of data from the European Social Survey 2004, we show that while most of the European heterosexual couples live in coherent egalitarian configurations of values and practices in their pre-parental phase, they shift to a situation of tension between egalitarian values and gendered practices following the births of their first children. In addition, the magnitude of this shift is strongly moderated by welfare policies. In liberal regimes, the tension between values and practices is transformed into an enduring accommodation to inequality, whereas in socio-democratic regimes, change to unequal practices is rarer and reversible. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 11:11:27','2013-11-14 13:27:50','','Waiting'),(1158,' Happy hour? Studies on well-being and time spent on paid and unpaid work','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\nThe present thesis focuses on causes and consequences of paid working hours and housework hours among women and men in Sweden and Europe. It consists of four studies.\n\nStudy I investigates changes in the division of housework in Swedish couples when they become parents. The study shows that women adjust their housework hours to the number and age of children in the household, whereas men do not. Longer parental leave periods among fathers have the potential to counteract this change towards a more traditional division of housework.\n\nStudy II explores the associations between psychological distress and paid working hours, housework hours and total role time in Sweden. The results suggest that women’s psychological distress decreases with increasing paid working hours and housework hours, but that a long total role time is associated with high levels of distress. The gender difference in time spent on housework accounts for 40 per cent of the gender difference in psychological distress.\n\nStudy III asks whether hours spent on paid work and housework account for the European gender difference in well-being, and whether the associations between well-being and hours of paid work and housework is influenced by gender attitudes and social comparison. The results indicate that gender differences in time spent on paid work and housework account for a third of the gender difference in well-being. Gender attitudes and social comparison do not to any great extent influence the associations between well-being and paid work and housework, respectively.\n\nStudy IV examines possible differences between European family policy models in the associations between well-being and hours of paid work and housework. Some model differences are found, and they are accounted for by experiences of work-family conflict among men, but not among women. For both women and men, work-family conflict appears to suppress positive aspects of paid working hours.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 11:22:57','2013-11-14 13:33:17','','Waiting'),(1159,'Why do people postpone parenthood? Reasons and social policy incentives','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\nBACKGROUND Never before have parents in most Western societies had their first children as late as in recent decades. What are the central reasons for postponement? What is known about the link between the delay of childbearing and social policy incentives to counter these trends? This review engages in a systematic analysis of existing evidence to extract the maximum amount of knowledge about the reasons for birth postponement and the effectiveness of social policy incentives.\n\nMETHODS The review followed the PRISMA procedure, with literature searches conducted in relevant demographic, social science and medical science databases (SocINDEX, Econlit, PopLine, Medline) and located via other sources. The search focused on subjects related to childbearing behaviour, postponement and family policies. National, international and individual-level data sources were also used to present summary statistics.\n\nRESULTS There is clear empirical evidence of the postponement of the first child. Central reasons are the rise of effective contraception, increases in women\'s education and labour market participation, value changes, gender equity, partnership changes, housing conditions, economic uncertainty and the absence of supportive family policies. Evidence shows that some social policies can be effective in countering postponement.\n\nCONCLUSIONS The postponement of first births has implications on the ability of women to conceive and parents to produce additional offspring. Massive postponement is attributed to the clash between the optimal biological period for women to have children with obtaining additional education and building a career. A growing body of literature shows that female employment and childrearing can be combined when the reduction in work–family conflict is facilitated by policy intervention.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 11:30:54','2013-11-14 13:41:12','','Waiting'),(1160,'Class Clues','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite recurrent controversy, class theory remains the major sociological explanation of social inequality. While there are several approaches to class theory, one particular model has achieved dominance in empirical research over the last decades: the EGP (or Goldthorpe) class schema. In this article, the theoretical foundations of this model are tested empirically on the basis of unique Swedish data on employment relations. The outcome of the test is decisively negative for the theory. Reciprocal dependence relations between workers and employers—at the center of attention in current conceptual accounts, but never before explicitly measured—are conspicuously unimportant in a class context. Instead, the main source of class advantage among employees is the skill content of jobs. This accords well with parts of the early theoretical justifications of the EGP class model, elements that have since been abandoned. It is suggested that future theoretical work on class inequality should return to the skill-based roots of the model and proceed from there. Such a return is additionally motivated by a wealth of evidence from the literature on work-life stratification that class research has so far tended to ignore. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 12:30:32','2013-11-14 13:46:55','','Waiting'),(1161,'Support for and Satisfaction with Democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'No abstract available',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-25 12:39:45','2013-11-14 13:49:58','','Waiting'),(1162,'Introduction: empirical research on health, ageing and retirement in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In our introduction to this Special Issue of JESP, we first sketch what we know and what we do not know about the adaptation process to a society with a large proportion of older individuals. We develop a framework of empirical analysis which exploits the power of multidisciplinary, longitudinal and cross-national comparative data collection. Second, we provide a brief overview of SHARE, the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe. The 2004—05 baseline wave and the first longitudinal wave of SHARE collected in 2006—07 provide data on the life circumstances of some 45,000 individuals aged 50 and over in 14 European countries. SHARE constitutes a unique data infrastructure for researchers from various disciplines — notably economics, sociology and health — to better understand the individual and population ageing process. Third, we introduce the five studies in this Special Issue to show that the multidisciplinary, longitudinal and cross-national comparative data of SHARE permit a much better understanding of ageing and retirement in Europe than was possible before. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 09:21:15','2013-11-14 13:51:48','','Waiting'),(1163,'Is the party over? The decline of party activism and membership across the democratic world','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The decline of party activism and membership in European democracies has been well documented, but not effectively explained. This article examines the state of party membership and activism across a wide spectrum of democratic countries and shows that membership is in decline in most of them. It tests two rival explanations of the decline using a cross-sectional multi-level analysis of data from the ISSP Citizenship survey of 2004. One hypothesis is that the decline is due to ‘state capture’, or excessive state regulation brought about by an ever-closer relationship between parties and the state which has the effect of stifling voluntary activity at the grassroots level. A second suggests that parties are being undermined by the growth of relatively new forms of participation, notably cheque book participation, and consumer and Internet participation. These provide alternative outlets for political action outside traditional forms of participation such as party involvement. There is evidence to support the first of these hypotheses, but not the second. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 09:29:44','2013-11-14 13:54:05','','Waiting'),(1164,'Do public pensions matter for health and wellbeing among retired persons? Basic and income security pensions across 13 Western European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Mortality rates suggest that elderly people in the advanced welfare democracies have experienced dramatically improved health over the past decades. This study examined the importance of public pensions for self-reported health and wellbeing among retired persons in 13 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development countries in 2002–2005. New public pension data make it possible to distinguish between two qualities of pension systems: ‘basic security’ for those who have no or a short work history, and ‘income security’ for those with a more extensive contribution record. For enhanced cross-national comparison, relative measures of ill-health and wellbeing were constructed to account for cultural bias in responses to survey questions and heterogeneity among countries in the general level of population health. Overall, better health is found in countries with more generous pensions, although the results are gendered; for women\'s health, high basic security of the pension system appears to be particularly important. Women\'s wellbeing also tends to be more dependent on the quality of basic security.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 09:37:50','2013-11-14 13:58:16','','Waiting'),(1165,'Positive and negative social capital and the uneven development of civil society in Southeastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article surveys alternative conceptions of social capital and presents empirical findings from research conducted in Bulgaria, Macedonia, Serbia – Montenegro and Romania. A conceptual distinction between positive and negative social capital is made and emphasis is placed on inter-regional variation among South East European countries and on inter-ethnic aspects of social capital. Positive social capital is a necessary condition for developing civil society and for improving the quality of democracy, but a certain level of distrust towards institutions is also expected in democratic regimes. Alternative strategies to develop social capital in post-communist societies are assessed. In order to raise social capital, a combination of multiple strategies at the European, national and local levels is required.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 09:48:59','2013-11-14 14:03:57','','Waiting'),(1167,'More than Two Decades of Changing Ethnic Attitudes in the Netherlands','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article uses data from three studies to examine changing reactions toward ethnic minority groups in the Netherlands (1979–2002). Using realistic conflict theory, Study 1 focuses on support for discrimination of immigrant groups in general. The findings indicate that this support is more widespread in times of high levels of immigration, when the unemployment level has recently risen strongly, and among cohorts that grew to maturity in times of large immigration waves or high unemployment rates. Studies 2 and 3 focus on changing feelings toward different ethnic out-groups in an ideological context (2001–2004) marked by a shift from multiculturalism toward assimilation. Study 2 showed that the shift toward assimilation negatively affected Dutch participants\' feelings toward Islamic outgroups, but not to other minority groups. Study 3 used an experimental design, and the results showed that ethnic attitudes are more negative in an assimilation compared to a multicultural context. It is concluded that the structural and ideological social context is important for understanding people\'s changing reactions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 10:17:11','2013-11-15 11:04:34','','Waiting'),(1168,'Institutions versus market forces: Explaining the employment insecurity of European individuals during (the beginning of) the financial crisis ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In reaction to the recent financial crisis, the European Commission re-stated its view that the balance between flexibility and security is the key to success for the future of the European social economy, as well as its belief in the power of institutional arrangements it deems necessary for this balance. However, do powerful institutions actually counter market forces where flexicurity is concerned? In this paper we address this question by analysing the impact of institutional configurations and market factors on perceived employment insecurity among workers in Europe. We use the 4th wave of the European Social Survey for 2008/2009, which covers 22 countries, and implement a multi-level approach where contextual effects are taken into account and individuals are considered to be embedded within a country. We find that policies that secure one’s income and employability skills, such as passive and active labour market policies, are more important for providing employment security for individuals than institutions that secure one’s current job, such as employment protection. Of the economic and labour market factors, general market conditions (measured as employment rate average) and the strength of the financial crisis (measured as gross domestic product growth rate from 2008 to 2009) are both similarly influential in explaining cross-national variance in the employment insecurity perception of individuals. More generally, and most interestingly, we find that institutional factors lose their significance when market factors are taken into account. Thus, it seems that differences in economic and labour market conditions between countries better explain why workers feel insecure about their employment, than the differences in employment and income policies. Although this result could be influenced by the time period under investigation, which is characterized by a financial crisis, results from previous studies using data from different periods suggest that it is not period-specific.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 10:23:38','2016-02-02 16:26:02','','Waiting'),(1169,'Explaining the salience of left–right ideology in postindustrial democracies: The role of structural economic change','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Does left–right ideology structure electoral competition? While many studies show that ideology is a powerful determinant of party choice, a growing number of scholars claim that the salience of ‘left’ and ‘right’ has declined in recent decades. These contrasting views motivate a consideration of whether the salience of the left–right dimension varies across political parties and national contexts. Drawing on recent advances in the study of the welfare state, this article argues that just as policy appeals expressed in the language of left and right crystallised during a period of economic change, changes in the organisation of postindustrial economies should weaken the left–right bases of competition. Analyses of 87 parties in 16 parliamentary democracies show that occupational heterogeneity in postindustrial economies – indicated by employment in the private service sector and in industries exposed to international competition – reduces the salience of the left–right dimension for the vote. The implications of study findings for future work on policy responsiveness and electoral change in advanced capitalist democracies are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 10:27:29','2013-11-15 11:17:22','','Waiting'),(1170,'Comparative Citizenship: An Agenda for Cross-National Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, I attempt to integrate the study of citizenship into debates in comparative politics, in two different ways. First, I justify the real-world importance of the topic, and thereby encourage other scholars to grapple with its manifestations and implications. Second, I present some suggestive evidence, based on the 15 “older” countries of the European Union (EU). The findings not only illustrate the extent of cross-national variation in citizenship policies at two different time periods, but they help to demonstrate the applicability of comparative analysis to categorizing and explaining both long-lasting cross-national differences and more recent change in some countries. In explaining the historical variation within the EU, I consider whether or not a country had a prior experience as a colonial power, as well as whether it became a democracy in the nineteenth century. In accounting for continuity or change over the last few decades, I argue that while various international and domestic pressures have led to liberalization in a number of countries, these usually occurred in the absence of public discussion and involvement. In contrast, when public opinion gets mobilized and engaged on issues related to citizenship reform—usually by a well-organized far right party, but also sometimes by a referendum or petition campaign—liberalization is usually blocked, or further restrictions are introduced. This finding raises important, paradoxical, and troubling questions about the connection between democratic processes and liberal outcomes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 10:49:55','2013-11-15 11:23:53','','Waiting'),(1171,'Introduction: Causes, consequences and cures of union decline','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In 2000 the political leaders of the European Union declared that strong economic growth and advance towards a knowledge society, together with a high degree of social cohesion, would be the pre-eminent goals for the subsequent decade. A question never asked was what would happen, and what remedial action would be taken, should the conditions conducive to growth and the knowledge economy conflict with the political and institutional underpinnings of social cohesion. What if strong employment growth turned out to be founded on the destabilization of the standard employment contract, or if the advance towards a knowledge economy brought about a sharp rise in social inequality and polarization between skilled and unskilled workers and between those with and without stable jobs? Would trade unions be willing and able to counteract or attenuate such trends and bridge the differences between the new haves and have-nots? Or would they be marginalized, slowly but irreversibly, together with the stable employment relationships that characterized the mid-20th century?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 11:01:02','2013-11-15 11:40:13','','Waiting'),(1172,'Social Capital and Growth in European Regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Theories of economic growth at the regional and national level, have expanded the traditional production function of the Solow model towards a wide function that collects conditioning factors of labour productivity, measured by R & D expenditure, the number of patents, the human capital, the social capital or entrepreneurship rates. This set of factors have been developed by authors like Westlund (2006) and Koo and Kim (2009). The aim of this paper is to analyze regional growth in the EU, considering the differences between the EU15 and its eastern regions, using such set of factors and taking into account the limitations of existing data for this type of analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 11:06:30','2013-11-15 12:00:27','','Waiting'),(1173,'Sources of Negative Attitudes toward Immigrants in Europe: A Multi-Level Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In recent times, many nations are experiencing an increase in anti-immigrant attitudes on the part of natives. Most papers only explore one or two sources of anti-immigrant attitudes at a time, which provides an incomplete picture of the effects at work. This paper tests eight different explanations for anti-immigrant attitudes: cultural marginality theory, human capital theory, political affiliation, societal integration, neighborhood safety, contact theory, foreign investment, and economic competition. Analysis is conducted using combined data from the European Social Survey and Eurostat/OECD and individual-, regional-, and national-level predictors. Results indicate that key predictors of anti-immigrant attitudes are regional and national interpersonal trust, education level, foreign direct investment, and political variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 11:22:13','2013-11-15 13:53:22','','Waiting'),(1174,'Government quality, egalitarianism, and attitudes to taxes and social spending: a European comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper analyses how perceptions of government quality – in terms of impartiality and efficiency – impact on attitudes to taxes and social spending. It builds on data from the European Social Survey 2008 from 29 European countries. The paper shows a large degree of congruence between expert-based judgments and the general public\'s perceptions of the quality of government. It also shows that the quality of government has a clear, independent effect on attitudes to taxes and spending, so that people who perceive institutions as efficient and fair want higher taxes and spending. But government quality also conditions the impact of egalitarianism on attitudes to taxes and spending: in high-quality-of-government egalitarianism has a clearly stronger impact on these attitudes. It is concluded that government quality is an important and so far neglected factor in explaining attitudes to welfare policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 12:09:52','2013-11-15 14:01:52','','Waiting'),(1175,'The importance of specificity in occupation-based social classifications','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose – This paper aims to present reasons why social classifications which use occupations should seek to adopt “specific” approaches which are tailored to the country, time period and gender of the subjects under study.\n\nDesign/methodology/approach – The relative motivations for adopting a specific approach to social classifications are discussed and theoretical perspectives on specificity and empirical evidence on the contribution of specific approaches are reviewed. Also the practical costs of implementing specific social classifications are evaluated, and the authors\' development of the “GEODE” data service (grid-enabled occupational data environment), which seeks to assist this process, is discussed.\n\nFindings – Specific approaches make a non-trivial difference to the conclusions drawn from analyses of occupation-based social classifications. It is argued that the GEODE service has reduced the practical challenges of implementing specific measures.\n\nResearch limitations/implications – There remain conceptual and pragmatic challenges in working with specific occupation-based social classifications. Non-specific (“universal”) measures are adequate for many purposes.\n\nPractical implications – The paper argues that there are few excuses for ignoring specific occupation-based social classifications.\n\nOriginality/value – The paper demonstrates that recent technological developments have shifted the balance in the long-standing debate between universal and specific approaches to occupation-based social classifications.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 12:29:36','2013-11-15 14:08:40','','Waiting'),(1176,'Making volunteering work: The power of voluntary organizations to enhance civic skills. Some evidences from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The evolution of European Union (EU) toward a real political integration cannot omit the importance of building a European civic culture. Generating civic virtues is directly linked to the establishment of associative networks. In this sense, voluntary organizations, as “schools of democracy,” work as one of the main channels and mechanisms, from liberal tradition as well as republican one, to improve the quality of democracies. Some works have already argued that involvement in voluntary organizations presents positive effects on several elements that shape political culture in a country, by increasing political interest in public affairs, growing individual political efficacy, encouraging people to put in practice a broader socio-political activism, etc. Only by this way, it is possible to create a genuine “European public sphere,” where public debate and independent judgements can exist beyond EU institutions. From that theoretic framework, this document expounds the connections between socio-political participation in voluntary organizations and some elements of political culture linked to civic skills. The first wave of the European Social Survey (2002–2003) will be used as the main data source for a comparative analysis among more than twenty European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 12:39:07','2013-11-15 14:14:54','','Waiting'),(1177,'Demographic and Psychosocial Correlates of Quality of Life in the Elderly from a Cross-Cultural Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We compared the quality of life (QOL) of older adults in a post-communist country (the Czech Republic) with those living in traditional western democracies. The sample comprised 1981 respondents aged 60+ (from 60 to 99). The subjective QOL was measured using the WHOQOL-BREF and the add-on module for older adults, the WHOQOL-OLD. The findings showed higher score of depressive symptoms measured by the GDS scale and lower QOL in Czech sample as compared to other centres. Analyses of factors related to QOL of older adults showed similar patterns for the Czech sample and other centres with depression emerging as the strongest determinant of reduced QOL Findings also underline that subjective quality of life measurement reflects cross-country differences in accordance with objective indicators of national prosperity. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 12:58:31','2013-11-15 14:24:00','','Waiting'),(1178,'Internet Use and Social Capital: The Strength of Virtual Ties','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aims to understand how Internet users may improve their social capital by investing in online social activities. We argue that the Internet can be a convenient and efficient means of maintaining existing social ties and/or of creating new ties. We seek to identify the determinants of online investments in social capital and the nature of the interaction with traditional forms of investment in social capital. Using a Luxembourg household survey, the econometric results reveal a significant positive impact of volunteer activities and trust (two measures of social capital) on online investments to maintain social capital, but more ambiguous results are found between online investments and face-to-face contacts with friends. By contrast, online investments to create new ties are poorly related to the Internet users\' existing social capital, but depend on the opportunity cost of time. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-26 13:01:32','2013-11-15 14:30:02','','Waiting'),(1179,'Social Capital and Political Trust in Finland: An Individual-level Assessment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political trust has in previous studies mainly been associated, either positively or negatively with a set of political variables, such as subjective knowledge of and interest in political issues, political efficacy, national pride, post-materialist values and corruption permissiveness. More recently, it has been debated whether or not indicators of social capital also have an impact on political trust. It has been argued that social capital helps to sustain civic virtues and that lack of it will create democratic problems like political dissatisfaction and declining political participation. While trends in social capital seem stable and high at the aggregate level in Finland, the level of political trust has varied to a much larger degree. In this article, indicators of social capital, political variables and social background variables are set against the Finns’ trust in politicians and the parliament as well as their satisfaction with democracy. The analysis shows that social capital, as defined by a set of variables comprised of interpersonal trust and voluntary organisational activism, does not, en bloc, prove to be a powerful predictor of political trust. However, when the social capital items are examined as single factors, interpersonal trust seems to have strong impact on all levels of political trust, while the influence of voluntary organisational activity is less evident.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-30 08:44:12','2013-11-15 14:37:05','','Waiting'),(1180,'Shifting Inequalities: Patterns of Exclusion and Inclusion in Emerging Forms of Political Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Participation patterns in industrialized democracies have changed considerably in the last couple of decades. While institutionalized forms of participation (e.g., party membership) are declining, we can observe a rise in the occurrence of non-institutionalized forms of political participation. In this article we pose the question of what the effect of this trend has been for patterns of political stratification during the period 1974–2002 using the Political Action Survey as well as the European Social Survey. It can be observed that gender differences have been substantially reduced and in some cases even reversed for non-institutionalized participation and women tend to be more active in these forms than men. Younger age groups also clearly have a preference for non-institutionalized forms. Stratification based on education, however, remains the same compared to the 1970s. These findings are confirmed by a longitudinal analysis of Dutch Election Studies data for the period 1971–1998. We conclude that the emergence of new forms of political participation might have reduced age and gender based inequalities; however, it does not offer a solution for inequalities based on education.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-30 08:53:24','2013-11-15 14:55:08','','Waiting'),(1181,'Erosion of the Ghent System and Union Membership Decline: Lessons from Finland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Union density declined in Finland by more than 10 percentage points in less than 10 years. This paper analyses the reasons behind the decline, using micro data from the 1990s. According to our results, the changes in the composition of the labour force and the changes in the labour market explain only about a quarter of this decline. The main reason for the decline appears to be the erosion of the Ghent system, due to the emergence of an independent unemployment insurance fund that provides unemployment insurance without requiring union membership. We also find that the decline in the union density can be attributed to the declining inclination of the cohorts born after the early 1960s to become union members.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-30 09:10:28','2013-11-15 15:07:33','','Waiting'),(1182,'Education, Educational Heterogamy, and Self-Assessed Health in Europe: A Multilevel Study of Spousal Effects in 29 European Countries ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study extends earlier research on educational inequality and health in two ways. First, we examine whether own educational level and spouse\'s educational level are independently associated with self-assessed health throughout European societies by analysing 29 countries simultaneously. Second, we ask to what extent educational heterogamy at the country level is related to health differences between and within countries. Theories on social capital lead to the hypotheses that average health is better in countries with more educational heterogamy, and educational differentiation in health is smaller in countries with more educational heterogamy. To test our expectations, we use individual data from the European Social Survey of 2002, 2004, and 2006 (N = 59,314) as well as country-level data. Using multilevel analyses, we find that not only one\'s own educational level, but additionally the spouse\'s level of education positively affects self-assessed health in Europe. The degree of educational heterogamy does not influence the average level of self-assessed health in a country. However, the positive relationships between own and partner\'s education and self-assessed health are weaker as the degree of educational heterogamy at the national level is higher.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-07-30 09:15:25','2013-11-15 15:11:37','','Waiting'),(1183,'Social Capital and Norms of Citizenship: An Ambiguous Relationship?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'From a theoretical viewpoint, the consequences of social capital for norms of citizenship are usually perceived as benign. However, empirical evidence indicates that its impact may be detrimental. To investigate this phenomenon further, this article examines the specific nature of the relationships among social involvement, social trust, and four different types of norms of citizenship. Social capital acts on these norms in two different ways. First, it varies with the specific norms of citizenship. Second, the different components of social capital do not necessarily exert similar effects. In this article, the negative and significant relationships between social trust and norms of social order are revealed, indicating the “dark sides” of social capital. This finding challenges the common wisdom about the positive interrelationship between social capital and a citizenry’s public spiritedness in a democratic state.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 08:00:08','2013-11-15 15:24:03','','Waiting'),(1184,'Does Culture Matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper reviews the literature on culture and economics, focusing primarily on the epidemiological approach. The epidemiological approach studies the variation in outcomes across different immigrant groups residing in the same country. Immigrants presumably differ in their cultures but share a common institutional and economic environment. This allows one to separate the effect of culture from the original economic and institutional environment. This approach has been used to study a variety of issues, including female labor force participaiton, fertility, labor market regulation, redistribution, growth, and financial development among others.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 08:05:50','2013-11-15 15:32:56','','Waiting'),(1185,'Understanding the benefits of social tourism: Linking participation to subjective well-being and quality of life','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aims to explore the relationship between well-being, quality of life and holiday participation among low-income families in the UK. There have been very studies that have examined quality of life (QOL) and subjective well-being in relation to tourism and none that have attempted to apply measures to assess the benefits of holidays for those people who are generally excluded from participation. This is important in relation to social tourism because of the fundamental need to develop mechanisms to evaluate the impact of charitable funding for supporting low-income families\' participation in holidaymaking. This study evaluates the types of reasons given for financial assistance in applications to the Family Holiday Association including follow-up research with a sample of successful applicants on the perceived benefits of the holiday, including questions on QOL factors. The findings are limited in scope but do indicate that increases in QOL were reported among low-income families. The paper concludes by arguing that further research on adapted well-being and QOL measures be applied to tourism consumption. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 08:12:21','2013-11-15 15:35:55','','Waiting'),(1186,'Use of the internet for health purposes: trends in Norway 2000–2010','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Aim:  The aim of this work is to study the 10 year trends in the use and projected use of internet for health purposes in Norway. This includes more detailed analyses of changes in latter years, current uses, valuation as source of health information, reported effects and projected developments.\n\nMethod:  Surveys on the use of the internet for health purposes have been conducted in Norway in the years 2000, 2001, 2003, 2005 and 2007. Representative samples were drawn from the population, and interviews were conducted by poll agencies using telephone (CATI).\n\nResults:  Internet use for health purposes in the Norwegian population has increased dramatically over the last 7 years from 19% in 2000 to 67% in 2007. If this trend continues, we estimate that 84% of the Norwegian population will be using internet for health purposes by the year 2010. Reading about health or illness is the most common activity, and the rated importance of the internet as a source of health information is increasing. The internet is also used more for ordering medicines and other health-related products. Forty-four per cent of those having used the internet for health purposes reported having searched for lifestyle-related information, and 40% reported having felt inspired to change health behaviour.\n\nConclusions:  The internet is an important source of health information, which is likely to increase in importance in the years to come. This study further underlines the potential of internet use for health promoting purposes, as well as the potential for exacerbating social disparities in health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 08:17:02','2013-11-18 09:55:53','','Waiting'),(1187,'Toward Refining the Theory of Basic Human Values','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The theory of basic human values (Schwartz, 1992) specifies 10 broad values that are ordered in a circular motivational structure. Methodological studies have tested the discriminant validity of the 10 values, their reliability, and the structure of relations among them (e.g., Davidov, Schmidt, & Schwartz, 2008; Knoppen & Saris, 2009; Perrinjaquet, Furrer, Usunier, Cestre, & Valette-Florence, 2007; Schwartz & Boehnke, 2004). In studies using multidimensional scaling, the items that operationalize each value typically form a separate region in a twodimensional space, and these regions are arrayed in a circular order that supports the theorized structure (e.g., Bilsky, Janik, & Schwartz, 2010; Schwartz, 1992, 2006). Studies using confirmatory factor analysis typically reveal that some values exhibit low internal reliability and that some pairs of adjacent values (e.g., power and achievement) cannot be discriminated clearly from one another (e.g., Davidov et al., 2008).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 08:36:28','2013-11-18 10:00:54','','Waiting'),(1188,'Free to Move?: The Acceptance of Free Movement of Labour and Non Discrimination Among Citizens of Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article first describes how the European Union has replaced the idea of nationally bounded freedom to move, settle, and work with the idea of free movement for all Europeans and the notion of non-discrimination. The second section gives an analysis of the extent to which citizens of different European countries support the idea of non-discrimination between nationals and European foreigners. The empirical basis for our analysis is the ‘European Values Study’. The descriptive findings show that the idea of non-discrimination is not supported by the majority of the European citizens, and that there are substantial differences between the countries. In the third section, we explain these differences by referring, among other factors, to the level of modernization of a country, the value orientation of the respondent, the level of education of the respondent, and the unemployment rate.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 08:41:47','2013-11-18 10:30:41','','Waiting'),(1189,'Total Factor Productivity, Intangible Assets and Spatial Dependence in the European Regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Dettori B., Marrocu E. and Paci R. Total factor productivity, intangible assets and spatial dependence in the European regions, Regional Studies. The aim of this paper is to analyse the determinants of the efficiency levels across the European regions. Firstly, a regression-based measure of regional total factor productivity is derived by estimating a spatial Cobb–Douglas production function. Secondly, the role played by intangible factors (human capital, social capital and technological capital) on total factor productivity levels is investigated by applying the spatial two-stage least-squares (2SLS) method and the spatial heteroskedasticy and correlation consistent (SHAC) estimator to account for both heteroskedasticity and spatial autocorrelation. It turns out that a large part of total factor productivity differences across the European regions is explained by disparities in the endowments of these intangible assets.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 08:46:51','2013-11-18 10:36:35','','Waiting'),(1190,'Access to Czech Social Survey Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article presents practical information on the sources of Czech social sur- vey data for both researchers interested in data on Czech society and data profession- als interested in the state of the art of data services. Czech survey research was deeply affected by the communist regime, but underwent intense development in 1960s and after the revolution in 1989. In the field of official statistics, data services are provid- ed by the Czech Statistical Office. The Sociological Data Archive (SDA) of the Institute of Sociology provides data from quantitative sociological surveys, promotes data dissemination and secondary analysis and supports large research projects (e.g. ISSP, ESS). The Czech Archive of Qualitative Data and Documents at the Masaryk University and Soft Data Archive MEDARD at the Virtual Institute provide data services for qualitative social research. A number of public domain data sets re- main under the responsibility of academic and governmental research institutions. It is also possible to access the data of private research agencies. Czech data are accessible also via international data services.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 08:53:02','2013-11-18 10:40:04','','Waiting'),(1191,' Social Capital, Welfare State, and Political Legitimacy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, the authors use the concept of negative social capital to address the contextual impact of micro mechanisms explaining political legitimacy. They first illustrate the effect of social capital with regard to its negative consequences. Then they select four countries, each one a case study of a different welfare regime, and measure the distribution of “time given helping others.” The helping behavior is interpreted as a credit slip in social capital vocabulary, and its effect on the confidence in democracy in different welfare regimes is measured. The research findings suggest that helping behavior in weaker welfare regimes has detrimental consequences for political legitimacy. The results are consistent both in a cross-country and in a within-country comparison. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 08:57:29','2013-11-18 10:46:25','','Waiting'),(1192,'What is more important for national well-being: Money or autonomy? A meta-analysis of well-being, burnout, and anxiety across 63 societies.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What is more important: to provide citizens with more money or with more autonomy for their subjective\nwell-being? In the current meta-analysis, the authors examined national levels of well-being on the basis\nof lack of psychological health, anxiety, and stress measures. Data are available for 63 countries, with a\ntotal sample of 420,599 individuals. Using a 3-level variance-known model, the authors found that\nindividualism was a consistently better predictor than wealth, after controlling for measurement, sample,\nand temporal variations. Despite some emerging nonlinear trends and interactions between wealth and\nindividualism, the overall pattern strongly suggests that greater individualism is consistently associated\nwith more well-being. Wealth may influence well-being only via its effect on individualism. Implications\nof the findings for well-being research and applications are outlined.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 09:05:48','2013-11-18 10:51:27','','Waiting'),(1193,'Religiosity and life satisfaction across nations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates the relationship between religiosity and life satisfaction in 79 nations using World Values Survey data. Extant literature analyzes religiosity and life satisfaction at person level. But religiosity is an attribute of both, persons and societies. To solve methodological problems evident in previous work a random coefficient multilevel model is employed to account for the fact that individuals are nested within countries. This study shows that the relationship between religiosity and life satisfaction is bimodal. Religious people tend to be either very satisfied or dissatisfied with life. The relationship between religiosity and life satisfaction is also two-dimensional. Forms of religiosity that promote social capital predict high life satisfaction. People have so called “need to belong” and religion helps to satisfy it. On the other hand, forms of religiosity that do not promote social capital do not predict high life satisfaction. Religiosity is also context-dependent. Religious people are happier in religious nations. In other words, it is not only religiosity per se that makes people happy, but rather a social setting it offers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 09:07:56','2013-11-18 10:55:58','','Waiting'),(1194,'What can Social Capital and ICT do for Inclusion?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper was developed by JRC-IPTS in response to a request by the Directorate General Information Society and Media (European Commission) for research input into the process of drafting a Communication on eInclusion (2007) and into an Action Initiative for eInclusion (2008). It was first presented to stakeholders in a series of meetings in Brussels (September, 2006) and to EU Member State representatives at the eInclusion Subgroup Meeting (October 2006) where eInclusion policies were discussed.\nIt presents the concept of Social Capital as a potentially very useful guiding principle to inform the design and implementation of eInclusion strategies. Its purpose is therefore twofold. First, it represents a stand-alone contribution to the academic and policy-oriented debate on the relationship between social capital, ICT and social inclusion. Second, it provides direct research input to the consultative process in the development of the Communication and Action Initiative on eInclusion, focusing on the priority themes for a European eInclusion agenda as defined in the Riga Ministerial Declaration of June 2006.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 09:19:46','2013-11-18 10:57:15','','Waiting'),(1195,'Exploring the Stabilization of a Political Force: The Social and Attitudinal Basis of Green Parties in the Age of Globalization','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'About 30 years after gradually gaining parliamentary representation, Green parties have become established political actors throughout Western Europe. Based on a comparative analysis of 12 countries, this study argues that the stability this party family has achieved is the result of an enduring coalition with groups of voters who not only share a particular set of attitudes but also several specific social characteristics. Such a structural perspective clearly contradicts earlier approaches in the literature that primarily explained the Green vote as being issue- or value-based and sometimes simply as representing political protest. Green voters, by contrast, are young, highly educated, work as social-cultural specialists or are students, are predominantly urban, and less attached to Christian churches. These structural components are connected with environmental, libertarian, and pro-immigration attitudes. With respect to new divides caused by globalization processes, especially the latter issue explicitly distinguishes them from other voter groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 09:29:23','2013-11-18 11:02:39','','Waiting'),(1196,'Holism in a European Cultural Context: Differences in Cognitive Style between Central and East Europeans and Westerners','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Central and East Europeans have a great deal in common, both historically and culturally, with West Europeans and North Americans, but tend to be more interdependent. Interdependence has been shown to be linked to holistic cognition. East Asians are more interdependent than Americans and are more holistic. If interdependence causes holism, we would expect Central and East Europeans to be more holistic than West Europeans and North Americans. In two studies we found evidence that Central and East Europeans are indeed more holistic than Westerners on three tasks, one of which examined categorization and two of which measured patterns of visual attention. These studies support the argument that cross-cultural differences in cognition are due to society level differences in independence/interdependence. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 10:23:05','2013-11-18 11:04:37','','Waiting'),(1197,'Union density and determinants of union membership in 18 EU countries: evidence from micro data, 2002/03','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using representative individual-level data from the first round of the European Social Survey fielded in 2002/03, this article provides an empirical analysis of unionisation in 18 countries of the EU. We show that union density varies considerably in Europe, ranging from 84 per cent in Denmark to 11 per cent in Portugal. Estimating identical models for each country, we find that individuals’ probability of union membership is significantly affected by their personal characteristics, their attitudes and the characteristics of their workplace, whereas social factors seem to play a minor role. The presence of a union at the workplace and employees’ attitudes concerning strong unions are the two variables most strongly associated with unionisation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 10:38:40','2013-11-18 11:08:24','','Waiting'),(1198,'Fertility Intentions and Outcomes: The Role of Policies to Close the Gap','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The articles in this special issue report about research carried out in a\nproject with the same title as this introductory article (acronym FERTINT). This\nintroduction starts with a brief description of the ‘‘fertility gap’’. It outlines its\ndeficiencies when used for policy implications and the advantages of using fertility\nintentions. It also summarises the broad scope of issues related to intentions as\npresented in the articles: life-time and short-time fertility intentions and their\nrealisation or frustration, the effect of uncertainty on intentions, the relevance of the\ntheories of planned behaviour and fertility preferences and of social networks for\nstudying couples’ and competing intentions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 10:42:43','2013-11-18 12:38:58','','Waiting'),(1199,'Does political trust matter? An empirical investigation into the relation between political trust and support for law compliance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Scholars have repeatedly expressed concern about the consequences low levels of political trust might have for the stability of democratic political systems. Empirical support and the identification of causal mechanisms for this concern, however, are often lacking. In this article, the relation between political trust and law-abiding attitudes is investigated. It is expected that citizens with low levels of trust in the institutions of the political system will find it more acceptable to break the law. As a result, low levels of political trust might undermine the effectiveness and legitimacy of government action and its ability to implement legislation. Based on survey data from 33 European countries using the 1999–2001 European Values Study (N = 41,125), the relation between political trust and legal permissiveness is examined using a multilevel ordered logistic regression analysis. The results show that respondents with low levels of political trust are significantly more likely to accept illegal behaviour such as tax fraud than respondents with high levels of political trust. Since it is known from earlier research that actors who are permissive towards law-breaking behaviour are more likely to commit these acts themselves, the hypothesis that low levels of political trust will be associated with less law compliance within a society is supported.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 10:55:44','2013-11-18 12:48:51','','Waiting'),(1200,'Improving access to research data in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The year 2007 marks the beginning of the European Commission’s seventh framework programme for research and technological development, its main vehicle for funding research over the next seven years. It is more ambitious than its antecedent—the sixth framework programme—with a large increase in funding (63%) and the creation of a European Research Council. Health research has been boosted, having been allocated €6bn (£4.3bn; $9bn) of the overall budget of €50.5bn. Yet the seventh framework programme has done little to promote access to the data whose collection it will finance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 11:16:52','2013-11-18 12:58:13','','Waiting'),(1201,'Migration and uneven development within an enlarged European Union: Fathering, gender divisions and male migrant domestic services ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Drawing mainly on qualitative evidence gathered from interviews with migrant handymen and with labour-using households in the UK, this paper analyses how this migration typifies economic and social divisions within Europe and embodies conflicting tensions between economic and social policies at an interpersonal level. By supplying household services, migrant handymen enable labour-using households to alleviate time pressures and conflicts in time priorities arising from tensions between economic expectations regarding working hours and work commitment, and social expectations regarding contemporary ideas of active parenting. Similarly to the outsourcing of feminized domestic labour and care, these tensions are in part resolved for labour-using households by extending class divisions across national boundaries while leaving gender divisions changed but not transformed and in some instances exacerbating work/ life tensions among the migrants. These broad findings are complicated by differential desires and capabilities around fathering practices among fathers in labour-using households and among the migrants, and economic differentiation among the migrant population. Although we cannot tell from our study whether such movement reinforces or redresses uneven development, what we can say is that existing cohesion policies are insufficient to redress uneven development, and individual responses including migration can reinforce existing social divisions. Further, existing social policies for promoting gender equality fail to recognize or redress the deeply embedded gendered norms.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 12:23:10','2013-11-18 13:12:15','','Waiting'),(1202,'National embeddedness and calculative human resource management in US subsidiaries in Europe and Australia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article presents a study of the degree to which national institutional settings impact on the application of management practices in foreign subsidiaries of multinational companies. Applying the national business systems approach our study centres on the use of calculative human resource management (HRM) practices by subsidiaries of US multinational companies in the UK, Ireland, Germany, Denmark/Norway and Australia, respectively, in comparison with these countries’ indigenous firms.The analysis indicates that while US subsidiaries adapt to the local setting in terms of applying calculative HRM practices, they also diverge from indigenous firm practices. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 12:28:57','2013-11-18 13:23:01','','Waiting'),(1203,'Individual Social Capital and Its Measurement in Social Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With its popularity has come an unresolved issue about social capital: is it an individual or a collective property, or both? Many researchers take it for granted that social capital is collective, but most social surveys implicitly measure social capital at the individual level. After reviewing the definitions by Bourdieu, Coleman, and Putnam, I become to agree with Portes that social capital can be an individual asset and should be firstly analyzed as such; if social\ncapital is to be analyzed as a collective property, then the analysis should explicitly draw on a clear definition of individual social capital. I thus define individual social capital as the features of social groups or networks that each individual member can access and use for obtaining further benefits. Four types of features are identified (basic, specific, generalized, and structural), and example formulations of survey questions are proposed. Following this approach, I then assess some survey questions organized under five themes commonly found in social surveys for measuring social capital: participation in organizations, social networks, trust, civic participation, and perceptions of local area. I conclude that most of these themes and questions only\nweakly or indirectly measure individual social capital; therefore, they should be strengthened with the conceptual framework proposed in this paper and complemented with the items used in independent surveys on social networks.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 12:37:48','2013-11-18 13:55:32','','Waiting'),(1204,'Do we have to combine Values in the Schwartz’ Human Values Scale? A Comment on the Davidov Studies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper addresses the question if it is meaningful to group basic values from the values model of Schwartz, which is a vital component of the European Social Survey (ESS), and presents an alternative approach. The suggestion to group values is raised in several studies led by Eldad Davidov, which more precisely conclude that only four of the original ten values can be studied as such (Hedonism, Stimulation, Self-direction, and Security), whereas the remaining\nsix values have to be grouped in three pairs in order to solve the problem of a lack of discriminant validity. This paper indicates that the grouping was necessary because of the choice strategy of items for the ESS. The items chosen for the dierent values are chosen in such a way that the correlation within the value is relatively low and sometimes the correlations\nwith items of other values is higher. We show this in three steps: the first one based on a German-study, looking for the correlation between the values in the original Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ). Secondly, the ESS selection from this wider set of items is used to show that this choice leads to much higher correlations between the values. Thirdly, an analysis with an alternative choice from the same PVQ set of items is done to show that this high correlation\nis not necessary. In this way we show that the high correlation between the values in the ESS is due to the selection of the items in the ESS and is not intrinsic to the values studied. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 12:42:11','2013-11-18 14:19:43','','Waiting'),(1205,'Measurement of Social Participation and its Place in Social Capital Theory','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The concept of social capital has become very popular but its definition and measurement are still rather unclear. We frame our study in one of its components, social participation. In this article we develop an optimal measure for social participation based on the questions asked in the first round of the European Social Survey. Our analyses suggest that a distinction has to be made between informal and formal participation because they relate very differently to other variables such as age, education, political action and happiness. We also found that these two types of participation had hardly any relationship with other important components of the social capital construct, such as social trust and political trust. The latter result does not devalue the validity of the developed indices for informal and formal participation but suggests that participation and trust should be considered formative indicators of social capital.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 12:45:43','2013-11-18 13:42:26','','Waiting'),(1206,'The Impact of Mobile Phones on Survey Measurement Error','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We propose a framework of ways in which the different context of mobile interviews—such as multi-tasking, distraction, and the presence of others—and differences inherent in the technology can influence survey responses. The framework also highlights the mechanisms through which these influences operate. We evaluate selected elements of the framework using data from a randomized experiment in which respondents were interviewed by mobile or landline. Measures of interview context were gathered via interviewer evaluation, respondent perception, and direct questioning. We find less social desirability bias with mobile phone interviews, but overall only small differences between mobile and landline interviews.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 12:49:58','2013-11-18 13:48:39','','Waiting'),(1207,'Welfare State Regime Life Courses: The Development of Western European Welfare State Regimes and Age-Related Patterns of Educational Inequalities in Self-Reported Health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article uses data from three waves of the European Social Survey (2002, 2004, 2006) to compare educational inequalities in self-reported health (good vs. bad) and limiting longstanding illness in six age groups based on decade of birth (1930s-1980s) in 17 countries, categorized into four welfare state regimes (Anglo-Saxon, Bismarckian, Scandinavian, Southern). The authors hypothesized that health inequalities in these age groups would vary because of their different welfare state experiences—welfare state regime life courses—both temporally, in terms of different phases of welfare state development (inequalities smaller among older people), and spatially, in terms of welfare state regime type (inequalities smaller among older Scandinavians). The findings are that inequalities in health tended to increase, not decrease, with age. Similarly, inequalities in health were not smallest in the Scandinavian regime or among the older Scandinavian cohorts. In keeping with the rest of the literature, the Bismarckian and Southern regimes had smaller educational inequalities in health. Longitudinal analysis that integrates wider public health factors or makes smaller comparisons may be a more productive way of analyzing cross-national variations in health inequalities and their relationship to welfare state life courses. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 12:53:42','2013-11-18 14:09:28','','Waiting'),(1208,'The Social Costs of Civil Conflict: Evidence from Surveys of Happiness','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper uses data on stated subjective well-being to capture the intangible costs of civil conflict. By running cross-national regressions with happiness as the dependent variable, and the number of conflict victims and income as explanatory variables, it investigates if and in which way civil conflict affects happiness, and derives the implied monetary equivalent of the unhappiness caused. The paper finds that the number of conflict victims and their change over time significantly affect subjective well-being directly through health and psychic effects as well as indirectly through reduced income. The non-pecuniary effects are found to be larger than the income-related effect. A change over time in the number of victims has a stronger impact on well-being than the current number. There are sizeable monetary equivalents to these effects.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 13:01:32','2013-11-18 14:15:00','','Waiting'),(1209,'Childcare needs and childcare policies: A multidimensional issue','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Childcare has become a much-debated issue in all developed countries. Who should care for children, how, how much and for how long are the questions at the centre of value conflicts that shape not only policies and struggles around policies, but also individual and family choices. This article contributes to the debate in two ways. First, it presents an up-to-date overview of the different childcare packages offered by the 27 EU countries, indicating how they represent quite different understandings of proper care, as well as of proper behaviour by mothers and fathers. Second, it attempts to unravel the different dimensions implicated in the debate, going beyond the simplification of the mother’s care vs non-family care dichotomy. It concludes that an integrated research agenda, focusing both on the outcomes for labour markets and for children’s well-being, is necessary in order to develop policies that address the complex issues of choice, rights and social inequality involved in child-caring patterns.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 13:07:53','2013-11-18 14:30:54','','Waiting'),(1210,'Trade Unions and Political Participation in the European Union: Still Providing a Democratic Dividend?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Decline in electoral participation is a feature of many Western democracies. In this paper, we focus on the relationship between trade union membership and political participation. Workplace authority structures, trade union membership and union presence have been identified as important influences on electoral participation. Based on a survey of employees in 15 member states of the European Union, we test for a relationship between political participation, union membership and union workplace presence. The independent effect of trade union membership on political participation was found to be both significant and positive and is associated with higher levels of political activism and electoral participation. Furthermore, an institutional context that facilitates high levels of union density seems likely to have an overall positive effect on citizen participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 13:11:14','2013-11-18 14:46:03','','Waiting'),(1211,'Multiculturalism: Construct validity and stability','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper provides an overview of our current knowledge of multiculturalism, which refers to the acceptance of and support for the plural nature of a society among mainstreamers and immigrant groups. Multiculturalism is found to be a multifaceted, unifactorial attitude with a good cross-cultural equivalence. Educational level tends to be positively related to multiculturalism at the individual level. Cross-national differences in multiculturalism are positively related to GNP, but unrelated to multiculturalism policies. Both a cross-sectional and a longitudinal study showed a remarkable stability of multiculturalism scores in the Netherlands in the last decade, despite the increasingly restrictive immigration laws and negative change in public discourse over the period. Implications of these findings are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 13:18:06','2013-11-18 15:22:18','','Waiting'),(1212,'  Educational level and changes in health across Europe: longitudinal results from SHARE','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We use cross-national, longitudinal data to explore the impact of educational level on changes in health outcomes among Europeans aged over 50. Our analyses are performed separately for Northern, Western and Southern Europe, as these regions broadly represent different welfare state regimes. We find that low education is associated with higher incident events — over a two-year period — of poor health, chronic diseases and disability, but it is less consistently associated with new events of long-standing illness. Net of behavioural risk factors, educational effects are more consistent in Western and Southern Europe than in the Nordic welfare states. In Northern Europe, lower education is associated with less financial and employment disadvantage than in Southern or Western Europe. After controlling for educational differences in these factors, effects of educational level on health deterioration remain significant for most outcomes in Western and Southern Europe, whereas they are weaker and non-significant after adjustment in Northern Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 13:58:09','2013-11-18 14:52:50','','Waiting'),(1213,'Spheres of trust: An empirical analysis of the foundations of particularised and generalised trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While the literature on trust has produced various conceptual models, there is also some confusion concerning different types of trust and their formation. In this article, three contested points are empirically clarified. First, are there really different forms of trust as much of the literature suggests? Second, if so, then how are these different types of trust related to each other? Third, what are the foundations of these different forms of trust? Relying on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel, it is concluded that two types of trust can be empirically identified: an intimate trust in people close to the truster, as well as an abstract trust in people in general. Although these types of trust constitute separate dimensions, they are positively related to each other. Furthermore, this article challenges the widely held assumption that experiences are most relevant for particularised trust, while generalised trust is based on psychological predispositions. It is argued instead for a sphere-specific logic of trust formation: It is the radius of experiences and predispositions that matters for the radius of trust. Finally, the analysis goes beyond the existing research by highlighting hitherto unknown conditions under which trust in familiar domains is more or less likely to extend to generalised trust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 14:03:59','2013-11-18 14:54:02','','Waiting'),(1214,'Assessing the Validity of Generalized Trust Questions: What Kind of Trust are we Measuring?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the social capital literature a distinction is made between trust expressed in people in general, and trust in people who are known to us personally. In this article we investigate the frames of reference respondents make use of when answering two commonly used interpersonal trust questions. Half of our sample was administered a version which asks respondents whether “most people” can be trusted. The other half of the sample was administered an alternative version of the question, in which the object of trust is restricted to “people in your local area.” Immediately after answering the trust question all respondents were asked to report, in their own words, who came to mind when formulating their response. Counter to the widespread assumption that these questions measure generalized trust, we find that a substantial number of respondents report having thought about people who are known to them personally. Furthermore, respondents who report having thought about individuals who are known to them also report substantially higher levels of trust than people who say they thought about abstract categories such as “people in general.” Our results suggest that apparent differences in trust across question formats and groups within the general public derive, at least in part, from heterogeneity in question interpretation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 14:10:33','2013-11-18 14:56:47','','Waiting'),(1215,'Women, Gender, and Work: The Portuguese Case in the Context of the European Union','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article we discuss changes in the relationships among gender, paid work, and unpaid work in Portugal in the context of the European Union. Based on a research program developed since 1997 on the relationship between family and work, and exploring data from several national and international surveys, such as the European Social Survey, the analyses focus on several topics: changes in demographic indicators; the substantial growth of women\'s participation, especially mothers, in the labor market; paid work, unpaid work, the welfare state, and existing policies; care solutions and arrangements and social networks; the relationship between women\'s activity rates and fertility rates, women\'s attachment to work, and finally, values and attitudes about work and family life. The main goal was to understand and explain specific features of the Portuguese case in a European comparative perspective. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 14:13:42','2013-11-18 14:59:35','','Waiting'),(1216,'A Nordic Nirvana? Gender, Citizenship, and Social Justice in the Nordic Welfare States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Nordic model has emerged as some kind of exemplar in much center-left political debate. This overview article starts with a brief account of this political positioning and of the values underpinning the Nordic model. The main focus, however, is the extent to which the Nordic welfare states have been successful in promoting a women-friendly, gender-inclusive model of citizenship, taking account of the differences between the Nordic countries. It offers both a “half-full” and a “half-empty” analysis and ends with the challenge posed to the Nordic model by growing ethnic diversity. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 14:16:39','2013-11-18 15:27:25','','Waiting'),(1217,'The use of paradata to monitor and manage survey data collection','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Paradata are automatic data collected about the survey data collection process captured\nduring computer assisted data collection, and include call records, interviewer observations,\ntime stamps, keystroke data, travel and expense information, and other data captured\nduring the process. Increasingly such data are being used in real time to both monitor\nand manage large scale data collection processes. In this paper we use a statistical process\ncontrol perspective to describe how such data can be used to monitor the survey process.\nProcess control charts and statistical models can be used to identify areas of concern during\ndata collection, and can lead to further investigation of the problem and (if necessary);\nintervention. We describe the data and analyses that are available and present several case\nstudies of paradata use in di®erent types of surveys and organizations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 14:25:16','2013-11-18 15:29:08','','Waiting'),(1218,'Does Generalized Social Trust Lead to Associational Membership? Unravelling a Bowl of Well-Tossed Spaghetti','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Within the social capital literature it is often assumed that membership of voluntary associations causes generalized social trust and not the other way around. This study challenges this assumption by investigating if generalized social trust causes membership in a novel design that yields valid results despite possible feed-back effects from membership to trust. Using individual-level data from several countries, the article shows that trust does increase membership. Treating associational membership as exogenous to trust produces biased results, it is therefore concluded. Moreover, the study provides rare individual-level evidence for a connection between generalized social trust and collective action in that generalized social trust in particular increases membership of associations producing public goods. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 14:28:27','2013-11-18 15:31:56','','Waiting'),(1219,'Involvement in voluntary associations in North America and Western Europe: Trends and correlates 1981–2000','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is no lack of studies that point at discomforting trends in community life and citizens\' social and political involvement in contemporary society. According to various indicators, Americans have become increasingly disconnected from their families, friends, neighbours and associations, leading to a decline of civic community and social trust and to more individual unhappiness. Similar developments are supposed to take place elsewhere. In this article we use data from the European and World Values Studies to address, for North America and Western Europe, (1) trends regarding voluntary associations, social trust, political involvement and happiness in the 1981–2000 period; (2) changing patterns and types of involvement in associations; and (3) macro and micro relationships between this involvement and political involvement, social trust and happiness. We find no general decline in these traits, no trend towards more passive membership, and only mixed evidence for positive connections between involvement, trust and happiness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 14:32:16','2013-11-18 15:39:02','','Waiting'),(1220,'Resources, Group Conflict and Symbols: Explaining Anti-Immigration Hostility in Britain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses the causes of variation in attitudes to immigration policy in the UK. The key theoretical approaches emphasised are: the role of self-interest; group conflict over resources; and group conflict over important symbols of Britishness. The connection between perceptions of immigration and crime is also investigated. Based on the 2003 British Social Attitudes Survey, the findings indicate that self-interest has very little bearing on opposition to immigration and that British citizens instead appear to be most concerned with threats to ingroup resources posed by immigration, threats to the shared customs and traditions of British society (particularly those posed by Muslims) and – to a lesser extent – the potential for increased crime that may result from immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 14:34:51','2013-11-18 15:40:26','','Waiting'),(1221,'The Value of Values in Cross-Cultural Research: A Special Issue in Honor of Shalom Schwartz','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The centrality of values in cross-cultural research has more than doubled over the last three decades. This Special Issue investigates values across cultures and focuses on two main levels: individual and national. At the individual level, values express broad, trans-situational motivational goals, affecting individuals’ interpretation of situations, preferences, choices, and actions. At the national level, values reflect the solutions groups develop in response to existential challenges and relate to the way social institutions function. The authors review the role of values at each level and present eight articles included in the special issue, showing the value of values in cross-cultural research. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 14:38:09','2013-11-18 15:41:33','','Waiting'),(1222,'From the Street to the Shops: The Rise of New Forms of Political Actions in Italy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article argues that substantial changes have occurred in citizen political participation modes and in particular in the repertoire of unconventional action. Over the past few years, even in countries where there was not this tradition, besides forms such as public meetings, demonstration marches, strikes and certain other forms of protest, citizens have started to use their shopping-bag power in an attempt to influence institutional or market practices. The article aims to shed some light on political consumerism in Italy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-05 14:40:55','2013-11-18 15:42:42','','Waiting'),(1223,'Kampen ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A comparison is given of (ordinal) measures of trust in government institutions\nthat were collected with the aim of facilitating comparisons between different modes and\ncontexts of data collection. Statistical analyses reveal that the mode effect could amount\nupto a 10% change of item nonresponse and a 9% change of the level of trust, whereas\nthe context effect could lead upto a 19% change of the bivariate associations of trust. The\nobserved changes of both measures of central tendency and of associations affect conclusions\nof social scientific research in isolated studies, which implies that comparative studies\nare seriously hampered by bias related to mode and context, two sources of obscurity adding\nto the two other threats which are differences of sample source and differences of question\nphrasing.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 08:56:42','2013-11-18 15:44:18','','Waiting'),(1224,'Towards a new pattern of transition to adulthood?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent theories about social and demographic change, such as individualization and the Second Demographic Transition, embed the notion of a convergence towards a specific ideal-typical pathway to adulthood, which we define as late, protracted and complex. After a discussion of the relevant literature for and against such an idea, we empirically assess the convergence to this ideal-typical pattern using new retrospective data from the European Social Survey wave 3 (ESS-3). Our analysis of the timing and sequencing of demographic events among young adults offers qualified support for the emergence of a new pattern of transition to adulthood. Pathways to adulthood are changing in the same direction in most parts of Europe, but no convergence of trends is observed (yet).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 09:03:08','2013-11-18 15:53:34','','Waiting'),(1225,'The Missing Dimensions of Poverty Data: Introduction to the Special Issue The Missing Dimensions of Poverty Data: Introduction to the Special Issue','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this special issue is to draw attention to “missing dimensions” of poverty data—dimensions that are of value to poor people, but for which we have scant or no data. Amartya Sen frames development as the process of expanding the freedoms that people value and have reason to value. Although the most widely known measure of human development includes income, longevity and education, many have argued that people\'s values, and consequently multidimensional poverty, extend beyond these domains. In order to advance these multiple areas, it is at times necessary to conduct empirical studies using individual or household-level data on multiple dimensions of poverty. A critical barrier for international analyses of multidimensional poverty is that few or no high-quality indicators are available across countries and respondents in key domains that are deeply important to poor people and of potentially critical instrumental importance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 09:12:42','2013-11-18 15:55:39','','Waiting'),(1226,'(Re)connecting Politics? Parliament, the Public and the Internet','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Much concern has been voiced about the ability of UK parliamentary institutions and elected representatives to respond to twenty-first century politics. Consequently, there has been an increasing focus around the need to modernise representative politics and re-engage public interest in democratic institutions. Perhaps not surprisingly, the emergence of the internet and email, has been seized upon as one potential solution to public disconnection from parliament. This article examines the extent to which new media can: open up new channels of communication between MPs and the public and whether it could widen/deepen participation in parliamentary politics. To answer such questions, the paper draws on public opinion survey data which assesses: the extent of current usage of parliamentary websites; whether there is a new audience using online communication; the comparative value of different forms of communication with representatives; the demand for online parliamentary consultation and participation; and attitudes towards use of new media in the parliamentary politics. It concludes by suggesting that whilst new media technologies have potential, without wider changes to parliamentary politics, they are just as likely to reinforce existing participation patterns. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 09:18:54','2013-11-18 15:59:22','','Waiting'),(1227,'Beyond the United States and Japan: Testing Yamagishi\'s Emancipation Theory of Trust across 31 Nations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We examined the relationship between Individualism/Collectivism and generalized social trust across 31 European nations participating in the European Social Survey. Using multilevel regression analyses, the current study provides the first empirical investigation of the effects of cultural norms of Individualism/Collectivism on generalized social trust while accounting for individuals\' own cultural orientations within the same analysis. The results provide clear support for Yamagishi and Yamagishi\'s (1994) emancipation theory of trust, showing a significant and positive relationship between Individualism/Collectivism and generalized social trust, over and above the effect of a country\'s political history of communism and ethnic heterogeneity. Having controlled for individual effects of Individualism/Collectivism it is clear that the results of the current analysis cannot be reduced to an individual-level explanation, but must be interpreted within the context of macrosocial processes. We conclude by discussing potential mechanisms that could explain why national individualism is more likely to foster trust among people than collectivism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 09:42:10','2013-11-19 09:08:07','','Waiting'),(1228,'Nationalism and the Cohesive Society A Multilevel Analysis of the Interplay Among Diversity, National Identity, and Social Capital Across 27 European Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A spate of work has demonstrated tensions between ethno-cultural diversity and social capital. Some have suggested that attachment to the nation can foster cross-group trust, particularly if this national self-definition is “civic” in character rather than “ethnic” (the Miller thesis). Similarly, others have argued that civic nations are less likely to suffer reduced social capital in response to increased diversity, as the sense of threat that typically emerges in ethnically diverse contexts will be mitigated (the Putnam thesis). The authors test these hypotheses on 27 countries using both contextual-level data and the latest wave of the European Values Study (2008). Though the evidence is mixed on civic nationalism, the authors find strong evidence that ethnic nationalism goes hand-in-hand with reduced social capital and that it increases the negative social impact of diversity. So although this study only partially confirms the benefits of civic nationalism, it clearly underlines the costs of its ethnic variety. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 09:57:16','2013-11-19 09:12:17','','Waiting'),(1229,'The Impact of Family Policy Expenditure on Fertility in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyzes the impact on fertility of changes in national expenditure for family allowances, maternity- and parental-leave bene?? ts, and childcare subsidies. To do so, I estimate a model for the timing of births using individual-level data from 16 western European countries, supplemented with data on national social expenditure for different family policy programs. The latter allow approximation of the subsidies that households with children receive from such programs. The results show that increased expenditure on family policy programs that help women to combine family and employment—and thus reduce the opportunity cost of children—generates positive fertility responses.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 10:05:00','2013-11-19 09:23:34','','Waiting'),(1230,'Recent Advances in the Economics of Individual Subjective Well-Being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the last decades, empirical research on subjective well-being in the social sciences has provided a major new stimulation of the discourse on individual happiness. Recently this research has also been linked to economics where reported subjective well-being is often taken as a proxy measure for individual welfare. In our review, we intend to provide an evaluation of where the economic research on happiness stands and of three directions it might develop. First, it offers new ways for testing the basic assumptions of the economic approach and for going about a new understanding of utility. Second, it provides a new possibility for the complementary testing of theories across fields in economics. Third, we inquire how the insights gained from the study of individual happiness in economics affect public policy. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 10:15:09','2013-11-19 09:31:16','','Waiting'),(1231,'Oil wealth dissatisfaction and political trust in Norway: A resource curse?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent scholarship has proposed a resource curse hypothesis arguing that an abundance of natural resources stimulates dysfunctional economic policy choices and rent-seeking, creates conflicts over the distribution of wealth, and, ultimately, can lead to civil war. Norway has attempted to avoid the resource curse by using state institutions to bring oil wealth under political control, including a strong government involvement in the production of oil, a tax regime that guarantees a large income to the state from oil production, and the more recent establishment of an oil fund invested abroad. The strong state involvement in the oil sector strengthens citizens\' expectations of benefits they may receive. As much of the wealth is locked up in the oil fund – a fast growing cake that voters cannot eat – voters have become morenegative regarding the current policy, which they see as too tight on spending. We demonstrate that oil wealth dissatisfaction most likely contributes to the recent decline in political trust in Norway. Compared to other forms of resource curse effects, we consider the Norwegian variety a mild form.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 10:19:15','2013-11-19 09:29:03','','Waiting'),(1232,'What Have We Learned About Generalized Trust, If Anything?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'After discussing issues related to the conceptualization, measurement, and statistical analysis of data on generalized trust, I survey recent empirical work (mainly from about 2000–2007) on this topic. First, results concerning cross-country differences in the level of generalized trust and the dynamics of these levels are presented. Then comes an investigation of empirical work on the determinants of generalized trust, covering contributions focusing on the impact of civic society, quality of institutions, culture and values, and ethnic heterogeneity. In these studies, generalized trust is treated as the dependent variable. After that, I survey recent empirical work on societal impacts of generalized trust, covering research on the impact of generalized trust on economic outcomes, on politics and “good government,” and on the welfare state. Here, generalized trust is treated as an independent variable. I conclude with a short assessment of where we stand and how research on generalized trust may proceed from here.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 10:34:01','2013-11-19 09:32:30','','Waiting'),(1233,'Overeducation and depressive symptoms: diminishing mental health returns to education','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In general, well-educated people enjoy better mental health than those with less education. As a result, some wonder whether there are limits to the mental health benefits of education. Inspired by the literature on the expansion of tertiary education, this article explores marginal mental health returns to education and studies the mental health status of overeducated people. To enhance the validity of the findings we use two indicators of educational attainment – years of education and ISCED97 categories – and two objective indicators of overeducation (the realised matches method and the job analyst method) in a sample of the working population of 25 European countries (unweighted sample N = 19,089). Depression is measured using an eight-item version of the CES-D scale. We find diminishing mental health returns to education. In addition, overeducated people report more depression symptoms. Both findings hold irrespective of the indicators used. The results must be interpreted in the light of the enduring expansion of education, as our findings show that the discussion of the relevance of the human capital perspective, and the diploma disease view on the relationship between education and modern society, is not obsolete.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Piet.Bracke@UGent.be','2013-08-06 10:46:37','2016-09-01 15:45:35','','Waiting'),(1234,'Halfway to Heaven: Four Types of Fuzzy Fidelity in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'People who are neither very religious nor specifically nonreligious are generally understudied despite comprising on average half the national population in most European countries. From its size alone, we should expect this group to hold some of the clues, not only to how religious change takes place in Europe, but also why. Using the Religious and Moral Pluralism (RAMP) survey from 10 European countries, four subtypes of “fuzzy fidelity” were identified through cluster analysis. These included both “believing without belonging” and “belonging without believing.” Detailed analysis of each type show great national differences in the ways that religion is practiced and understood. A sizable minority of the Dutch population can be classified as “Believing without belonging,” whereas Scandinavians are much more likely to belong without believing. The diversity of the religious landscape within fuzzy fidelity highlights the methodological issues involved in using single-scale measures for multidimensional phenomena.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 10:57:58','2013-11-19 09:43:37','','Waiting'),(1235,'Cultural norms & business start-ups: the impact of national values on opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It has long been known that the level of entrepreneurship, indicated as the\npercentage of incorporated and unincorporated nascent businesses relative to the labor\nforce differs strongly across countries. This variance is related to differences in levels of\neconomic development (Wennekers et al. 2005), but also to diverging demographic,\ncultural, and institutional characteristics (Acs and Armington 2004; Busenitiz et al.\n2000; Fusari 1996; Karlsson and Duhlberg 2003; Rocha 2004; Thurik et al. 2006;\nWong et al. 2005). Incorporating an institutional perspective, the aim of this research is\nto test if culture, operationalized through the World Values Survey (WVS) data, is a\nsignificant factor in predicting opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship rates at the\ncountry level. Opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship rates will be averaged from\nthe 2001 to 2003 Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) and aggregated for 38\ncountries in this cross-sectional analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 11:02:21','2013-11-19 09:44:45','','Waiting'),(1236,'Understanding unequal turnout: Education and voting in comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Well-educated citizens vote more frequently than the poorly educated in some countries, including the USA. However, in many countries, no such differences are observed. One classical explanation of the presence or absence of this inequality in voting is that the strength of left-wing forces sharpens or reduces it. An alternative explanation is that some institutional arrangements and contextual features disproportionately affect the voter participation of some individuals depending on their resources, thus shaping turnout inequality. These theories are tested using multilevel modeling with data from 28 advanced industrial democracies. Compulsory voting reduces inequalities because under this system quasi-universal turnout is achieved. In addition, the poorly educated vote more frequently when the voting procedure is easy and when there are few political parties, thus reducing turnout inequality. However, strong left-wing parties and trade unions are not associated with more equal turnout.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 11:22:16','2013-11-19 09:48:47','','Waiting'),(1237,'A Method for Evaluating Mode Effects in Mixed-mode Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Survey designs in which data from different groups of respondents are collected by different survey modes have become increasingly popular. However, such mixed-mode (MM) designs lead to a confounding of selection effects and measurement effects (measurement error) caused by mode differences. Consequently, MM data have poor quality. Nevertheless, comparing MM data with data from a comparable single-mode survey allows researchers to measure selection effects and measurement effects separately. The authors develop a method to evaluate mode effects and illustrate this method with data from a Dutch MM experiment within the European Social Survey program. In this experiment, respondents could choose between three modes: a Web survey, a telephone interview, or a face-to-face interview. Mode effects on three political variables are evaluated: interest in politics, perceived complexity of politics, and voter turnout in the last national election. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 11:27:54','2013-11-19 10:05:08','','Waiting'),(1238,'Contexts of immigrant receptivity and immigrant religious outcomes: the case of Muslims in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Among migration scholars, immigrant religiosity has become an important variable in understanding immigrant incorporation into the new society, but less studied are determinants of varying immigrant religious outcomes. Using a subsample of immigrant Muslims within the European Social Survey (2002, 2004, 2006), contexts of immigrant receptivity as less or more welcoming are tested on immigrant Muslim religious outcomes using multi-level modelling. Results confirm the hypothesis that less welcoming immigrant contexts are associated with higher religious outcomes among Muslim immigrants in comparison to the host region\'s religiosity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 11:30:30','2013-11-19 10:26:03','','Waiting'),(1239,'Assessing the Relation Between Satisfaction with Public Service Delivery and Trust in Government. The Impact of the Predisposition of Citizens Toward Government on Evalutations of Its Performance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We study how satisfaction with service delivery affects trust in public agencies in an empirical setting. Our basic assumption is that the causal relation between satisfaction and trust cannot be fruitfully analyzed unless the measures are controlled for a common component, which we identify as the predisposition toward government. The empirical results suggest that the impact of a negative experience with a public agency is much more pronounced than the effect of a positive one. Decreasing the number of disappointed clients will, therefore, have a stronger effect on increasing trust in the public sector than increasing the number of (already) well-pleased clients: Trust comes on foot and goes away on horseback. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 12:39:39','2013-11-19 10:43:34','','Waiting'),(1240,'“No Thanks, We’re Full”: Individual Characteristics, National Context, and Changing Attitudes Toward Immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we examine how individual-level characteristics and national context affect attitudes toward immigration. Although many previous studies have compared attitudes toward immigration across countries, little attention has been paid to how attitudes may be affected by changes within a country over time. We take advantage of seventeen national Canadian Gallup surveys to consider how differences in national economic conditions and changing immigration flows affect attitudes and changes in attitudes between 1975 and 2000. While the state of the national economy affects attitudes this is not the case for the rate of immigration. Rather than affecting some groups more than others the state of the economy has a relatively uniform effect across groups. Our results also show that far from being a continuum, being anti-immigration and being pro-immigration are qualitatively different. Interest, ideology, and the national economy affect anti-immigration sentiments, but only ideology affects pro-immigration sentiments.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 12:56:45','2013-11-19 11:05:01','','Waiting'),(1241,'Threatened by Diversity: Why Restrictive Asylum and Immigration Policies Appeal to Western Europeans','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous research has found that, especially in contemporary western Europe, culture or identity concerns are more important for explaining immigration and asylum policy preferences than economic concerns. This article advances this line of research by considering three new hypotheses, which specify how and why culture and identity concerns matter so much. The first two hypotheses distinguish between two different identity concerns that have arisen as a consequence of globalization – worries about declining national authority, on the one hand, and diminished national unity and uniqueness, on the other. The third hypothesis holds that anti-immigrant elites play an important role in persuading the public that restrictive immigration and asylum policies are an appropriate response to such concerns. Using survey data collected in 2003 for 18 western European countries and regions, the study finds overwhelming support for the second hypothesis. Western Europeans demand restrictive immigration and asylum policies mainly because they are concerned that diversity of religion, language and tradition will have a negative impact on their country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 13:00:32','2013-11-19 11:09:06','','Waiting'),(1242,'The Agency Gap in Work–Life Balance: Applying Sen\'s Capabilities Framework Within European Contexts','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Work–life balance (hereafter WLB) is a discursive refrain in European public debate that reflects goals for a more productive workforce: that women and men should be able to be both earners and carers. It is not merely a buzzword in policy circles, however, but mirrors rising expectations of working parents for a better quality of life and the tensions that ensue from these expectations within individual lives, households, work organizations, and policy frameworks. European societies\' attitudinal studies reveal that an overwhelming majority of both women and men maintain that WLB is a primary priority when considering job and workplace (Hobson and Fahlén 2009a, 2009b). There is also convincing evidence that most European men would like to reduce their working hours, even with an equivalent reduction in hourly pay (Fagan 2004; Hobson and Fahlén 2009a). Yet, there is a growing gap between attitudes and practices, the ideal and the real, as seen in the rising numbers of individuals who work long hours (Boulin et al. 2006; Guest 2002; Lee 2004), and the significant proportions of jobs with unsocial hours (Boulin et al. 2006; Perrons et al. 2006). When applied to working parents, WLB is often defined as a lack thereof, i.e., work–life imbalance, or work–life conflict (Guest 2002), which is reflected in international research that shows that individuals most often view work demands as impinging on family time rather than vice versa (Frone 2003). ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 13:04:06','2013-11-19 11:23:05','','Waiting'),(1243,'Birthstrikes? Agency and Capabilities in the Reconciliation of Employment and Family','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this article is to analyze women\'s agency and fertility decisions in the context of policy configurations in welfare states for reconciling employment with having and caring for children and the changing aspirations and expectations forgender equality in families. Employing the concept of birthstriking, inspired by Amartaya Sen\'s ideas on capabilities and agency freedom, we consider which individuals and families in the 1990s are delaying or not having children across 12 countries, representing four policy configuration models. Using household level data, we consider differences in education on the likelihood of having a first child. We find the clearest birthstriking effects in societies where there are weak reconciliation policies for motherhood and employment and few protections for families with uncertain economic futures.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 13:13:28','2013-11-19 11:25:50','','Waiting'),(1244,'Blaming Europe? Exploring the variable impact of national public service dissatisfaction on EU trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey data suggest that dissatisfaction with national public services has direct negative effects on EU trust in most EU15 countries, but also that there is significant country variation in their actual magnitude. Two-thirds of this variation can be explained jointly by two macro factors: the effect is stronger in larger welfare states where elites and citizens may perceive EU-induced obstacles for welfare state expansion. Likewise, it is stronger in political systems where the most Eurosceptic parties have tended to be the most welfare state-supporting ones. Under such conditions, it is more probable that citizens receive political cues conducive to a negative effect of dissatisfaction on EU trust. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 13:16:24','2013-11-19 11:31:40','','Waiting'),(1246,'Beyond the civic–ethnic dichotomy: investigating the structure of citizenship concepts across thirty-three countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,' The traditional distinction between civic and ethnic citizenship continues to dominate the study of citizenship concepts. In recent years, various authors have questioned the dichotomous character of these concepts. In this article, we empirically investigate the applicability of this dichotomy based on an analysis of International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) survey data across thirty-three societies. The analysis demonstrates that this dichotomous structure can indeed be detected and therefore the theoretical dichotomy can be considered as empirically valid. While ethnic citizenship refers most strongly to having national ancestry, for civic citizenship the most important criterion seems to be to obey national laws. However, the ethnic concept of citizenship can also be defined in a negative manner: for ethnic citizenship, obeying the national laws is clearly not a sufficient condition. Further analysis also reveals that the measurement of both concepts is not equivalent cross-nationally, so that findings on civic and ethnic citizenship are difficult to compare across societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 13:35:05','2013-11-19 11:35:49','','Waiting'),(1247,'Why are Older People More Likely to Vote? The Impact of Ageing on Electoral Turnout in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses the reasons for higher voting participation among older people in Europe. Over their lifetimes, citizens tend to habituate voting and comply with a growing subjective norm of voting. Furthermore, the average voting participation of older people is influenced by their longer duration of residence, the lack of a mobilising partner, worse physical health and less education, although life experience replaces the function of formal education over a lifetime. Most of these factors are founded on the very nature of human behaviour and the social context of our life course. Thus, they arguably stand outside of the political process and will remain stable into the future.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 13:39:10','2013-11-19 11:42:56','','Waiting'),(1248,'Attitudes toward Highly Skilled and Low-skilled Immigration: Evidence from a Survey Experiment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Past research has emphasized two critical economic concerns that appear to generate anti-immigrant sentiment among native citizens: concerns about labor market competition and concerns about the fiscal burden on public services. We provide direct tests of both models of attitude formation using an original survey experiment embedded in a nationwide U.S. survey. The labor market competition model predicts that natives will be most opposed to immigrants who have skill levels similar to their own. We find instead that both low-skilled and highly skilled natives strongly prefer highly skilled immigrants over low-skilled immigrants, and this preference is not decreasing in natives’ skill levels. The fiscal burden model anticipates that rich natives oppose low-skilled immigration more than poor natives, and that this gap is larger in states with greater fiscal exposure (in terms of immigrant access to public services). We find instead that rich and poor natives are equally opposed to low-skilled immigration in general. In states with high fiscal exposure, poor (rich) natives are more (less) opposed to low-skilled immigration than they are elsewhere. This indicates that concerns among poor natives about constraints on welfare benefits as a result of immigration are more relevant than concerns among the rich about increased taxes. Overall the results suggest that economic self-interest, at least as currently theorized, does not explain voter attitudes toward immigration. The results are consistent with alternative arguments emphasizing noneconomic concerns associated with ethnocentrism or sociotropic considerations about how the local economy as a whole may be affected by immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 13:48:55','2013-11-19 11:55:55','','Waiting'),(1249,'Three Types of Voluntary Associations in Comparative Perspective: The Importance of Studying Associational Involvement through a Typology of Associations in 21 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although very different types of voluntary associations are often lumped together in (cross-national) analyses, we argue that scholars should distinguish between types of associations. In the first part of the paper, we develop a typology of voluntary associations based on theoretical considerations and previous empirical analyses of the primary concerns of these voluntary associations: leisure organizations fulfil recreational purposes, interest organizations aim to represent the interests of their members, and activist organizations advocate broad societal interests. We present a measure that is cross-nationally equivalent. The second part of the paper illustrates the validity and relevance of the typology for studies of associational involvement. First, the Mokken scale analysis shows that the repertoire of activities (membership, participation, volunteering, and donating money) that citizens employ differs across the three types. Second, cross-national analysis shows that the ratio between involvement rate and the share of volunteers in voluntary associations differs across the three types. Finally, the three types of associations are differently related to the (supposed) causes and consequences of associational involvement. We illustrate that many of these differences cancel each other out when we do not distinguish between leisure, interest and activist organizations. All in all, this article proves that the distinction between leisure, interest, and activist organizations has significant, substantial, and theoretically relevant outcomes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 13:55:00','2013-11-19 12:06:25','','Waiting'),(1250,'Spatial and Social Disparities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'No abstract available\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-07 13:49:11','2013-11-19 13:22:09','','Waiting'),(1251,'Assessing Values at an Early Age: The Picture-Based Value Survey for Children (PBVS–C)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, we introduce the Picture-Based Value Survey for Children (PBVS–C): a new assessment instrument that was developed within the conceptual framework of Schwartz’s (1994) theory of universal human values. In the article, we describe the development of the PBVS–C with a specific focus on children’s cognitive-developmental background (Harter, 1999; La Greca, 1990) and first applications. Multidimensional Scaling analyses in 2 samples of 8- to 12-year-old children (N= 267, N= 421, respectively) revealed highly differentiated structural patterns that closely correspond to Schwartz’s theory. We discuss these findings and the potentials and limitations of the new instrument with respect to future directions of values research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-07 14:17:04','2013-11-19 13:28:41','','Waiting'),(1252,'Sports in Civil Society: Networks, Social Capital and Influence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Sports represent the largest category of voluntary organizations in many European countries. This article addresses questions concerning the position, centrality and influence of sports organizations as one specific part of civil society, and is based on an approach providing information on networks between categories of organizations. These networks consist of overlapping affiliations to organizations which are then interpreted as structures making communication, persuasion and influence possible. From these networks, position, centrality and potential influence of sports organizations in civil society are analysed. The article also looks more specifically at the links between sports and seven other types of voluntary organizations. The data is based on Norwegian surveys from 1982, 1990, and 2003, providing the possibility to follow sports organizations over a period of 20 years. The results show that sports organizations are influential due to size, but relatively weakly embedded and positioned in civil society. This position is, however, strengthened compared to most other organizations during the last 20 years. Regarding the relation of sports to other specific organizations some type of ‘normalization’ seems to have taken place, and sports are socially ‘closer’ to most organizations in 2003 than in 1982. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-07 14:44:46','2013-11-19 13:42:04','','Waiting'),(1253,'‘I Don\'t Bribe, I Just Pull Strings’: Assessing the Fluidity of Social Representations of Corruption in Portuguese Society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Portugal has often been considered as a case of successful democratic consolidation; and in fact the same ethical standards underpin democratic government and the rule of law – equality, transparency, accountability, impartiality, legality and integrity – as are found in most other mature Western European democracies. However, there is something singular about the Portuguese case that may be of interest to scholars of other southern European countries and the consolidating democracies of Eastern Europe: The coexistence of modern/rational and pre-modern/family-based relations between citizens and the public administration. This means that corruption in Portugal is not only about bribery but also about a series of other practices and conducts – ones in which the exchange of money for decisions is neither clear-cut nor automatic. Drawing on European and national survey data, this paper sets out to demonstrate that beneath the apparently consensual condemnation of corruption at a symbolic level, citizens tolerate it, by engaging in small influence peddling, in their daily relationships with the public administration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-07 15:01:18','2013-11-19 13:48:59','','Waiting'),(1254,'Persistent Inequality in Educational Attainment and its Institutional Context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research has repeatedly shown that educational opportunities are distributed unevenly in all countries. Therefore, the question is not whether family background and educational outcomes are related but to what degree they are related. This latter question then invites a comparative perspective. That is, does social inequality in education differ across time and countries? If yes, which institutional characteristics can explain differences in educational inequality? Educational inequality is conceptualized as the association between individuals’ and their parents’ highest educational level attained. Intergenerational educational mobility processes are analysed for 20 industrialized nations by means of log-linear and log-multiplicative models. The results show that the degree of educational mobility has remained stable across the second half of the 20th century in virtually all countries. However, nations differ widely in the extent to which parents’ education influences their children\'s educational attainment. The degree of educational inequality is associated with the institutional structure of national education systems. Rigid systems with dead-end educational pathways appear to be a hindrance to the equalization of educational opportunities, especially if the sorting of students occurs early in the educational career. This association is not mediated by other institutional characteristics included in this analysis that do not exert notable influences on educational mobility. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-07 15:07:32','2013-11-19 13:52:31','','Waiting'),(1255,'Trust in the police, generalized trust and reporting crime','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Many researchers have assumed that trust in the police increases victims’ willingness to report crimes. This question has rarely been considered empirically, but most of the available research suggests a surprising conclusion: trust in the police does not appear to increase the likelihood of people reporting crime. The seriousness of the crime and, in particular, the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator do have a significant impact on willingness to report. An especially interesting and influential factor may be mutual trust between citizens, which researchers of social capital have named ‘generalized trust’. Does a high level of generalized trust reduce citizens’ desire to rely on official control? This article examines the links between generalized trust and trust in the police, and their interactive effect on the willingness to report violent and property crimes. The research data are based on Finnish national crime victim survey data collected in 2006.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-07 15:12:41','2013-11-19 13:59:44','','Waiting'),(1256,'International Patterns of Union Membership','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines changes in unionization that have occurred over the last decade or so using individual level micro data on many countries, with particular emphasis on the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada. I document an empirical regularity not hitherto identified, namely the probability of being unionized follows an inverted U-shaped pattern in age, maximizing in the mid- to late 40s in 34 of the 38 countries I study. I consider the question of why union membership seems to follow a similar inverted U-shape pattern in age across countries with such diverse industrial relations systems. I find evidence that this arises in part because of cohort effects, but even when cohort effects are removed a U-shape remains.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-07 15:15:24','2013-11-19 14:36:42','','Waiting'),(1257,'Forty Years of Sociology : Some Comments','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the last 40 years, sociology – and sociologists – has been through some\ninteresting times (in the Chinese sense). On the one hand, the subject has survived\nthe politically-inspired attacks of the 1980s and is securely established in\nmost universities. On the other hand, even though a (rather uneasy) truce might\nappear to prevail between different ‘approaches’ to sociology, many of the intellectual\ndivisions that have plagued the subject still rumble on. With these\nthoughts in mind, my response to the special issue of Sociology (41/5, 2007);\nfocuses on three contributions in particular, the Editorial Foreword (‘Sociology\nand its Public Face(s)’, Holmwood and Scott), ‘The Coming Crisis of Empirical\nSociology’ (Savage and Burrows), and ‘Social Divisions and Social Mobilities’\n(Payne). I shall argue that if there is a ‘crisis’ in empirical sociology it is one\nrelating to an absence of quantitative expertise, rather than the presence of the\n‘wrong’ variety. I shall further argue that a (possibly unintended) consequence\nof Savage and Burrows’ rejection of the survey method might be to reinforce the\nlack of inclination, amongst many sociologists, to acquire a reasonable level of\nquantitative expertise.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-07 15:19:11','2013-11-19 14:41:22','','Waiting'),(1258,'Towards more sustainable food choices: Value priorities and motivational orientations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aims to improve our understanding of food choices that are more sustainable in terms of moral and health aspects of eating. The aim of sustainability may require that people in Western countries choose to eat smaller quantities of meat as well as types of meat that are produced in a more responsible way. Focusing on mediators of the relationship between broad universalistic values and meat choices, we examined how involvement in food can be separated into promotion-oriented and prevention-oriented motivational goals. In a survey among 1530 Dutch consumers we found that most of the basic human values were to a certain extent related to the direction of the food choice motives. However, giving priority to universalism appeared to be unique in its impact on food choices favouring less meat or free-range meat. This impact was weak but robust and it was mediated by prevention-oriented food choice motives together with a high level of involvement in food and motive-congruent animal friendly attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 10:07:13','2013-11-19 14:39:49','','Waiting'),(1259,'Explaining large-N cooperation: Generalized social trust and the social exchange heuristic ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper presents a new argument that links generalized social trust and collective action in situations with a large number of actors who do not have specific information on each other. Generalized social trust enhances large-N cooperation through the social exchange heuristic, which stimulates conditional cooperation in social dilemmas. Using data from a survey in four countries and recycling behavior as an indicator of collective action, this explanation is tested with individual-level data. While the relationship between generalized social trust and large-N collective action is often hypothesized, there is scant micro-level evidence as it has mainly been tested at the macro level. The results show that people holding generalized social trust cooperate more readily in large-N dilemmas, and that they most likely do so because of the social exchange heuristic. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 10:09:28','2013-11-19 14:41:23','','Waiting'),(1260,'Going, going, . . . gone? The decline of party membership in contemporary Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article offers an overview of levels of party membership in European democracies at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century and looks also at changes in these levels over time, comparing party membership today with figures from both 1980 and the late 1990s. While relying primarily on the direct and individual membership figures as reported by the parties themselves, the fit of the data with survey data is explored and it is concluded that the two perform well in terms of convergent validity. The differences between large and small democracies are examined, as well as old and new democracies, and it is found that levels of party membership are related to both the size and age of the democratic polity in question. Finally, the implications of the patterns observed in the membership data are discussed, and it is suggested that membership has now reached such a low ebb that it may no longer constitute a relevant indicator of party organisational capacity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 10:19:55','2013-11-19 14:49:35','','Waiting'),(1261,'Development of the social capital questionnaire in Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Greek version of the social capital questionnaire (SCQ-G) was evaluated in a sample of 521 adults drawn from three different urban areas in Greece. Exploratory factor analysis followed by multi-trait scaling yielded six factors: Participation in the Community, Feelings of Safety, Family/Friends Connections, Value of Life and Social Agency, Tolerance of Diversity, and Work Connections. The factor solution is similar to the patterns identified originally in Australia and the US. Variations suggest that social capital does not share the same structure in different countries. The SCQ-G is a useful scale to measure individual-level social capital in Greece. Social capital measurement tools should be validated in each cultural or national setting in which they are used. © 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Res Nurs Health 31:217–225, 2008',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 10:24:16','2013-11-19 15:27:52','','Waiting'),(1262,'How General Is Trust in “Most People”? Solving the Radius of Trust Problem','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Generalized trust has become a paramount topic throughout the social sciences, in its own right and as the key civic component of social capital. To date, cross-national research relies on the standard question: “Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you need to be very careful in dealing with people?” Yet the radius problem—that is, how wide a circle of others respondents imagine as “most people”—makes comparisons between individuals and countries problematic. Until now, much about the radius problem has been speculation, but data for 51 countries from the latest World Values Survey make it possible to estimate how wide the trust radius actually is. We do this by relating responses to the standard trust question to a new battery of items that measures in-group and out-group trust. In 41 out of 51 countries, “most people” in the standard question predominantly connotes out-groups. To this extent, it is a valid measure of general trust in others. Nevertheless, the radius of “most people” varies considerably across countries; it is substantially narrower in Confucian countries and wider in wealthy countries. Some country rankings on trust thus change dramatically when the standard question is replaced by a radius-adjusted trust score. In cross-country regressions, the radius of trust matters for civic attitudes and behaviors because the assumed civic nature of trust depends on a wide radius. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 10:35:52','2013-11-19 14:58:06','','Waiting'),(1263,'Automatic associations and discrimination in hiring: Real world evidence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This is the first study providing empirical support for automatically activated associations inducing discriminatory behavior among recruiters in a real-life hiring situation. Two different field experiments on ethnic discrimination in hiring are combined with a measure of employers\' automatic attitudes and performance stereotypes toward Arab-Muslim men relative to Swedish men using the Implicit Association Test.\n\nThe results show that the probability to invite Arab-Muslim job applicants decreases by five percentage points when the recruiter has a one standard deviation stronger negative implicit association toward Arab-Muslim men. This suggests that automatic processes may exert a significant impact on employers\' hiring decisions, offering new insights into labor market discrimination.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 10:43:35','2013-11-19 15:00:18','','Waiting'),(1264,'Hard Measures for Soft Stuff: citizenship indicators and educational policy under the Lisbon Strategy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How far is the European Union a vehicle for inclusion and empowerment of a new range of policy actors in education? This article explores the role of actors in policy formation through a case study. It examines European Union attempts since 2000 to develop indicators of ‘active citizenship’ and ‘education and training for active citizenship’. It is based on two main sources: policy documents on the development of indicators and benchmarks; and a case study of an exercise (2005-07) to develop such indicators, initiated by the European Commission’s Directorate General for Education and Culture. It shows that policy actors have attempted to take advantage of the Open Method of Coordination, often seen as a neo-liberal control mechanism, to ensure that citizenship remains on the policy agenda.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 11:03:17','2013-11-19 15:04:00','','Waiting'),(1265,'Inequality and the demand for redistribution: are the assumptions of the new growth theory valid?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One prominent strand of the new growth theory has identified the political process as a potential channel to link high inequality to lower long-term growth. Several authors have argued that (i) higher inequality causes higher demand for redistribution, (ii) which leads to greater redistribution and higher taxes, and (iii) which is in turn harmful to growth. This article addresses the first step of this argument, a proposition that has been widely accepted as a stylized fact. Using cross section data for 26 countries from the ISSP\'s module on Social Inequality, it presents an empirical test that yields no support for the idea that public support for redistribution rises with inequality across countries. This finding is attributed to the influence of social justice norms that vary greatly between groups of culturally similar countries. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 11:18:26','2013-11-19 15:24:15','','Waiting'),(1266,'A Research Agenda for the Study of Migrants and Minorities in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Migration and minority policy issues are now at the forefront of the political\ndebate in Europe. Both issues denote a dynamic and rapidly changing set of\nsensitive political, economic and social questions that affect domestic and\ninternational policy-making. They have developed a distinctly European and\nEU dimension, and the parallel processes of EU constitution-making and\nenlargement have underscored the relevance of these issue areas. The current\npolitical context in Europe – between the first and second round of the EU’s\neastward enlargement and at a time when the whole notion of an EU constitution\nand future enlargement (in particular in the case of Turkey) have been\ncalled into question by the French and Dutch rejections of the Constitutional\nTreaty – makes discussion about minority and migration issues particularly\nrelevant. This special issue places these issues in a set of research trends and\ntries to define a new research agenda.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 11:25:28','2013-11-19 15:32:18','','Waiting'),(1267,'Do different welfare states engender different policy preferences? Opinions on pension reforms in Eastern and Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines whether the different welfare states of the European Union member states engender different policy preferences and attitudes among the population. More specifically, it investigates variations in attitudes towards population ageing and pension reforms, and variations in people\'s retirement age preferences and expectations. It is shown that despite the different cultures and welfare traditions in the old and new member states, there are commonalities in people\'s value orientations and views about population ageing, not least that the vast majority are pessimistic about the consequences. In both Eastern and Western Europe, the most popular options for pensions reform are to raise taxes and to extend working life, and few favour reducing pension benefits. Despite these similarities, there are also marked attitudinal differences. Eastern Europeans rely more on their children for old-age care and are much more in favour of a pension structure in which benefits depend on the number of children. On personal expectations and preferences for retirement, it is shown that both Eastern and Western Europeans expect to retire from the labour market at an older age than the current actual retirement age.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 11:28:24','2013-11-19 15:33:58','','Waiting'),(1268,'New Facets of Urban Segregation in Southern Europe Gender, Migration and Social Class Change in Athens','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article explores how primary features of occupational restructuring, such as the feminization of employment and migration, and changes in patterns of residential mobility of Greek and migrant women since the 1990s have contributed to shaping new forms of sociospatial segregation in Athens. We examine changes in the occupational structure and in segregation indices from 1991 to 2001. Findings suggest that new gender and ethnic divisions in the occupational structure combine with residential mobility and introduce strong tendencies towards spatial fragmentation. Intra-urban and migratory flows reflect diversified occupational trajectories among women and contribute to shaping the socioeconomic profile of the destination areas: (a) migrant domestic and unskilled service workers locate to central city and suburban areas; (b) Greek managers and professionals, move to ‘upper-class suburbs’; (c) small Greek entrepreneurs and independent workers sprawl to peri-urban areas; (d) salespersons and clerks move to inner suburban areas. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 12:50:06','2013-11-19 15:36:51','','Waiting'),(1269,'Bureaucratic Rents and Life Satisfaction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Institutions affect bureaucrats\' possibilities to acquire rents; they determine the degree of accountability and responsiveness of officials and of political control of the bureaucracy and, thereby, the size and distribution of rents in the public sphere. Those rents can involve higher wages, monetary and nonmonetary fringe benefits, and bribes. We propose a direct measure to capture the total of these rents: the difference in subjective well-being between bureaucrats and people working in the private sector. In a sample of 42 countries, we find large variations in the extent of rents in the public bureaucracy. The extent of rents is determined by differences in institutional and political constraints. In particular, we find judicial independence to be of major relevance for a tamed bureaucracy. Further, our measure for rents correlates with indicators of regulatory policies and perceptions of corruption. (JEL D72, D73, I31, J30, J45) ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 13:00:31','2013-11-19 15:44:43','','Waiting'),(1270,'Why There is Basically Only One Form of Political Trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Fisher et al. have argued in this journal that various forms of political trust should be distinguished. In this note I critically review this assertion. A replication study of the British Election Study demonstrates clearly that political trust is a one-dimensional attitude, as citizens apparently do not distinguish between the functioning of various political institutions. An explanation for this pattern could be that political trust judgements reflect the prevailing political culture within a political system. It can rightly be assumed that political culture is a system characteristic that will guide the behaviour of most political actors and institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-08 13:09:49','2013-11-20 09:41:08','','Waiting'),(1271,'Early Risk Behaviors and Adolescent Injury in 25 European and North American Countries A Cross-National Consistent Relationship','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Injury is a leading cause of mortality and morbidity among adolescents in developed countries. Jessor and Jessor’s Problem Behavior Theory suggests an association between risk behaviors (e.g., smoking, drunkenness, cannabis use, and sexual intercourse) and adolescent injury. The present study examined whether early engagement in risk behaviors would predict injury at age 15. It also examined whether such associations were consistent in strength across countries. Based on the data from the 2005-2006 Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) survey, a multigroup logistic regression analysis was conducted. Our findings demonstrate a cross-national consistent association (with relative odds of injury rising to 1.85; 95% CI: 1.70-2.02). Based on the study findings, early engagement in risk behaviors was considered a marker for a trajectory that places adolescents at higher risk for physical injury, independent of their national context. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-09 09:32:52','2013-11-20 09:44:43','','Waiting'),(1272,'Associations between different dimensions of religious involvement and self-rated health in diverse European populations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objective: Existing evidence on the relationship between religious involvement and health indicates that organizational religious involvement, such as attendance at services, is associated with better health. Findings concerning other dimensions of religious involvement, such as prayer, are inconsistent and analyses often neglect the potential influence of other correlated dimensions. Design: Using cross-sectional data from 22 diverse European countries in the European Social Survey, including 18,129 men and 21,205 women, three dimensions of religious involvement (frequency of attendance at religious services; frequency of private prayer; self-assessment as a religious person) were studied. Main Outcome Measure: Poor self-rated health (SRH). Results: When analyzed separately, less frequent attendance was associated with poor health in men and women. Associations were weaker with less frequent prayer and lower religiousness. In models with all dimensions together, the association with attendance was strengthened and prayer became significantly inversely associated with health. Conclusions: The frequency of attendance at religious services and private prayer had opposite associations with self-rated health, resulting in negative confounding. These results are consistent with social contact being important in any health benefits from religious involvement and highlight the importance of using multidimensional measures. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-09 09:59:25','2013-11-20 09:53:50','','Waiting'),(1273,'Segmentation in social marketing: Insights from the European Union\'s multi-country, antismoking campaign','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose – In 2005, the European Union launched a four-year antismoking television advertising campaign across its 25 Member States. This study aims to evaluate the second and third years (2006 and 2007) of the campaign based on telephone interviews with over 24,000 consumers (smokers, non-smokers, and ex-smokers).\n\nDesign/methodology/approach – The study focuses on smokers and examines the potential for using segmentation and targeting in informing the campaign. Three important factors are used to identify clusters: attitude toward the campaign; comprehension of the campaign; and inclination to think responsibly about their smoking behaviour.\n\nFindings – Cluster analyses identify three distinct and significant target groups (message-involved, message-indifferent, and message-distanced) who respond differentially to the advertising. Furthermore, the percentage of respondents within each cluster varies across the EU Member States. Using Schwartz\'s cultural framework, the cultural dimension of “openness to change versus conservatism” is found to explain substantial cross-national variation in message-involved and messaged-distanced respondents.\n\nResearch limitations/implications – Cluster solutions are shown to be stable across the two data waves. Implications of these results are discussed.\n\nOriginality/value – This is the first study that seeks to better understand consumer reactions to social-marketing advertising across different segments of the overall target group.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-09 10:21:49','2013-11-20 10:01:58','','Waiting'),(1274,'LIFESTYLE PREFERENCES VERSUS PATRIARCHAL VALUES: CAUSAL AND NON-CAUSAL ATTITUDES','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is solid evidence, from longitudinal studies such as the NLS and PSID, of the significant long-term impact of values and life goals on occupational attainment and earnings. So far, these findings have not been incorporated into sociological and economic theory. Preference theory does this, identifying the social and economic context in which values and attitudes can become important predictors of women’s (and men’s) behaviour. A theoretical and methodological distinction between causal and non-causal attitudes and values is made, illustrated by data on lifestyle preferences and patriarchal values from comparative surveys in Britain and Spain. The results show that lifestyle preferences have a major impact on women’s choices between family work and employment, whereas patriarchal values are only tenuously linked to behaviour.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-09 10:51:38','2013-11-20 10:09:40','','Waiting'),(1275,'The development of life course epidemiology','L\'émergence de l\'épidémiologie biographique',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present paper reviews the development of life course epidemiology since its origins during the 1990s from biological programming, birth cohort research and the study of health inequalities. Methods of studying the life course are examined, including birth cohort studies, linked register datasets and epidemiological archaeology. Three models of life course epidemiology are described: critical periods, accumulation, and pathways. Their conceptual and empirical differentiation can be difficult, but it is argued that accumulation is the underlying social process driving life course trajectories, while the critical period and pathway models are distinguished by their concern with specific types of aetiological process. Among the advantages of the accumulation model are predictive power, aetiological insights, contributions to health inequality debates and social policy implications. It is emphasised that the life course approach is not opposed to, or an alternative to, a concern with cross-sectional and current effects; major social disruption can have a large and immediate impact on health. Other limitations of the life course approach include a spectrum of impact (life course effects can be strong in relation to physiology, but often are weaker in relation to behaviour and psychological reactions to everyday life) and, more speculatively, the possibility that life course effects are diluted in the older age groups where morbidity and mortality are highest. Three issues for the future of life course epidemiology are identified. Many life course data are collected retrospectively. We need to know which items of information are recalled with what degree of accuracy over how many decades; and what methods of collecting these retrospective data maximise accuracy and duration. Second, the two partners in life course research need to take more seriously each other\'s disciplines. Social scientists need to be more critical of such measures as self-assessed health, which lacks an aetiology and hence biological plausibility. Natural scientists need to be more critical of such concepts as socio-economic status, which lacks social plausibility because it fails to distinguish between social location and social prestige. Finally, European comparative studies can play an important part in the future development of life course epidemiology if they build on the emerging infrastructure of European comparative research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-09 11:01:25','2013-11-20 10:31:15','','Waiting'),(1276,'The Organization of Firms Across Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We argue that social capital as proxied by trust increases aggregate productivity by affecting the organization of firms. To do this we collect new data on the decentralization of investment, hiring, production, and sales decisions from corporate headquarters to local plant managers in almost 4,000 firms in the United States, Europe, and Asia. We find that firms headquartered in high-trust regions are significantly more likely to decentralize. To help identify causal effects, we look within multinational firms and show that higher levels of bilateral trust between the multinational’s country of origin and subsidiary’s country of location increases decentralization, even after instrumenting trust using religious similarities between the countries. Finally, we show evidence suggesting that trust raises aggregate productivity by facilitating reallocation between firms and allowing more efficient firms to grow, as CEOs can decentralize more decisions. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-09 11:11:52','2013-11-20 10:13:37','','Waiting'),(1277,'Political participation and life satisfaction: a cross-European analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to model the link between political participation and life satisfaction whilst correcting for the endogenous nature of the relationship; explore the impact of different strengths of political participation and aim to uncover if the relationship displays different patterns by gender.\n\nDesign/methodology/approach – The data originate from the 2006/2007 European Social Survey. The analysis spanned across a pooled data set for 20 European countries. Three alternative empirical frameworks were trialled: an ordered probit regression, a linear regression model and a two-step, simultaneous treatment effect model to address endogeneity concerns.\n\nFindings – Following the correction for endogeneity via two-step, simultaneous treatment regressions, political participation – and specifically strong political engagement – displays a robust, statistically significant, strong and positive impact on life satisfaction. It was deduced that actual political participation, and not merely the right to participate in the political process, is a source of procedural utility.\n\nResearch limitations/implications – The cross-sectional nature of the data imposes design limitations to examining trends and changes over time. It follows that the analysis cannot rely on fixed-effect estimations to control for time-invariant factors.\n\nOriginality/value – Once the results are corrected for endogeneity, the empirical results reveal that the effect of actual political participation on life satisfaction not only matters, but also as the strength of political engagement grows it matters even more. Findings hold true even when a multitude of socio-demographic characteristics are controlled for. These are important results for researchers and policy makers who are concerned about the happiness of people in democratic societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-09 11:17:51','2013-11-20 10:21:31','','Waiting'),(1278,'Researching the Links between Education and Well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article focuses on some of the conceptual and empirical issues relating to the links between education and well-being. Recent research has made progress in this area, despite the complexity and the limitations of available measurements and other observations. The first part discusses the ill-defined nature of education and the negative implications this has on research and policy. The second part outlines some of the major relationships that are being explored around the theme of education and well-being. This is not exhaustive but provides an overview of distinct theoretical explanations for the potential causal links. Reference is made to available evidence so as to provide an overview of what is known empirically about some of these possible explanations. The third section discusses some of the empirical limitations and challenges to building up a robust evidence base in this area.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-09 11:21:35','2013-11-20 10:36:18','','Waiting'),(1279,'Fashioning Social Justice through Political Consumerism, Capitalism, and the Internet','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Consumers, consumer goods, brand names, logos, and corporations are increasingly important in global struggles for social justice. Global social justice networks use a variety of innovative means to encourage shoppers to consider the hidden politics behind consumer goods and corporate brand names. They are using this power of mobilization to push transnational corporations to take more responsibility for the social consequences of their policy and practice. There is also a ‘pull factor’ in late market capitalism in the form of new market actors, structures, and vulnerabilities that are pulling global corporations into progressive social change. This article studies the role of the outside (market external) push factor of political consumerism and the role of the inside (market internal) capitalist pull factor in fashioning global social justice. It discusses the three basic forms of political consumerism and why political consumerism has become a global political force. It uses the contemporary anti-sweatshop movement to illustrate how political consumerism puts claims on the global economy. By drawing on historical scholarship on the importance of the rise of capitalism for anti-slavery in the 1700s and 1800s, the article argues that late capitalism makes buyer-driven corporations consider global social values in their production practices. A special section focuses on how a particular case of culture jamming combines the push and pull factors to capitalize on the vulnerabilities of late capitalism by using innovative corporate Internet marketing to communicate global anti-sweatshop politics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 11:28:12','2013-11-20 10:43:21','','Waiting'),(1280,'Levels of Interactivity in the 2007 French Presidential Candidates’ Websites','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Amid many discussions of disengagement between the public and political sphere, the Internet is offered as a potential solution capable of bridging the gap between elected and elector. E-communication tools have been increasingly prominent during recent election campaigns, and much attention was given to the 2007 French presidential candidates’ use of the Internet. It was suggested they had moved beyond simply providing information and were opening up a dialogue with the electorate. This interactivity has the capacity to reduce disengagement and revitalize democracy. However, in defining interactivity, the trend online is to think of participatory open dialogue as opposed to closed sender—receiver feedback loops. In order to assess the role interactivity played within this contest, and to gain some sense of the future use of interactive tools, this study tested a sample of pages from the websites of Nicolas Sarkozy and Ségolène Royal, the two main challengers in the contest, against a six-part interactivity model, and analysed the discourse and language in terms of its encouraging interaction. While some shifts in behaviour were found, the campaign retained the caution that is normal for electoral candidates, which reduced the extent to which participatory interactivity took place.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 11:34:50','2013-11-20 10:40:46','','Waiting'),(1281,'Class, Values, and Attitudes Towards Redistribution: A European Comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the European Social Survey, we analyse the link between basic human values and attitudes towards redistribution, and how that link differs among classes and across countries. We assess whether and why the class-specific impact of self-transcendence and self-enhancement values on attitudes towards redistribution differs across a selection of European countries. The results show that the links between values and attitudes are generally stronger in more materially secure and privileged classes. However, the relative strength of the associations varies substantially across countries. Where inequality is smaller and poverty less prevalent, the link between values and attitudes becomes less class-specific. These findings provide support for our two main interpretations: (a) that welfare policies mitigate the class-specific risks that people are exposed to, which make values more salient and effective among workers; and (b) that the existence of visible and salient redistributive policies works to make clearer the cognitive link between abstract values and support for concrete policies. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 11:39:15','2013-11-20 10:50:52','','Waiting'),(1282,'Moral communities? Religion as a source of social trust in a multilevel analysis of 97 German regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This contribution examines the role of religion as source of social trust. Going beyond the scope of the existing literature, we jointly evaluate the effect of individual religiosity and regional religious context by means of multilevel analysis of 97 small-scale German regions. The results based on the German Socio-Economic Panel suggest that there is a double positive effect of Protestantism: Not only do Protestants tend to be more trusting, but a Protestant context also increases one’s trust—regardless of individual religious beliefs. Conversely, social trust is less developed in Catholic-dominated regions. In addition, although Catholic individuals are more trusting than the non-religious individuals, they do not differ from members of smaller Christian groups or Muslims. At same time, the notion that certain religious groups and especially religious minorities are distrustful of the wider society is not substantiated by empirical evidence. Furthermore, while church attendance is a powerful predictor for social trust, a context effect for regional levels of devoutness could not be detected. Finally, religious diversity decreases social trust for Muslims only, but not to a degree as to pose a threat to social integration. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 11:48:52','2013-11-20 11:47:46','','Waiting'),(1283,'A model of cognitive processes and conversational principles in survey interview interaction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we provide a model of interviewer–respondent interaction in survey interviews. Our model is primarily focused on the occurrence of problems within this interaction that seem likely to affect data quality. Both conversational principles and cognitive processes, especially where they do not match the requirements of the respondent\'s task, are assumed to affect the course of interactions. The cognitive processes involved in answering a survey question are usually described by means of four steps: interpretation, retrieval, judgement and formatting. Each of these steps may be responsible for different overt problems, such as requests for clarification or inadequate answers. Such problems are likely to affect the course of the interaction through conversational principles which may cause, for example, suggestive behaviour on the part of the interviewer, which may in turn yield new problematic behaviours. However, the respondent may not be the only one who experiences cognitive problems; the interviewer may also have such problems, for example with respect to explaining question meaning to the respondent. Thus the model proposed here, unlike most of the other models which concentrate on the respondent, tries to incorporate cognitive processes and conversational principles with respect to both interviewer and respondent. In particular, the model looks at how cognitive processes and conversational principles affect both the interaction between interview participants and the quality of the eventual answers. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 12:02:26','2013-11-20 11:05:33','','Waiting'),(1284,'The power of the family','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We study the importance of family ties on economic behavior. We define our measure of family ties using individual responses from the World Value Survey (WVS);\nregarding the role of the family and the love and respect that children are expected to have for their parents in 81 countries. We show that with strong family ties home production is higher and families larger, labor force participation of women and youngsters, and geographical mobility lower. To assess causality, we look at the behavior of second generation immigrants. Our results overall indicate a significant influence of the strength of family ties on economic outcomes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 12:09:04','2013-11-20 11:16:47','','Waiting'),(1285,'Ethnic categorization of immigrants: The role of prejudice, perceived acculturation strategies and group size','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'People usually perceive immigrants from different national origins as similar to each other, and thus as belonging to a limited number of ethnic out-groups [Sporer, S. L. (2001a). Recognizing faces of other ethnic groups: An integration of theories. Psychology, Public and Law, 7, 36–97, Sporer, S. L. (2001b). The cross-race effect: Beyond recognition of faces in the laboratory. Psychology, Public Policy and Law, 7, 170–200.]. In this study, we examine how host nationals (i.e., Italians) categorize immigrants and how prejudice and perceived acculturation strategies influence this process. In our research, photographs of male faces of members of 16 immigrant groups were shown to the participants (N=305). They were asked to identify the national origin of each person on the photographs. In line with the expected over-inclusion into more numerous and more devalued out-groups, the researchers found that (a) participants who perceived Albanians or Moroccans to be the most numerous, were most likely to categorize immigrants as belonging to these groups; and (b) this over-inclusion effect was most pronounced when participants were prejudiced toward these groups and when they perceived them as wanting to maintain their cultures of origin.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 12:14:10','2013-11-20 11:57:16','','Waiting'),(1286,'Who does not participate in elections in Europe and why is this? A multilevel analysis of social mechanisms behind non-voting','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper focuses on the research question ‘Who does not vote and why?’ regarding national elections in 24 European countries. We analyse determinants of non-voting both on the individual and the societal level employing a multilevel design. On the micro level, the sociological determinants under consideration are education, cohort and gender. Regarding psychological or motivational factors, we include in the analyses political efficacy, political interest, political trust and satisfaction with politics. On the macro level, we analyse characteristics of the electoral system, including opportunities for ‘direct democracy’, maturity of democracy, disproportionality factor, and if the participation in elections is compulsory. The data source of the analyses is the European Social Survey 2006. A first main finding is the fact that the probability of non-voting is higher among people with a low level of education and among younger cohorts. The motivational factors have similar impacts on non-voting across all analysed societies. Lack of political efficacy, lack of political interest, lack of political trust and dissatisfaction with politicians and the political system increase the probability of non-voting. Regarding macro influences, countries with compulsory voting and ‘old democracies’ turn out to have a lower rate of non-voting, although these effects vanish when simultaneously modelled with the social psychological micro level indicators.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 12:35:11','2013-11-20 13:27:40','','Waiting'),(1287,'Inequalities in Non-institutionalised Forms of Political Participation: A Multi-level Analysis of 25 countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Various studies suggest that while institutionalised and electoral forms of political participation are in decline in Western societies, non-institutionalised forms of participation (like demonstrating, political consumerism or signing petitions) are on the rise. However, this expansion of the political action repertoire of citizens also entails the question of equal participation opportunities. It can be argued that contemporary ideals of democratic participation assume an equal representation of citizens\' interests. In this article we analyse the equality of participation patterns using comparative data from the 2004 ISSP survey. Our results suggest that non-institutionalised forms of participation increase patterns of inequality due to education but strongly reduce or even reverse gender and age inequalities. As such, both institutionalised and non-institutionalised forms of participation have specific (dis)advantages from the perspective of preserving equal access to democratic decision-making procedures.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 12:38:41','2013-11-20 12:52:37','','Waiting'),(1288,'The Relationship between Ombudsman, Government, and Citizens: A Survey Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since the 1960s, ombudsmanship has become increasingly popular. Although there is a great deal of literature on ombudsmen, existing research rarely focuses on the people who actually use the ombudsman\'s services. This article examines those who seek the help of ombudsmen in Belgium, and asks whether ombudsmen\'s intervention has a noticeable effect on citizens\' confidence in government and public administration. Based on three surveys of 626 complainants, our analysis suggests that we should not see the ombudsman in Belgium as merely an instrument to help citizens but that they can also function as “change agents” and provide early warnings of problems in public administration. The role of ombudsmen in directly strengthening trust in government is limited at best. Furthermore, it seems that the profile of ombudsman complainants is skewed; our findings indicate that the socially disadvantaged are less likely to use the institution.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 12:48:16','2013-11-20 13:02:52','','Waiting'),(1289,'Key elements composing self-rated health in older adults: a comparative study of 11 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Self-rated health (SRH) is a multidimensional\nmeasure, predictive of morbidity and mortality. Comparative\nstudies of determinants, however, are rare due to a lack\nof comparable cross-national data. This paper contributes\ntowards filling in this gap, using data for persons aged 50 or\nhigher in 11 European countries from the SHARE study\n(2004). The analysis aims at identifying key elements\ncomposing SRH using multinomial logistic regression\nmodels. In addition, the homogeneity of associations across\npopulations is assessed. The findings indicate that education,\ndepression, chronic conditions, mobility difficulties,\nsomatic symptoms and levels of physical activity constitute\nimportant components of SRH; ADLs and obesity, on the\nother hand, are not significant and IADLs are important\nonly in a few countries. All these associations point to the\nexpected direction and are homogeneous across countries.\nHowever, demographic factors, age and gender, though\nsignificant in many countries have divergent associations.\nEffects of smoking also differentiate between southern and\nnorthern Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 12:51:25','2013-11-20 14:06:43','','Waiting'),(1290,'Surveying Nonrespondents','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Nonresponse rates in household surveys in the Netherlands are high. As low response rates are generally assumed to increase nonresponse bias, doubts have arisen concerning the value of survey research. The costs of fieldwork have substantially increased in recent years and will increase even more to compensate for the unfavorable response trends. This article describes a survey in which high response rates were attained and which measures were taken to achieve this. It also studies the differences between respondents who are hard to reach and those who are reluctant to participate in a survey. Additional data from a follow-up survey among refusers cast doubt on the assumption that reluctant respondents are similar to refusers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 14:11:06','2013-11-20 13:51:15','','Waiting'),(1291,'Health inequalities in Europe: new insights from European Labour Force Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\n\nBackground Socio-economic inequalities in health have become a major public health concern in Europe. The measurement of health inequalities over time and across countries does, however, remain a challenge. Previous European evidence found that health inequalities have been increasing in most countries, with greatly varying degrees.\n\nMethods The authors use the European Labour Force Survey (ELFS), with its unprecedented coverage of years and countries, as a potential complementary source for the measurement of health inequality. The ELFS provides information on sickness absence or reduced labour supply attributable to ill health. After constructing four separate and one overall health indicator, the authors compute health inequality indices for all countries and years, and analyse their trends. The authors also examine the sensitivity of the health inequality measures to different proxies of socio-economic status and.\n\nResults Health inequalities in the working age population have been increasing for several countries, but also decreasing in about as many countries, while they remained stable in a minority of countries. These results are not too sensitive to the various proxies for socio-economic status we employ, but they are sensitive to the specific health indicator from which the inequality index is derived.\n\nConclusions While not without its problems, the ELFS may offer a useful additional and hitherto unexploited resource for the measurement of socio-economic inequalities in health across European countries and over time. Future research should try to understand how and why health inequality trends differ between different surveys as much as they appear to do in light of the present findings.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 14:30:48','2013-11-20 13:54:48','','Waiting'),(1292,'European Social Survey as a source of new cultural dimensions estimates for regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article draws attention to the European Social Survey (ESS) database that widens the horizon of cross-cultural studies. The ESS has the potential to overcome several weaknesses of earlier data sets used for cross-cultural analysis – it provides unique opportunities for the analysis of differences between regions within nation states, and the data are representative of entire populations. We aim to develop a measurement tool of cultural dimensions based on the ESS that enables a deeper comparison of European regions besides country-level analysis. For creating ESS-based indicators, the initial indicators were selected based on Hofstede (2001), using the double classification method. Latent variables of cultural dimensions were computed using confirmative factor analysis. The results enable us to evaluate cross-cultural differences between regions inside the nation state as well as to figure out culturally close regions across nation state borders. The results of our analysis confirm that countries may be much more heterogeneous in terms of cultural variation than several cultural studies presume. Cultural heterogeneity varies across countries, and there are some quite homogeneous countries in the meaning of cultural dimensions, but most countries face cultural differences between its regions that have to be taken into account. It is also very important that the deeper the subdivision, the larger the differences. In some cases, border regions are remarkably less similar to the rest of the regions of the country than to the neighbouring regions of another country with a common border. In the case of countries with high cultural homogeneity, the use of nation-level cultural indicators may be justified, but in the case of highly heterogeneous countries a regional approach could be suggested instead.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anneli.kaasa@ut.ee','2013-08-12 14:38:53','2013-11-20 14:00:32','','Waiting'),(1293,'Female pubertal timing and problem behavior: The role of culture','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We tested the peer-socialization/contextual-amplification explanation for the link between early female puberty and problem behaviour. We propose that in cultures with high tolerance for adolescent heterosexual involvement, early puberty should be linked with problem behaviour—not in other cultures. We compared girls in two cultures (Slovakia and Sweden) that differ in acceptance of adolescent girls’ heterosexual involvement. Findings supported the hypothesis by showing that in Sweden, a culture that facilitates adolescent heterosexual involvement, early-maturing girls reported more problem behaviours than in Slovakia. The mediation link (heterosexual involvement as the mechanism linking early puberty with problem behaviour) was moderated by culture. The findings expand our understanding of the role of macro-cultural contexts in the developmental significance of female puberty.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','therese.skoog@oru.se','2013-08-12 14:41:04','2013-11-20 14:10:53','','Waiting'),(1294,'‘‘It’s all in the mix’’: constructing ethnic segregation as a social problem in Germany','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The creation of a balanced ethnic mix at the neighbourhood level is a common objective of contemporary housing policies in many European countries. According to its proponents, these policies aim to stimulate social mobility and social integration, often within a wider attempt at urban regeneration. Germany is looking back at a long tradition of mixing strategies aimed at ethnic desegregation. Whereas other countries take a more subtle approach, targeting ethnic segregation indirectly by means of a social or housing mix, some German cities have tried to prevent ethnic concentrations by imposing movingin bans or quotas on foreigners in certain quarters, restrictions that are still maintained under the recent anti-discrimination legislation. In applying a constructionist approach, the article critically discusses the reasoning behind the German policies. It tries to shed light on some shared features in the discourse on ethnic segregation across Europe and highlights the particularities of the German strategies. It further tackles the question of future prospects for desegregative housing policies against the background of demographic realities, the entrance of financial investors in the (German)  housing market and the ongoing shrinkage of the social housing sector.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 14:55:47','2013-11-20 14:12:47','','Waiting'),(1295,'  In what we trust? A multi-level study into trust in parliament as an evaluation of state characteristics','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A basic level of trust in the political system is considered to be the cornerstone of modern-day democracy. Consequently, scholars and politicians have been concerned with low or declining levels of trust in political institutions. This article focuses on trust in parliament. Many theories have been offered to explain cross-national differences or longitudinal changes in trust, but they have not been subject to systematic empirical tests. This article aims to fill that theoretical and empirical gap. I conceptualize trust in parliament as citizens’ rather rational evaluations of the state—citizen relationship along four dimensions: competence, intrinsic care, accountability, and reliability. Next, I relate state characteristics to each of these four aspects, and hypothesize how they might affect political trust. These hypotheses are tested simultaneously by multi-level analysis on stapled data from the European Social Survey 2002—06. The tests show that three factors explain very well the cross-national differences in trust: corruption, the electoral system, and former regime type. Somewhat surprisingly, economic performance is not related to trust in parliament. Although the analyses do not explain changes in trust across time very well, they at least dismiss some of the existing explanations.\n\nPoints for practitioners: This article describes to what extent levels of trust in parliament differ across countries and change across time, and tests several explanations for comparatively low or longitudinally declining levels of trust. It offers practitioners a theoretical approach to make sense of trust issues by distinguishing four trust aspects. Moreover, it shows that objective state characteristics are crucial in explaining cross-national differences. Widespread perceptions of corruption are most harmful to trust in parliament, while democratic rule and a proportional electoral system are beneficial. Equally important, actual economic performance is unrelated to trust. Institutional designs that emphasize care and integrity appear to be more beneficial than ones that emphasize competence and performance. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 14:58:00','2013-11-20 14:15:08','','Waiting'),(1296,'Psychological and Subjective Well-being: A Proposal for Internationally Comparable Indicators','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article sets out a proposal to measure psychological and subjective states of well-being in individual and household surveys. In particular, it proposes a shortlist of seven indicators, and a module containing the relevant questions needed to construct them. The indicators address both eudaimonic and hedonic criteria, and cover four aspects of well-being: (1) meaning in life; (2) relatedness, following self-determination theory; the three “basic psychological needs” of autonomy, competence and relatedness; (3) domain-specific and overall life satisfaction; and (4) happiness. The article recommends that further research explore the connections between these indicators, as well as their relationship with objective measures of disadvantage. While reaffirming that perceptual states should not be treated as aims of government policy, it is argued that they may provide a richer understanding of peoples\' values and behavior—and therefore that further research on the subject could deepen our understanding of capability poverty.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 15:06:40','2013-11-20 14:20:47','','Waiting'),(1297,'Societal and individualistic drivers as predictors of organic purchasing revealed through a portrait value questionnaire (PVQ)-based inventory','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Schwartz\'s Portrait Value Questionnaire (PVQ) has extensively been used in personal values research. The present survey validates and tests in a value-based segmentation task a 17-item PVQ-based inventory that includes consumer values related to organic food purchasing, using a nationally representative sample of 1043 Greek consumers. The main assumption of the survey is that consumer segments that place more emphasis on specific organic food-related values would present different magnitude of beliefs and purchasing behaviour towards organic products. Two 2nd-order value factors (named ‘individualistic’ and ‘societal’, respectively) emerged from exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses comprising 14 out of the initial 17 PVQ values. In the next phase of the analysis, hierarchical clustering was implemented based on those factors. Through the clusters emerged, a clear relation between consumers\' ‘societal’ (universalism and benevolence) value similarity, higher frequency of organic purchasing and higher likelihood of organic-related beliefs was clearly identified. This fact supports the applicability of the PVQ typology in predicting consumer behaviour in various product contexts.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 15:31:46','2013-11-20 14:22:33','','Waiting'),(1298,'Trust and legitimacy: Policing in the USA and Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper argues for the value of new approaches to policing in the United States and Europe. These new approaches focus upon building police legitimacy among members of the public with the goal of encouraging widespread voluntary compliance with the law, acceptance of police authority and deference to police decisions, as well as a general willingness to cooperate with the police to fight crime. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 15:35:59','2013-11-20 14:23:49','','Waiting'),(1299,'Welfare state values in the European Union, 2002–2008. A multilevel investigation of formal institutions and individual attitudes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates to what extent EU citizens support three dimensions of welfare state values – developed role of state, equal opportunities and equal outcomes – and whether national level institutions and social policies can explain cross-national variation in these values. Two different mechanisms are distinguished, namely that institutions can have a norm-shaping function and thus are associated with stronger public support or that the public opinion can function as a thermostat if they are dissatisfied with the current institutions. Using data from 150,000 citizens of 25 EU countries between 2002 and 2008, empirical evidence for both the norm-shaping and the thermostat functions are found. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 15:38:40','2013-11-20 14:29:27','','Waiting'),(1300,'Trust, Diversity, and Segregation in the United States and the United Kingdom','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Generalized trust is a value that leads to many positive outcomes for a society. Many analysts argue that trust is lower when we are surrounded by people who are different from ourselves. Residential segregation, not diversity is the culprit in lower levels of trust. Segregation is one of the key reasons why contact with people who are different from ourselves does not lead to greater trust. Diversity is a proxy for the minority share in a community and that: (1) segregation, especially in diverse communities, drives down trust more than diversity does; but (2) close personal ties in integrated diverse communities builds trust, but more so in the United States than in the United Kingdom, and more for majority white communities than for minorities. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 15:44:18','2013-11-20 14:54:53','','Waiting'),(1301,'The generational contract in Sweden: age-specific attitudes to age-related policies ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses age differences in attitudes towards public policies to support older people and to support families with children in Sweden. It is shown that support for older people becomes increasingly popular over time, so that it is more popular in all age groups than support for families with children, and that age and class differences in attitudes tend to rise and recede in tandem regarding support for older people, while class differences supplant age differences in the case of support for families with children.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 15:46:59','2013-11-21 09:39:24','','Waiting'),(1302,'Does Education Affect Happiness? Evidence for Spain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we study the impact of education on happiness in Spain using individual-level data from the European Social Survey, by means of estimating Ordinal Logit Models. We find both direct and indirect effects of education on happiness. First, we find an indirect effect of education on happiness through income and labour status. That is, we find that people with a higher education level have higher income levels and a higher probability of being employed, and thus, report higher levels of happiness. Second, and after controlling by income, labour status and other socio-economic variables, we find that education has a positive (and direct) impact on happiness. We interpret this result as evidence of a ‘‘self-confidence’’ or ‘‘self-estimation’’ effect from acquiring knowledge. Finally, we find that the direct impact of education on happiness does not depend of the level of education (primary, secondary or tertiary).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 15:53:42','2013-11-21 09:46:58','','Waiting'),(1303,'Measuring Parties’ Ideological Positions with Manifesto Data - A Critical Evaluation of the Competing Methods','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Within the rapidly growing literature on positioning political parties along policy dimensions, the rich data series collected by the Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP) has been widely considered as the most systematic and objective source of information. For estimating parties’ positions on the Left—Right dimension alone, several different methods have been proposed which make use of the CMP data. However, unless a new method is proposed, there will seldom be any attempt to check the robustness of the findings across different measurement strategies. In this article, we focus on the parties in Greece, which have been notoriously incorrectly positioned by the ‘standard’ method proposed by the CMP. We contrast the ‘standard’ method with various proposed alternatives and show that the latter outperform the former both in terms of face and convergent validity and in terms of reliability. In addition, we show that this cross-checking is essential, since different methods often lead to diametrically opposite results. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-12 16:00:18','2013-11-21 09:57:20','','Waiting'),(1304,'God Bless Our Children? The Role of Generation, Discrimination and Religious Context for Migrants in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper deals with individual and contextual effects on the religiosity of first and second generation migrants in Europe. Determining that little attention has been directed towards intergenerational transmission of religion in processes of integration, we argue for an intergenerational perspective on immigrant religiosity. Social integration theory is used to derive the hypothesis that second generation immigrants are less religious than the first generation. Perceived discrimination is introduced in the immigrant-religion research to account for the stress buffering capacities of religion. On the contextual level we suppose a positive effect of native religiosity and religious diversity. Three aspects of religiosity are examined: (1) religious affiliation, (2) inner religiosity and (3) praying. We use four waves (2002-2008) of the European Social Survey (ESS) in a 3-level random intercept multilevel model with 19,567 individuals, 235 regions and 26 countries. All three aspects point to the same conclusions. Among others, the most interesting results are that (1) second generation immigrants are less religious than their first generation counterparts, (2) perceived discrimination has a positive effect on immigrant religiosity and the effect is greater for the second generation, (3) native religiosity has a positive effect on immigrant religiosity with a greater effect on the second generation too and (4) the influence on migrant religiosity is more salient at the regional than at the national level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','koen.vanderbracht@ugent.be','2013-08-12 16:24:54','2013-11-21 10:04:51','','Waiting'),(1305,'Explaining imprisonment in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper presents the findings of a comparative study that explores the linkages between the use of imprisonment in 30 countries and a range of potentially explanatory factors for variations in this measure of punitivity, including: crime levels; social indicators, such as those measuring investment in welfare programmes and income inequality; trust in other people and trust in political institutions; public fear of crime and public punitivity; and variations in political structure and forms of democracy. The main conclusions are that moderate penal policies have their roots in a consensual and corporatist political culture, in high levels of social trust and political legitimacy, and in a strong welfare state; and that more punitive policies that make more use of imprisonment are to be found in countries where these characteristics are less in evidence.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-13 12:16:40','2013-11-21 10:24:58','','Waiting'),(1306,'They arrive with new information. Tourism flows and production efficiency in the European regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Firms productivity is crucially influenced by knowledge spillovers generated either by other firms located nearby or by direct contacts with consumers or by foreign demand in the case of traded products. In this paper we propose a new channel of efficiency-enhancing knowledge diffusion, which can be exploited by local firms to extract relevant information on consumer preferences: direct contacts with tourism flows. Tourists have the peculiar feature of being external consumers, who directly arrive to the destination region and this represents a remarkable advantage for the local enterprises, as the latter can exploit the new information and increase the overall efficiency level of the local economy. More specifically, we examine, within a spatial estimation framework, tourism flows as determinants of regional total factor productivity, controlling also for other intangible factors (such as human, social and technological capital) and for the degree of accessibility. We apply the analysis to a sample of 199 European regions belonging to the EU15 member countries, plus Switzerland and Norway. The empirical results show that tourism flows enhance regional efficiency and that a positive role is also played by intangible assets, infrastructures and spatial spillovers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-13 12:22:37','2013-11-21 10:28:56','','Waiting'),(1307,'WHAT CAUSES PEOPLE TO VOTE FOR A RADICAL-RIGHT PARTY? A REVIEW OF RECENT WORK','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the past two decades, Western Europe has experienced the surge of parties\nsuch as Front Nationale in France, Vlaams Belang (formerly Vlaams Blok) in\nBelgium, and the Danish Peoples Party in Denmark. They are often called radicalright\nparties (Norris), extreme right parties (Carter; Koopmans, Statham,\nGiugni, & Passy), or anti-immigration parties (Fennema). We have argued\nelsewhere (Fennema, Van der Brug, Fennema & Tillie) that such parties\nshould better be labeled ‘anti-immigrant’ or ‘anti-immigration’ because their common\ndenominator is that the immigration issue is their unique selling point. However, in\nthis review of some of the most recent literature, we will use the term radical right\nbecause it is the one used most often.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-13 12:32:24','2013-11-21 10:32:06','','Waiting'),(1308,'Solo-Living, Demographic and Family Change: The Need to Know More About Men','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Solo-living is analytically separate from \'being single\' and merits separate study. In most Western countries more men are solo-living than women at ages conventionally associated with co-resident partners and children. Discussions of \'demographic transition\' and change in personal life however typically place women in the vanguard, to the relative neglect of men. We draw on European Social Survey data and relevant qualitative research from Europe and North America demonstrating the need for further research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-13 12:39:13','2013-11-21 10:38:15','','Waiting'),(1309,'European TV Environments and citizens\' social trust: Evidence from Multilevel Analyses','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper sheds new light on Putnam\'s hypothesis that watching television, particularly entertainment programs, contributes to an erosion of social trust. Previous studies have been unable to reach convincing evidence regarding this claim. It is argued that this is a consequence of the neglect of indirect, interpersonally mediated TV effects which supplement the influence of direct exposure, and extend even to those who do not watch television. Using data from the 2002 and 2004 waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) in combination with aggregate data from telemetric audience research, we conduct a multilevel analysis of TV\'s impact on social trust. Investigating this macro-micro relationship, we find that patterns of general TV use in 25 European societies exert substantial effects on individual social trust that by far exceed those of individual TV use. In line with Putnam\'s hypothesis, there is a negative impact of total TV time; however, high market shares of public TV increase social trust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-13 12:48:57','2013-11-21 10:49:06','','Waiting'),(1310,'Analyzing Differences in the Magnitude of Socioeconomic Inequalities in Self-Perceived Health by Countries of Different Political Tradition in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The objectives of this study are to describe, for European countries, variations among political traditions in the magnitude of inequalities in self-perceived health by educational level and to determine whether these variations change when contextual welfare state, labor market, wealth, and income inequality variables are taken into account. In this cross-sectional study, the authors look at the population aged 25 to 64 in 13 European countries. Individual data were obtained from the Health Interview Surveys of each country. Educational-level inequalities in self-perceived health exist in all countries and in all political traditions, among both women and men. When countries are grouped by political tradition, social democratic countries are found to have the lowest educational-level inequalities. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-13 13:19:03','2013-11-21 11:04:27','','Waiting'),(1311,'Youth voice(s) in EU countries and social movements in southern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article discusses social mobilization of young people in European countries over the last four years in the context of economic crisis, austerity policies and worsening conditions for young people. Two main issues are explored. First, the article examines, on the basis of the European Social Survey 2010, youth participation in protests in European countries and the factors influencing their participation: labour market conditions, education, institutional participation, and satisfaction with the functioning of democracy and the economy. Secondly, it takes a closer look at recent youth protest developments in 2011 and 2012 in southern European countries, focusing on their extent, nature and agendas.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','antonio.martin@uab.es','2013-08-14 08:06:33','2013-11-25 15:11:42','','Waiting'),(1312,'Social capital, voluntary associations and collective action: Which aspects of social capital have the greatest ‘civic’ payoff?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite a great variety of theoretical approaches, empirical analyses of social capital are surprisingly similar. Virtually all of them treat membership in voluntary associations as the chief indicator of community involvement while neglecting another form of community involvement: participation in elite-challenging actions. Likewise, authors readily attribute manifold civic benefits to associational life, while hesitating to attribute such benefits to elite-challenging activity. We question these views on two grounds. Firstly, we argue that elite-challenging action reflects social capital, even though this is a specific form of it: an emancipative form typical of self-assertive publics. Secondly, we use data from the Value Surveys to demonstrate that elite-challenging action is linked with greater civic benefits, at both the individual and societal level, than is membership in voluntary associations. This finding confirms the concept of human development, which suggests that emancipative forms of social capital are more civic in their consequences than others. Following this concept, we show that mass self-expression values nurture emancipative social capital, in motivating elite-challenging action. Finally, we locate self-expression values and elite-challenging actions in a theory of emancipative social capital.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-14 12:29:44','2013-11-21 13:34:18','','Waiting'),(1313,'The Number of Distinct Basic Values and Their Structure Assessed by PVQ–40','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the theory of basic human values (Schwartz, 1992), values form a circular motivational continuum. The original publication and most subsequent research partitioned this continuum into 10 values. In theory, however, it could be partitioned into a larger number of more narrowly defined values. We use multidimensional scaling (MDS) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) of data from the Portrait Values Questionnaire in Poland (N = 10,439) to assess a finer partitioning of values. MDS confirmed the circular motivational continuum of 10 values, with benevolence and universalism reversing positions. CFA discriminated 15 hypothesized values: 2 subtypes of universalism (protecting the environment and societal concern), 2 of achievement (ambition and showing success), 2 of self-direction (autonomy of action and autonomy of thought), 2 of security (national security and personal security), and 2 of tradition (tradition and humility), plus stimulation, hedonism, power, conformity, and benevolence. These 15 values were also distinguishable in the MDS projection.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-14 12:32:38','2013-11-21 13:35:26','','Waiting'),(1314,'Signals and closure by degrees: The education effect across 15 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Stratification research has extensively studied country-differences in the strength of the relationship between education and labor market outcomes. This research has mostly neglected the different mechanisms that could explain why education is rewarded. In this paper we argue that not only the strength of the relationship, but also the mechanisms explaining why education is rewarded differ between countries. National institutions affect how employers see education, what it brings to the organization, and how workers signal their potential productivity. Empirically we focus on the partial effects of qualifications on top of years of education in 15 European countries. We find that strongly vocationally oriented and differentiated schooling systems have relatively strong net effects of qualifications on occupational status, which is explained by stronger signalling by qualification levels in those countries. Furthermore, in coordinated market economies we find that vocational education leads to higher status jobs relative to liberal market economies, which is explained by higher levels of closure implemented by coordination institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-14 13:09:19','2013-11-21 13:40:38','','Waiting'),(1315,'Black Immigrants in Portugal: Luso–Tropicalism and Prejudice','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyzes the relationship between the luso–tropicalist representation of the history of Portuguese colonization and overt as well as covert expressions of anti-immigrant prejudice. The luso–tropicalist representation emphasizes the uniqueness of the Portuguese colonial relations based on Portuguese empathy and capacity to deal with people from different cultures. This representation was created during Salazar\'s dictatorial regime and is still assumed to be a dimension of Portuguese national identity. The empirical findings presented in this article show that this luso–tropicalist representation may explain the salience of the norm against prejudice in Portugal and may contribute to weaken the traditional association between national identity and overt prejudice. A second dimension of the association between luso–tropicalism and integration of Black immigrants in Portuguese society was examined, that is, the impact of luso–tropicalism on the attribution and covert evaluation of cultural differences between White Portuguese and Black immigrants. Results show that despite the luso–tropicalist representation, White Portuguese individuals express a covert negative evaluation of cultural differences attributed to Black immigrants. This means that the luso–tropicalist representation can protect against the expression of overt prejudice but not against its covert dimensions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-14 13:48:17','2013-11-21 13:46:38','','Waiting'),(1316,'Optimal allocation of the sample size to strata under box constraints','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In stratified random sampling without replacement boundary conditions,\nsuch as the sample sizes within strata shall not exceed the population sizes in the\nrespective strata, have to be considered. Stenger and Gabler (Metrika, 61:137–156,\n2005) have shown a solution that satisfies upper boundaries of sample fractions within\nthe strata. However, in modern applications one may wish to guarantee also minimal\nsampling fractions within strata in order to allow for reasonable separate estimations.\nWithin this paper, an optimal allocation in the Neyman-Tschuprov sense is\ndeveloped which satisfies upper and lower bounds of the sample sizes within strata.\nFurther, a stable algorithm is given which ensures optimality. The resulting sample\nallocation enables users to bound design weights within stratified random sampling\nwhile considering optimality in allocation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 10:38:20','2013-11-21 13:55:04','','Waiting'),(1317,'Circadian preferences and personality values: Morning types prefer social values, evening types prefer individual values ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Individual differences in morningness–eveningness are related to differences in personality. In this study of 1344 German adolescents, we used the Composite Scale of Morningness and the Portrait Values Questionnaire to assess the association between chronotype and personality values, controlling for age, puberty status, gender, problem perception in two dimensions (parents and self), and religious affiliation. Morningness orientation was correlated with higher acceptance of social values (conservation and self-transcendence) while eveningness orientation was correlated with higher preference for individual values (openness to change and self-enhancement). Girls were higher in self-transcendence while boys were higher in self-enhancement. Individuals with higher pubertal development preferred self-enhancement. Adolescents reporting problems with their parents preferred individual values while adolescents reporting problems with the self preferred conservation values. Religious affiliation also correlated positively with conservation. We interpreted the negative attitude of evening types towards social values as result of a cost-benefit consideration regarding early social schedules.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 10:42:52','2013-11-21 13:57:00','','Waiting'),(1318,'Crafting Trust The Role of Political Institutions in a Comparative Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, the authors evaluate the origins of generalized trust. In addition to examining individual-level determinants, the analytic focus is on the political-institutional context. In contrast to most of the analyses to date, the authors conduct hierarchical analyses of the World Values Surveys (1995-1997 and 1999-2001) to simultaneously test for differences among respondents in 58 countries and for variations in levels of trust between countries with different institutional configurations. In addition, the authors extend the institutional theory of trust by introducing the power-sharing quality of institutions—a rather neglected institutional dimension hitherto. With regard to the most important contextual factors, the authors find that countries whose authorities are seen as incorruptible, whose institutions of the welfare state reduce income disparities, and whose political interests are represented in a manner proportional to their weight have citizens who are more likely to place trust in one another. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 10:48:10','2013-11-21 13:58:21','','Waiting'),(1319,'Adherence in the Treatment of Psoriasis: A Systematic Review','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Medication adherence and compliance are essential\nfor disease management and can significantly improve\noutcomes and quality of patient care. The literature\nsuggests that up to 40% of patients do not use their medication\nas intended. Objective: To elucidate current knowledge\non adherence/compliance in psoriasis. In particular, methods\nof adherence/compliance evaluation and influencing\nfactors were to be identified. Methods: Systematic literature\nreview based on a protocol-rooted search in online databases,\nfollowed by a structured critical appraisal and consecutive\ndescriptive report. Results: Thirty-five original publications\non adherence/compliance in psoriasis were identified,\naddressing the extent and quality of adherence/\ncompliance in topical, systemic and UV treatments. Estimates\nof compliance varied considerably between 27 and\n97%. Age, sex, psychosocial, disease-specific and treatmentspecific\nfactors were identified as predictors of adherence/\ncompliance. Conclusion: A better understanding of the determinants\nof adherence can improve the outcomes of psoriasis\ntreatment and lead to higher patient satisfaction and\nquality of care.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 11:24:57','2013-11-21 13:59:37','','Waiting'),(1320,'The Social Consequences of Insecure Jobs','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Forms of insecure employment have been increasing all over Europe in recent decades. These developments have been welcomed by those who argued that these types of flexible employment would not only foster employment but could also help women, in particular, to positively combine work and family life. This vision was questioned by others who argued that flexible employment could have negative consequences for both occupational prospects and private and family life since it is often associated with greater insecurity and poorer working conditions. Relatively little research has been dedicated to the ‘‘social consequences’’ of insecure employment and its specific implications for worklife reconciliation issues. This paper contributes to this topic by linking research that addresses work-life conflict to the wider body of work dealing with job insecurity. It investigates the consequences of certain employment contracts on private and family life, taking into account information on current family life, future family plans and general well-being. It provides a series of test relating to the extent to which negative consequences in these areas might be attributable to the type of employment contract and how these vary between European countries. Analysis using ESS data from 2004 for western European countries confirms that insecure employment is accompanied by more problematic ‘‘social and family’’ situations. These negative consequences are partly shaped by the specific context provided by the country in question.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 11:32:54','2013-11-21 14:03:21','','Waiting'),(1321,'Approaches to Developing an Improved Cross-National Understanding of Concepts and Terms Relating to Ethnicity and Race ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Investigators from the fields of comparative social and epidemiological research have identified the need for an improved cross-national understanding of the concepts and terms relating to ethnicity and race. Suggestions have included the harmonization in surveys of variables like ethnicity and religion in a comparative European context and an internationally applicable and agreed glossary of terms relating to ethnicity and race. Pleas have been entered for work towards such goals, involving statistical offices and institutions in the European Union and bodies like the World Health Organization and International Epidemiological Association. This article examines how the conceptual bases of this terminology, issues of geographical specificity and the problem of which terms merit recognition impact on these goals. Different approaches to improving our understanding of this terminology in a cross-national context are explored. Given that the meanings of concepts and terms in the field of ethnicity and race invariably can only be understood in their national context of use–which is frequently layered, manifold, subtle and complex–an approach that explores the connotative reach of the different concepts and terms within this context is needed. Functional equivalence is more likely to be achieved by harmonization than the systematization of such knowledge through the economical form of a glossary of synthetic analytical terminology. However, given the socially and psychologically driven nature of ethnicity as a ‘global’ concept, harmonization may only be successful when limited to its multiple dimensions. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 13:10:54','2013-11-21 14:06:38','','Waiting'),(1322,'Popular perceptions of welfare state consequences: A multilevel, cross-national analysis of 25 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The societal effects of the welfare state are a perennial issue in the public debate. Critics accuse the welfare state of having unintended economic and moral consequences rather than producing its intended social goals. Popular perceptions of possible consequences of the welfare state are a crucial component of welfare state legitimacy, but have received hardly any scholarly attention. Using the 2008 wave of the European Social Survey, we analyse how European citizens perceive the consequences of the welfare state, whether perceived positive consequences outweigh the negative consequences, and to what extent consequence perceptions are determined by individual and country-level factors. The conclusion is that the European public has a clearer eye for the positive social than for negative economic and moral consequences. Moreover, at the individual level these perceptions are mainly influenced by ideational factors, while they are affected by welfare state generosity at the country level. Interestingly, in more developed welfare states the public perceives the negative, as well as the positive consequences more strongly. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 13:19:45','2013-11-21 14:10:34','','Waiting'),(1323,'Unemployment and Subjective Well-being: An Empirical Test of Deprivation Theory, Incentive Paradigm and Financial Strain Approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article we focus on the level of subjective well-being and its determinants among the unemployed as compared to those currently in paid labour. We subject three strongly contradictory theoretical approaches to an empirical test. The first is the traditional deprivation theory, which maintains that unemployment is a major psychological stressor. The second is the incentive theory, which claims that the level of well-being among the unemployed may be sufficiently high to discourage them from actively and effectively searching for a new job and re-entering the labour market. The third approach emphasizes the adverse effects of financial stress for subjective well-being during unemployment. We use the European Social Survey (ESS) data from 21 countries in our empirical analysis. We find no support for the incentive theory. The deprivation theory points in the right direction by stressing the psychological factors associated with unemployment but makes a notable omission by disregarding the financial strain which, according to our analysis, proves to be crucial for the well-being of the unemployed. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 13:27:16','2013-11-21 14:21:43','','Waiting'),(1324,'Active ageing: A strategic policy solution to demographic ageing in the European Union','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ageing of European countries has widespread implications for current and future social and economic policies across the region. The major policy response to demographic ageing that has emerged over the past 10 years is called ‘active ageing’, yet there is little clarity in practice about what it means for individuals and society beyond a crude economic reduction in terms of working longer. The main purposes of this article are to explain why this strategy has emerged and its importance. Despite a great deal of positive political rhetoric, the response at all levels of policy making has been rather limited. An active social and public policy is required to mainstream active ageing as the leading paradigm for ageing policy across the European Union (EU). The designation of 2012 as the European Year of Active Ageing offers a potential focus for renewed policy action in the EU and is discussed in the context of our conclusions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 13:35:38','2013-11-21 14:44:10','','Waiting'),(1325,'The Impact of the Far Right on Citizenship Policy in Europe: Explaining Continuity and Change','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the past decade, the empirical study of national citizenship policies has emerged as a fast-growing area of research. This article contributes to that literature by focusing on the question of continuity and change in the 11 ‘historically restrictive’ countries within the 15 ‘older’ member-states of the European Union. It explains why six of the countries have liberalised their citizenship policies since the 1980s, whereas five have not. The article develops an explanation that focuses on the politics of citizenship. The main finding is that, while citizenship liberalisation is more likely to occur with a leftist government, the most important factor is the relative strength of far-right parties, which can serve to mobilise latent anti-immigrant public opinion, and thereby ‘trump’ the pressures for liberalisation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 13:44:44','2013-11-21 14:38:28','','Waiting'),(1326,'The Religiosity of Immigrants in Europe: A Cross-National Study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines cross-national differences in the religiosity of immigrants in Europe utilizing three different measures of religiosity: religious attendance, praying, and subjective religiosity. Hypotheses are formulated by drawing upon a variety of theories—scientific worldview, insecurity, religious markets, and social integration. The hypotheses are tested using European Social Survey data (2002–2008) from more than 10,000 first-generation immigrants living in 27 receiving countries. Multilevel models show that, on the individual level, religiosity is higher among immigrants who are unemployed, less educated, and who have recently arrived in the host country. On the contextual level, the religiosity of natives positively affects immigrant religiosity. The models explain about 60 percent of the cross-national differences in religious attendance and praying of immigrants and about 20 percent of the cross-national differences in subjective religiosity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 13:50:47','2013-11-21 14:42:18','','Waiting'),(1327,'Quality Issues in Interview Surveys - Some Contributions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Abstract: This article is the introduction to a thesis with the same title (done at the Department of Statistics of the University of Stockholm) which deals with some of the issues associated with the quality in interview surveys. The interviewer has many tasks, and some of them are extremely errorprone. The author describes some general themes and how these are usually handled. She also suggests some new approaches and ideas for further work, both when it comes to gaining cooperation and when it comes to doing a good job in administering the question-answer process. She also evaluates a specific procedure to reduce nonresponse errors in interview surveys in terms of costs and error réduction. Survey Data Quality, Survey Interviewers, Survey Cooperation, Survey Nonresponse.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 14:06:54','2013-11-21 14:47:47','','Waiting'),(1328,'Harmonisation of Demographic and Socio-Economic Variables in Cross-National Survey Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the present paper is to demonstrate how demographic and socio-economic variables in cross-national comparative survey research can be harmonised. After a short introduction discussing the difference between translation and harmonisation, the path from a national concept and structure to an internationally-applicable measurement instrument is traced using the éducation variable as an example. Cross-national Surveys, Harmonisation of Variables, Education Variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-16 14:15:13','2013-11-21 14:51:30','','Waiting'),(1329,'Setting Priorities: Spurious Differences in Response Rates','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Response rates are a key quality indicator of a survey. Thus, their comparability across surveys and countries is pivotal. The first round of the European Social Survey contains a natural experiment in the estimation of response rates. While all countries implemented the same standardized contact protocol to record the outcome of each contact attempt, no instructions were given as to how to code a final case disposition from these individual contact attempts and each country chose its own strategy. We demonstrate that the coding strategy chosen has a substantial impact on the response rates reported. In particular, contact and cooperation rates derived by means of different coding strategies are incomparable across countries when intensive refusal conversion efforts are in place. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','blom@uni-mannheim.de','2013-08-19 14:08:36','2016-08-29 11:29:42','','Waiting'),(1330,'Media choice and informed democracy. Towards increasing news consumption gaps in Europe? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It was previously perceived as a citizen’s responsibility to follow the news and to keep oneself informed about politics and current affairs. Recently, however, it appears as though a growing number of citizens ignore the information opportunities given to them. Changes in the media environment have given people cross-nationally more of a choice regarding the media diet they prefer. For the American case, Prior has demonstrated that in an era of cable TV and Internet, people more readily remove themselves from political knowledge and political action than previously. In this article, we study how the public’s consumption of news versus entertainment has developed over the last decade in countries with significantly different media systems. Is there a general increase in preference for entertainment across Europe, and has the gap between news- and entertainment-seekers increased such as documented by Prior for the U.S. case? Who are the European citizens who remove themselves from news and current affairs in the environment of increased choice? Based on data from five waves of the European Social Survey covering more than thirty European countries from 2002 to 2010, we demonstrate how national context or the media environment moderates the influence of individual-level factors in news consumption.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','toril.aalberg@svt.ntnu.no','2013-08-26 15:34:39','2013-11-21 15:05:23','','Waiting'),(1331,'Tuning out the World of News and Current Affairs—An Empirical Study of Europe’s Disconnected Citizens','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previously it has been perceived as a citizen’s duty to follow the news and to keep oneself informed about politics and current affairs. Recently however, it appears as if a growing number of citizens ignore the information opportunities given to them. Changes in the media environment have given people cross-nationally more of a choice as to which media diet they prefer, and for the American case, Prior (2007, Post-Broadcast Democracy. How Media Choice Increases inequality in Political Involvement and Polarize Elections. New York: Cambridge University Press) have demonstrated that in an era of cable TV and Internet, people more readily remove themselves from political knowledge and political action then they did before. Thus, in this article we study those who tune out the world of news and current affairs. We ask if there is an increase of what we call disconnected citizens across Europe. We also ask who these disconnected citizens are and discuss why they have tuned out. Based on pooled data from four waves of the European Social Survey, covering 33 European countries, using several innovative multilevel analyse techniques we demonstrate how national context or the media environment moderates the influence of individual level factors in news consumption.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Arild.Blekesaune@svt.ntnu.no','2013-08-26 15:45:29','2013-11-21 15:10:03','','Waiting'),(1332,'Back to the Nineteenth Century: the Managerial Reform of the French Civil Service','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The French civil service managerial reform initiated in 2007 was supposed to establish a brand new professional world where civil servants would be called to use new public management (NPM) methodology and tools in order to be more efficient and accountable. The final goal was to ‘privatize’ civil servants at least partially. Beyond the economic argument in a time of deep fiscal crisis, the rationale of the reform was political and philosophical, to eliminate the specificity of the civil service. The implementation of the reform and a massive reduction in force have produced systematic conflicts with unions, and most managers have rejected measures that had been designed to foster their individual motivation. A central argument of this article is to show that the values of this NPM reform run counter to those of a majority of civil servants and that public management is not politically neutral. Another argument, based on empirical surveys, is to demonstrate that this reform is of a conservative nature, designed to reinforce traditional hierarchies within the State bureaucracy. Finally, the so-called modernity of public management has produced an involution regression toward the social and professional structures of the nineteenth century.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','luc.rouban@sciences-po.fr','2013-08-26 18:00:37','2013-11-21 15:14:55','','Waiting'),(1333,'Corporate Social Responsibility in Europe: Denmark, Hungary and Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aims to define the meaning of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the context of the European framework and examine three different European countries. The main elements which encompass the meaning of CSR focus on activities with social and environmental sensitiveness, on a voluntary basis. The paper analyses the dimensions of CSR and presents its benefits. Furthermore, the paper provides a brief description of the recent CSR activities in the European Union, and attempts a comparative analysis of CSR activities and their respective impacts on three European countries: Greece; Denmark; and Hungary. Finally, the paper concludes that the effective implementation of CSR strategy cannot follow strict rules and should be adjusted to the culture, needs and particularities of each country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-27 08:32:00','2013-11-22 10:05:41','','Waiting'),(1334,'A Crazy Methodology? On the Limits of Macro-Quantitative Social Science Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite the great popularity of macro-quantitative comparative research\nin the social sciences during the past two decades, it has only had a limited lasting\nimpact on the development of our understanding of social macro-phenomena.\nThe lack of robustness appears to be symptomatic of research findings. The cause\nof this problem is the difficulty in dealing with complex macro-phenomena by\nmeans of statistical analysis. If international comparative research relates to independent\nand identical behaviour of individuals, which can be portrayed at the\nmacro-level by the idea of the representative agent, the analysis is indeed tricky,\nbut not impossible. However, this road is closed for macro-level characteristics of\nsocial systems, since the model cannot be based on assumptions about modal\nbehaviour. In this instance, the sole solution seems to be to accept the limits of\nsmall numbers and to improve the elaboration of a macro-narrative based on\nrobust micro-correlations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-27 09:07:45','2013-11-22 10:08:03','','Waiting'),(1335,'A disaffected new democracy? Identities, institutions and civic engagement in post-communist Poland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Focusing on the case of Poland and utilizing mass opinion survey data, this paper examines the phenomenon of widespread popular disengagement from civic and political life by testing the relative explanatory power of cultural and institutional hypotheses. The former see disengagement as the consequence of values and patterns of behavior that are in some ways incompatible with pluralist politics, whereas the latter see disengagement as the result of a mismatch between the realm of politically relevant individual interests and identities on the one hand, and the realm of available institutions of state–society intermediation on the other.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 08:46:23','2013-11-22 10:15:09','','Waiting'),(1336,'The labour market impact of immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the first part of this paper, we present a stylized model of the labour market impact of immigration. We then discuss mechanisms through which an economy can adjust to immigration: changes in factor prices, output mix, and production technology. In the second part, we explain the problems of empirically estimating how immigration affects labour market outcomes of the resident population and review some strategies to address these. We then summarize some recent empirical studies for the UK and other countries. We conclude with an outlook on what we believe are important avenues for future research. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 08:56:46','2013-11-22 10:20:03','','Waiting'),(1337,'The influence of education on differences in depressive symptoms between men and women in Slovenia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: This paper discusses depressive symptoms among men and women in Slovenia and their relationship to various socioeconomic factors, and education in particular.\n\nMethods: The analysis is based on the European Social Survey Round 3 (ESS-3) from 2006, for the Slovene population (n = 1,282). Depressive symptoms, as a dependent variable, are measured using an 8-item version of the Centre for Epidemiological Studies - Depression (CES-D 8) scale. Independent variables included in the research model are: gender, age, education, income, marital and employment status and the presence of a child under the age of 12 in the household. Using mean comparisons of depression symptoms and regression analyses, the paper presents gender differences in depression levels and factors that influence it.\n\nResults: Education contributes to lower depression levels in both genders; however, its influence is substantially higher among women. Depression symptoms are closely related to education. Lower educated women show a significantly higher score in depression symptoms than lower educated men. However, higher educated women show better mental health than higher educated men. Different sociodemographic factors influence the levels of depression symptoms differently between genders. The impact of housework as an employment status thus significantly influences higher levels of depression only among men. Similar indications for age, widowhood and the absence of partnership. In contrast, the influence of work disability on depression is only significant for women.\n\nConclusion: The influence of socioeconomic and cultural factors on depression symptoms is greater for women than men.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 09:05:13','2013-11-22 10:26:19','','Waiting'),(1338,'Media Discourse and the New German Immigration Law','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Between 2001 and 2004, an initially innovative proposal of a German immigration law was transformed into a rather conservative piece of legislation. This paper systematically analyses media discourse during this period. A content analysis of five prominent German newspapers reveals that media attention to the issue of immigration in the context of the new law fluctuated considerably and that different models of argumentation were mobilised in different stages of the debate. While economic arguments occurred with consistent frequency, arguments stressing the dangers of immigration were used mainly in the context of other world events, such as the attacks in Madrid.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 09:23:23','2013-11-22 10:31:16','','Waiting'),(1339,'Economic Development, Income Inequality, and Preferences for Redistribution','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Adopting a cross-regional and global perspective, this article critically evaluates one of the core assertions of political economy approaches to welfare—that support for redistribution is inversely related to income. We hypothesize that economic self-interest gives way to more uniform support for redistribution in the interest of ensuring that basic or relative needs are met in less developed and highly unequal societies. To test this hypothesis, we analyze individual-level surveys combined with country-level indicators for more than 50 countries between 1984 and 2004. Our analysis shows that individual-level income does not systematically explain support for redistribution in countries with low levels of economic development or high levels of income inequality. These findings challenge the universality of the assumption of economic self-interest in shaping preferences for redistribution that has been so pervasive in the literature.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 09:39:39','2013-11-22 10:34:55','','Waiting'),(1340,'Understanding Aging in a Middle Eastern Context: The SHARE-Israel Survey of Persons Aged 50 and Older','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article describes the development of SHARE-Israel, the survey of persons\naged 50 and older in Israel, and preliminary results from an early data release. The\nintroduction of an HRS-inspired computer-based survey into a Middle East country\nrequired linguistic and cultural adaptations of the survey mechanisms that had not been\npreviously experienced in other countries. Preliminary findings showed that the majority\ngroup of veteran Jewish-Israelis aged 50 and over is in a favorable position in terms of\nhealth, employment status and household income compared to Arab-Israelis and to new\nimmigrants to Israel from the Former Soviet Union. Arab-Israelis aged 50 and over are at\ngreater risk due to greater disability and lower incomes. Recent immigrants from the former\nSoviet Union are at greatest risk. They report having the highest degree of depression, long\nterm problems and activity limitation, the fewest children, low rates of home ownership and\nlow incomes. Comparing the older Israeli population with their European counterparts\nrevealed that Israelis are more depressed; more Israeli women are employed, and fewer\nIsraeli men are retired; and household income in Israel is lower, but rises relatively when\ncorrecting for purchasing power parity. These trends point to several areas that will require\nattention in the formulation of public policy on behalf of the aging population in Israel.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 09:48:25','2013-11-22 10:37:01','','Waiting'),(1341,'Personal Values and Well-Being among Europeans, Spanish Natives and Immigrants to Spain: Does the Culture Matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this study was to analyze the relationship between personal values and well-being. Two correlational studies are presented with the following random samples: (1) four native samples: two samples from the 2006 European Social Survey (Europe n1 = 28,375, Spain n2 = 1,321) and two Basque samples (n3 = 1,770; n4 = 820); and (2) a sample of immigrants in the Basque Country (quasirandom) (n5 = 1,171). Age range of respondents was 18–60 years. The instruments used were for measuring: (1) personal values (Schwartz’s PVQ-40 or PVQ-21), and (2) well-being (Bradburn’s PNA, Goldberg’s GHQ, and life satisfaction and perceived control items from the World Value Survey). Partial correlation analysis was applied, with PVQ scale response bias controlled. The data supported a positive association of hedonic and psychological well-being with openness to experience and individualist values, and a negative association with power and conservation or collectivist values. Satisfaction with life partially mediated the relationship between personal values and affect. The results support a universal association of healthy values with well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 09:56:22','2013-11-22 10:41:55','','Waiting'),(1342,'Who We Are and Who Can Join Us: National Identity Content and Entry Criteria for New Immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We argue that attitudes about immigration can be better understood by paying closer attention to the various ways in which national group boundaries are demarcated. We describe two related lines of work that address this. The first deals with national group definitions and, based on evidence from studies carried out in England and analyses of international survey data, argues that the relationship between national identification and prejudice toward immigrants is contingent on the extent to which ethnic or civic definitions of nationality are endorsed. The second, which uses European survey data, examines support for ascribed and acquired criteria that can be applied when determining who is permitted to migrate to one\'s country, and the various forms of national and individual threat that affect support for these criteria. We explain how the research benefits from a multilevel approach and also suggest how these findings relate to some current policy debates.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 10:04:34','2013-11-22 10:52:15','','Waiting'),(1343,'Policy Failure and Corruption in Belgium: Is Federalism to Blame?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Throughout the 1990s, corruption cases, policy failure and scandals tarnished Belgium\'s international reputation. In this article, we analyse the effect of federalism and political culture on corruption and policy failures and their impact on the likelihood of such occurrences becoming scandals. Survey material suggests that there are few differences between French- and Dutch-speakers in the perception and tolerance of corruption. We then list a number of variables that can explain corruption in Belgium and argue that the independent effect of federalism is very limited. Next we demonstrate that federalism has played a much more significant role in lowering the risk of policy failure, while at the same time creating a few new vulnerabilities. Finally, we argue that the regional political elites do not often engage in policy learning and frequently put forward federalism as the main solution to the avoidance of policy failure and scandal. In this sense, regional political elites do not seize the opportunity for policy experimentation and transfer that is generally seen as one of the main virtues of a federal system of government.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 10:56:32','2013-11-22 11:22:31','','Waiting'),(1344,'A Wider Europe? The View from Russia, Belarus and Ukraine','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'On the evidence of national surveys conducted between 2000 and 2006, there is a declining sense of European self-identity in the three Slavic post-Soviet republics of Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. Attitudes towards the European Union and the possibility of membership are broadly supportive, but with a substantial proportion who find it difficult to express a view, and substantial proportions are poorly informed in comparison with the general public in EU member or prospective member countries. Those who are better informed are more likely to favour EU membership and vice versa. Generally, socioeconomic characteristics (except for age and region) are relatively poor predictors of support for EU membership as compared with attitudinal variables. But ‘Europeanness’ should not be seen as a given, and much will depend on whether EU member countries emphasize what is common to east and west or establish ‘new dividing lines’ in place of those of the cold war.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 11:06:02','2013-11-22 11:34:02','','Waiting'),(1345,'By Faith Alone? Church Attendance and Christian Faith in three European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Many social scientists seem to believe that Catholics attend church more often than Protestants because of differences in theology and not necessarily because Protestants are more secularised. In an attempt to settle this issue, this article uses data from the 1999 European Values Study to determine what factors influence church attendance in a Catholic, Protestant, and mixed European country (Italy, Denmark, and Germany). Using an ordinary least squares multiple regression the article shows that for both Catholics and Protestants it is predominantly the level of Christian faith that determines the rate of church attendance. Hence the differences in church attendance among Catholics and Protestants reflect differences in overall levels of religiosity and are not just artefacts of different views of the importance of going to church. Even Protestants do not live by faith alone.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 11:23:38','2013-11-22 11:37:17','','Waiting'),(1346,'Education and occupational status in 14 countries: the role of educational institutions and labour market coordination','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article explores the role of national institutional factors – more specifically, the level of skill transparency of the education system and labour market coordination – in accounting for cross-national differences in the relationship between education and occupational status. Consistent with previous research, our findings suggest that skill transparency is the primary moderator. Countries with a highly transparent educational system (i.e., extensive tracking, strong vocational orientation, limited tertiary enrolment) tend to be characterized by a strong relationship between education and occupational status. These findings hold even after controlling for the level of labour market coordination. Nevertheless, we also find that labour market coordination plays an independent role by dampening the effect of education on occupational status. Taken together, these results suggest two quite different policy implications: (1) strengthening the skill transparency of the education system by increasing secondary and tertiary-level differentiation may strengthen the relationship between education and occupation, regardless of the level of coordination, and (2) increasing labour market coordination could lead to improved social inclusion and a reduction in inequalities related to educational attainment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 12:38:53','2013-11-22 11:40:56','','Waiting'),(1347,'Employee Control in the Era of Flexibility: A Stress Buffer or a Stress Amplifier?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Traditionally, employee control has been considered a buffer against stress, but debate about the transformation of work raises new questions. Can individual control really counteract the high demands in downsized organisations? Or does it make flexible work even more difficult to define and delimit, physically and emotionally? This article, based on survey data from 800 Swedish employees, studies the effect of job control on work hours, work-family conflict and psychological wellbeing. The results show that high job demands are associated with longer work hours, more work-family conflict and lower wellbeing, while control has positive effects, even when demands are high.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 12:45:12','2013-11-22 13:11:00','','Waiting'),(1348,'Recidivism in the Republic of Ireland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As prison populations increase, the need for successful reintegration of ex-prisoners becomes more pressing. The challenge of what has become known as `re-entry\' has stimulated an extensive body of research, much of it concentrated in a small number of jurisdictions and concerned with levels and predictors of recidivism. The limited geographic breadth of the research effort has hindered our capacity to consider theoretically relevant questions, such as whether particular societal conditions thought to be conducive to successful prisoner reintegration (e.g. high levels of social capital and informal social control) in fact translate into lower levels of recidivism. In this article we expand the reach of existing research by exploring levels and patterns of recidivism in uncharted territory—the Republic of Ireland—and by drawing out the implications of the patterns observed there for comparative analysis. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 12:51:12','2013-11-22 13:14:07','','Waiting'),(1349,'European Integration, Nationalism and European Identity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Early theorists of European integration speculated that economic integration would lead to political integration and a European identity. A European identity has not displaced national identities in the EU, but, for a significant share of EU citizens, a European identity exists alongside a national identity. At the same time, political parties asserting more traditional nationalist identities and policies have directed their dissatisfaction against immigrants, foreigners and, sometimes, the EU. Those who participate in ‘Europe’ are more likely to develop a European identity, while those whose economic and social horizons are essentially local are more likely to assert nationalist identities. It is argued in this article that the issue of European and national identity plays a heightened role in European politics, particularly in the economic crisis of 2007–11. The resolution of that crisis, which may result in increased European political co-operation, will have to take into account highly salient national identities that have so far resisted such co-operation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 12:59:34','2013-11-22 13:19:03','','Waiting'),(1350,'Does the welfare state reduce inequalities in people’s social capital?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyse whether social capital inequalities are smaller in\nmore extensive welfare states.\nDesign/methodology/approach – The paper analyses data from European/World Values Surveys.\nFindings – No effect of welfare stateness on social capital inequality is found.\nResearch limitations/implications – An extension of the analysis with a broader range of welfare\nstates might show effect.\nOriginality/value – This is the first time in literature that the relationship between welfare\nstateness and social capital inequality is empirically studied.\nKeywords Social welfare, Social networks, Trust, Social capital',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 13:07:53','2013-11-22 14:11:15','','Waiting'),(1351,'Religion, civil society, and democracy in Orthodox Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Spurred by the wave of military withdrawal from politics in the developing world and the collapse of communist regimes in the former socialist bloc, democracy and democratization received considerable scholarly attention in the last decade. A proliferating array of important works appeared dealing with the meaning of democracy, democratic consolidation, and a host of other related issues and concerns. For purposes of clarity and consistency, modern political democracy is defined as a ‘a system of governance in which rulers are held accountable for their actions in the public realm by citizens, acting\nindirectly through the cooperation of their elected representatives’',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 13:22:37','2013-11-22 14:19:04','','Waiting'),(1352,'The state and consumer confidence in eco-labeling: organic labeling in Denmark, Sweden, The United Kingdom and The United States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trustworthy eco-labels provide consumers with valuable information on environmentally friendly products and thus promote green consumerism. But what makes an eco-label trustworthy and what can government do to increase consumer confidence? The scant existing literature indicates that low governmental involvement increases confidence. This suggests that government should just provide the basic legal framework for eco-labeling and leave the rest to non-governmental organizations. However, the empirical underpinning of this conclusion is insufficient. This paper analyses consumer confidence in different organic food labeling regimes with varying degrees of governmental involvement. Using unique and detailed survey data from the US, United Kingdom, Denmark, and Sweden, the analysis shows that confidence is highest in countries with substantial state involvement. This suggests that governments can increase green consumerism through active and substantial involvement in eco-labeling.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-29 13:30:39','2013-11-22 14:25:41','','Waiting'),(1353,'Cultural transmission of civicness','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper estimates the intergeneration transmission of civicness by studying second generation immigrants in 29 European countries. There is a significant transmission of civicness both on the mother’s and father’s side. The estimates provide evidence on the transmission of trustworthiness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 08:58:35','2013-11-22 14:29:05','','Waiting'),(1354,'Where Do Distrusting Voters Turn if There is No Viable Exit or Voice Option? The Impact of Political Trust on Electoral Behaviour in the Belgian Regional Elections of June 2009','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It has been suggested that political distrust is associated with lower levels of voter turnout and increased votes for challenger or populist parties. We investigate the relationship between political (dis)trust and electoral behaviour using the 2009 Belgian Election Study. Belgium presents an interesting case because compulsory voting (with an accompanying turnout rate of 90.4 per cent) compels distrusting voters to participate in elections. Nevertheless, distrusting voters are significantly more inclined to cast a blank or invalid vote. Second, distrust is positively associated with a preference for extreme right (Vlaams Belang) and populist (Lijst Dedecker) parties. Third, in party systems where there is no supply of viable challengers (i.e. the French-speaking region of Belgium), the effect of political trust on party preference is limited. We conclude that electoral effects of political distrust are determined by the electoral and party system and the supply of electoral protest.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 09:09:14','2013-11-22 14:36:03','','Waiting'),(1355,'Insecurities about crime in Germany, Austria and Switzerland: A review of research findings','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper reviews the research literature on insecurities about crime in Germany, Austria and Switzerland. Making criminological studies written in German accessible to the wider European community, we first document how insecurities about crime have been conceptualized and measured in these three countries, and second review the various theoretical positions that have been empirically assessed. We highlight commonalities and differences in the German- and Englishlanguage literatures on the topic, making the review relevant to criminologists from all European countries. Our overall goal is to help stimulate a comparative research agenda on insecurities about crime across the European continent.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 09:27:42','2013-11-22 14:52:21','','Waiting'),(1356,'Everyday Racism as Predictor of Political Racism in Flemish Belgium','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Two aspects of research on racism in Flanders (Belgium) are discussed in this article based on results from large-scale surveys between 1991 and 2003. The first relates to the (negative) attitudes of the majority toward foreigners(everyday racism). The second relates to the vote for an extreme right-wing political party that emphasizes anti-immigrant viewpoints in its political program and propaganda(political racism). Our main research question is how both forms of racism are related. First, theories to explain political racism are reviewed. Some theories suggest an extreme right-wing vote to be motivated by a content-related agreement with (part of) the program of these parties (e.g., racism, nationalism, or authoritarianism). Other theories suggest that this vote represents an antipolitical protest vote. From these theories, hypotheses are derived regarding the background characteristics and attitudes that are associated with an extreme right-wing vote (e.g., the Vlaams Blok). These hypotheses are tested using data from election research in 1991, 1999, and 2003. The results suggest that the vote for the party Vlaams Blok is a rational vote. Of all theories, the theory suggesting that everyday racism plays a prominent role received most support. Everyday racism thus motivates political racism in the Flemish part of Belgium.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 09:33:22','2013-11-22 15:34:04','','Waiting'),(1357,'RAMP Findings and Making Sense of the ‘God Within Each Person, Rather than Out There’','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research note provides selected ‘belief’ data from the RAMP (Religious and Moral Pluralism) survey—data of an apparently arresting nature. The present discussion is primarily directed at offering several hypotheses to do with interpretations and explanations of the data. The overarching aim is to contribute to a research agenda which is of considerable significance for the sociological study of spirituality and religion, with profound implications for policy makers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 09:40:18','2013-11-22 15:35:26','','Waiting'),(1358,'Threatened by the uncontrollable: Psychological and socio-economic antecedents of social distance towards labor migrants in Israel','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The primary objective of the current study is to examine the relations between a number of psychological and socio-economic factors, on the one hand, and social distance towards labor migrants on the other. Hence, this study takes up the question of the nature of the combined effects of locus of control, socio-economic status and economic–cultural threat perceptions upon the development of social distance towards labor migrants in Israel. In a field study in Israel in May 2003, attitudes of 383 participants towards labor migrants were tested according to their ascription to four different “socio-economic status” groups: academic–employed, academic–unemployed, non-academic–employed and non-academic–unemployed. The main findings show that, contrary to previous research, educational attainment and locus of control have no significant direct impact on social distance. Employment status, however, may have such an impact, but a negligible one. Yet these findings lend credence to socio-economic as well as personality theories on prejudicial attitudes. Namely, the effect of educational attainment and locus of control on social distance results from the mediation of threat perception. Unlike existing assumptions, neither lack of academic education nor external locus of control can be considered sole direct root causes of social distance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 09:52:47','2013-11-22 15:38:16','','Waiting'),(1359,'What Kind of Citizenship for European Higher Education? Beyond the Competent Active Citizen','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How might European higher education contribute to the promotion and development of\nEuropean citizenship? In this article, the author addresses this question through a critical discussion of\nthe notions of ‘active citizenship’ and ‘civic competence’, which play a central role in current policy\nand research on the role of education in the development of European citizenship. The author argues\nthat there is a tendency within the idea of ‘active citizenship’ to depoliticise the very idea of citizenship\nbecause it is based upon a consensus notion of democracy and a functionalist understanding of\ncitizenship and the formation of citizens. The author also argues that the idea of civic competence\nreduces civic learning and political education to a form of socialisation which undermines rather than\nsupports political agency. For these reasons, the author argues that European higher education should\nnot aim to become a socialising agent for the production of the competent active citizen but should\nseek to support modes of political action and civic learning that embody a commitment to a more\ncritical and more political form of European citizenship than what is envisaged in the ideas of ‘active\ncitizenship’ and ‘civic competence’.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 10:01:55','2013-11-22 15:41:06','','Waiting'),(1360,'Representation of Post-Communist European Countries in Cross-National Public Opinion Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The degree of political rights and the level of economic well-being of a given country can indicate how much this country collaborates with other countries on survey research. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 10:24:01','2013-11-22 15:43:35','','Waiting'),(1361,'Social policy and health: transition countries in a comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses the development and design of unemployment insurance and family policy benefits and their links to health outcomes in Estonia, Poland, the Slovak Republic, Slovenia, the Czech Republic and Hungary from the mid-1990s. Comparing these six transition countries with long-standing welfare democracies reveals important similarities and differences in policy and health. Unemployment benefit schemes resemble corporatist schemes in important respects, however, with lower coverage and average benefits. Subjective wellbeing is also comparatively low among both employed and unemployed in the transition countries. Several transition countries have mixed family policy strategies that simultaneously support dual-earner families and traditional gender roles. One clear exception is Slovenia, which has a highly developed dual-earner support. Family policy generosity is related to lower rates of poverty, infant mortality and child injuries. The article demonstrates the fruitfulness of institutional analyses of the link between social policy and population health in a broader welfare state context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 10:27:15','2013-11-22 15:49:36','','Waiting'),(1362,'Happiness and public choice','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Measuring individual welfare using data on reported subjective well-being has made great progress. It offers a new way of confronting public choice hypotheses with field data, e.g., with respect to partisan preferences or rents in the public bureaucracy. Insights from public choice also help to assess the role of happiness measures in public policy. We emphasize that maximizing aggregate happiness as a social welfare function neglects incentive problems and political institutions while citizens are reduced to metric stations. The goal of happiness research should be to improve the nature of the processes through which individuals can express their preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 10:51:17','2013-11-22 15:53:02','','Waiting'),(1363,'When in Rome, Do as the Romans Do: The Acculturation of Generalized Trust among Immigrants in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of the article is to examine whether an acculturation of trust takes place among non-western immigrants upon migrating to Western Europe and whether inclusionary integration policies have an effect on this process. Building on the second and third wave of the European Social Survey (ESS) we show that an acculturation of trust does take place, but that integration policy does not affect this process. In spite of some variation across destination countries, we also find that second generation immigrants tend to adapt more to the level of trust of natives in the destination country than first generation immigrants do. This indicates that the acculturation of trust is strengthened with the second generation in the country. The results hold up when controlling for confounding variables including the trust in the country of origin of immigrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 12:36:34','2013-11-22 15:57:56','','Waiting'),(1364,'Grandparents and the Care of Their Grandchildren','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Across Europe, certain grandparents are being relied upon to provide informal care for their grandchildren, particularly as part of a package of early-years childcare provision (Gray, 2005; Lewis et al., 2008). The increased participation of women in the labour market (Crouch, 1999), without concomitant and equivalent increased participation of men in informal care (Hook, 2006) means that the demand for informal care is likely to increase whilst supply decreases. Evidence suggests that grandparents are the informal carers of choice after the parents themselves (Wheelock and Jones, 2002). However, certain interest groups representing grandparents have raised the concern that grandparents may be making a rather larger contribution to the care and upbringing of their grandchildren than they had anticipated (e.g. Age Concern, 2006). Regular primary care of small children is a time consuming activity, which is both physically and emotionally demanding and as such, not a task that grandparents had necessarily envisaged as a core part of their grandparental role.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 12:46:50','2013-11-22 16:03:56','','Waiting'),(1365,'Exploring the Determinants of Civil Participation in 14 European Countries: One-Size-Fits None','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is concerned with understanding what influences individual participation in various kinds of formal organizations and how such explanations differ across various European countries. To this end, we propose an indicator of individual participation distinguishing between individuals who participate in either social or private formal organizations, or both. We seek to show the main patterns existing in EU countries on the basis of data from the European Social Survey cross-national surveys. The model used for the analysis is the Multinomial Logit (mLogit), which compares the probability of membership in the reference category with the probability of membership in other categories (Social, Private, and Full Engagement). The result is that EU countries can be grouped in at least three different clusters, and how participatory habits and factors influencing participation are different among these clusters is revealed. Specifically, substantial differences exist between the countries in the Northern cluster (Denmark, Sweden, and the Netherlands), which sets the upper bound, and the Mediterranean and Eastern group (Spain, Italy, Portugal, Greece, and Poland), which occupies the lower bound. The other countries are more difficult to classify as they have borderline scores ranging between the two limits, although they are possibly closer to the Northern group. The existence of such strong structural differences impedes the application of one-size-fits-all policies and suggests the need for cooking ad hoc recipes that take on the independent and legitimate role of interpreting social needs and for launching cooperation strategies at a territorial level. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-03 13:00:33','2013-11-22 16:10:02','','Waiting'),(1366,'Selection of Indicators for the Interaction Term in Structural Equation Models with Interaction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Kenny and Judd (1984, Psychological Bulletin 96: 201–210) suggested using structural equation models to model interaction effects since they allow correction for measurement error. They proposed using all possible products of the indicators of the two interacting variables as indicators for the interaction term. J¨oreskog and Yang (1996, Advanced Structural Equation Modeling. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, pp. 57–88.) defended that this is not necessary; one product variable is sufficient to estimate the interaction effect. However, they did not specify which indicators should be chosen if there is more than one possibility. We prove that the optimal choice is to select the indicators with the highest reliabilities. But this is only true if certain assumptions hold. We go on to show that one can get very different results depending on the indicators chosen for the interaction term if the indicators are not congeneric which is often the case. These methodological arguments will be illustrated by a study of the purchasing or boycotting of certain products for environmental reasons.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-04 10:36:13','2013-11-22 16:18:36','','Waiting'),(1367,'Young people, political participation and online postmaterialism in Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to Inglehart’s postmaterialist theory, young people brought up in periods of high economic and physical security, surrounded by better opportunities for education, are more likely to prioritise postmaterialist values. Postmaterialists are strongly inclined to support new forms of collective action and extra-institutional activity. Internet researchers have reported that internet users are mainly young, well educated and affluent, thus denoting a similarity to the demographic characteristics of postmaterialists. This article presents some evidence regarding the existence of postmaterialist values in the online realm of Greece, attempting to demonstrate how postmaterialism influences online and offline political activity. The findings indicate a trend on the part of young people to display a postmaterialist orientation, accompanied by a disinterest in traditional forms of political participation. Postmaterialism is positively associated with internet use and is a weak contributing factor to online and offline extra-institutional participation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 09:37:35','2013-11-22 16:31:37','','Waiting'),(1368,'Cultural Differences in Academic Motivation Goals: A Meta-Analysis Across 13 Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A meta-analysis of academic motivation focused on the relations between students\' achievement goal orientations and societal values and human development indicators. The authors analyzed relevant studies using either A. J. Elliot and M. A. Church\'s (1997) or M. J. Middleton and C. Midgley\'s (1997) achievement goal instruments separating mastery, performance approach, and performance avoidance goals, with 36,985 students from 13 societies. Ecological correlation and regression analyses showed that mastery goals are higher in egalitarian societies, whereas performance approach goals are higher in more embedded contexts and in less developed societies. Performance avoidance goals did not strongly relate to societal-level variables. The findings show that achievement goals are rooted within dominant societal values.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 10:15:03','2013-11-22 16:33:16','','Waiting'),(1369,'Support for redistribution and the paradox of immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper argues that immigration has varying implications for attitudes about government redistribution depending on the level at which immigration is experienced. Working in occupations with higher shares of foreign-born employees can raise individual economic insecurities in ways that might overwhelm the way high foreign-born shares of the population can reduce solidarity or increase fiscal burdens. Hence, experiencing more immigration in one’s occupation might more positively affect support for government redistribution than does experiencing more national-level immigration. We test this and other expectations on survey data in 17 European polities, focused on occupational and national measures of immigration. While national-level exposure to foreign-born populations tends to have little effect on support for government redistribution, occupational-level exposure to immigration tends to spur such support. These results suggest that immigration directly influences the politics of inequality, but in ways more complicated than recent scholarship suggests. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 10:30:16','2013-11-22 16:37:21','','Waiting'),(1370,'An exploratory study of associations between social capital and self-assessed health in Norway','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The objective of this study is to estimate associations between\nsocial capital and health when other factors are controlled for. Data from the\nstandard-of-living survey by Statistics Norway are merged with data from\nseveral other sources. The merged files combine data at the individual level with\ndata that describe indicators of community-level social capital related to each\nperson’s county of residence. Both cross-sectional and panel data are used. We\nfind that one indicator of community-level social capital – voting participation in\nlocal elections – is positively associated with self-assessed health in the crosssectional\nstudy and in the panel data study. While we find that religious activity\nat the community-level has a positive effect in the cross-sectional survey and no\neffect in the panel survey, we find that sports organizations have a negative effect\non health in the cross-sectional survey and no effect in the panel survey. The\nquestion is raised whether the welfare state diminishes the effect of structural\ncommunity social capital, as represented by voluntary organizations, on health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 10:43:09','2013-11-22 16:40:43','','Waiting'),(1371,'Health Inequalities in Europe and Russia: An Analysis of Individual and Contextual Factors ','Социальные особенности здоровья в Европе и России: Влияние индивидуальных и контекстуальных факторов',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper deals with the problem of social and demographic differences in health in the European countries and dependence of these differences on the societal context - country’s economic development, public expenses on health and corruption. The European Social Survey data (Round 4, 2008-2009) and World Bank statistics has been analyzed using statistical methods of two-level logistic modeling. The dependant variable is dichotomized indicator of self-assessed health (“very good” and “good” vs. “fair”, “bad” and “very bad”). In any part of Europe, according to the results, there are clear social inequalities in health - unhealthy people more likely come from the lower social strata. The study also found the significant positive link of health to societal context: higher level of economic development and public expenses, and lower corruption are conducive to countries’ better health status. This is due to diminishing gap in health of the older and younger people: societal development contributes to the maintenance of good health of the older cohorts. Health inequalities between men and women almost disappear in the most developed countries as compared to the less developed ones.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','NRusiniva@gmail.com','2013-09-05 12:03:48','2013-11-22 16:44:31','','Waiting'),(1372,'Quality of Life in Rural Areas: Processes of Divergence and Convergence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Germany, processes can be observed that have long been out of keeping with the principle of equality of opportunity. Unemployment is concentrated in the structurally weak peripheral areas, in Eastern Germany in particular; emigration of young and better-educated people to the West is not diminishing, but contrary to expectation is again on the increase; aging processes have set in already, and when it comes to the provision of infrastructure, e.g. in the field of professional training, some regions are already suffering from considerable problems. These difficulties are frequently interpreted as differences between East and West and are explained away as problems resulting from reunification, such as the deindustrialization and restructuring of the economy and the enormous decline in the birth rate in Eastern Germany. Although these problems cannot just be attributed to social transformation and the birth rate crisis alone, being subject to more general processes of intensified globalization and the aging of society, the increasing regional disparities are rarely considered in the overall context of regional development patterns throughout Germany. Moreover, the difficulty of even obtaining data for purposes of comparison generally means that an international yardstick is lacking when regional developments are analyzed. The present study investigates regional disparities over a period of time in the light of subjective and objective indicators of the quality of life for individuals. To this end, we make use of data from the Wohlfahrtssurvey [Welfare Survey] from 1978 to 2001, among other sources. On the basis of the Euromodule that has been established at the WZB, we compare current regional patterns in Germany with those in other European countries. This approach makes it possible to provide information on the scale of regional disparities in various different countries, and to identify privileged and handicapped regions with reference to standards of living and the sense of wellbeing. The study’s findings show that, in the past 25 years, welfare in Western Germany has evened out at a higher level, but currently a trend towards increasing economic disparity is discernible. In comparison with other European countries, on the other hand, the differences (regional differences) within Germany are comparatively slight.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 12:16:51','2013-11-22 16:57:03','','Waiting'),(1373,'How do public libraries function as meeting places?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How are libraries used as meeting places, and by whom? Through survey data, six categories of places are identified: the library as a “square,” as a place for meeting diverse people, as a public sphere, as a place for joint activities with friends and colleagues, as a metameeting place, and as a place for virtual meetings. Representative samples of the population in three townships in Oslo, each with a markedly different demographic profile, are surveyed. Multivariate regression analyses are performed to analyze why some people use the library for a range of meetings and others do not, as well as to examine variations in the use of the library for different kinds of meetings. Public libraries are shown to be used for a variety of meetings. Community involvement is more important than township and demographic variables in explaining variations in use of the library as a meeting place. Correlations between low income and low education and high use of the library as a meeting place were found, indicating that the library as a meeting place plays a substantial role in equalizing the possibilities of being an active citizen across social and economic differences. The study contributes to understanding the role of the public library in a multicultural context. The public library as a unique and complex meeting place has important implications for future librarianship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 12:21:08','2013-11-25 08:01:55','','Waiting'),(1374,'Why Do the Finns Trust the Police?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The level of public trust in the police in Finland has been found to be very high in international comparative studies. The purpose of the article is to explore how certain factors related to the quality and effectiveness of police work possibly explain the strong trust the Finnish public place in the police. The empirical data consist of results gained in Police Barometer 2005, which is a Finnish interview survey conducted to find out Finnish citizens\' experiences of safety and of policing. The results of the survey show that the explanation for the good public trust in the police has to be searched for among broader social factors than the effectiveness of police work, the proximity of the police, or the quality of police work.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 12:30:55','2013-11-25 08:08:30','','Waiting'),(1375,'Different Things Make Different People Happy: Examining Social Capital and Subjective Well-Being by Gender and Parental Status','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper addresses a number of key challenges in current subjective well-being (SWB) research: A new wave of studies should take into account that different things may make different people happy, thus going beyond a unitary ‘happiness formula’. Furthermore, empirical results need to be connected to broader theoretical narratives. Using a re-examination of the social context of well-being as its case study, this article therefore resorts to sociological theory and fills a gap by investigating how social capital is correlated in different ways with the SWB of men, women, parents, and non-parents. Ordered logit and OLS regression analyses systematically examine slope heterogeneity using UK data from the European Social Survey. It turns out that civic engagement is not at all associated with higher life satisfaction for mothers, while the relationship is positive for men and strongest for childless women. Moreover, informal socialising is positively and more strongly associated with life satisfaction among women, although only when OLS is used. In sum, the social context of well-being varies considerably by gender and parental status. Mothers do not seem to benefit from formal social capital, indicating a “motherhood penalty” (see Correll et al., Am J Sociol 112(5):1297–1338 in 2007) regarding the psychological rewards usually associated with volunteering. Given the high levels of formal social capital among mothers, the findings also highlight the importance of the homo sociologicus concept. Consequently, SWB research can be successfully used to provide new insights into long-standing interdisciplinary theory debates such as the one on homo economicus versus homo sociologicus.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 12:49:49','2013-11-25 08:11:03','','Waiting'),(1376,'The ‘Good European Citizen’: Congruence and Consequences of Different Points of View','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In a search for the ‘good European citizen’, the prevalent views of European Union (EU) policymakers, civil society bodies, and citizens are confronted. The civil society and ordinary citizens are both content with strengthening the position of civil society and not increasing the participatory demands on citizens. Ideas among EU policymakers about civil society as a means to integrate citizens and to close the gap between citizens and the EU are misplaced and incongruent with other images of the ‘good European citizen’.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 12:59:27','2013-11-25 10:43:09','','Waiting'),(1377,'Exposure to psychosocial work factors in 31 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Although psychosocial work factors are recognized as major occupational risk factors, little information is available regarding the prevalence of exposure to these factors and the differences in exposure between countries.\n\nAims: To explore the differences in various psychosocial work exposures between 31 European countries.\n\nMethods: The study was based on a sample of 14 881 male and 14 799 female workers from the 2005 European Working Conditions Survey. Eighteen psychosocial work factors were studied: low decision latitude (skill discretion and decision authority), high psychological demands, job strain, low social support, iso-strain, physical violence, sexual harassment, bullying, discrimination, work–family imbalance, long working hours, high effort, job insecurity, low job promotion, low reward and effort–reward imbalance. Covariates were age, number of workers in household, occupation, economic activity, self-employed/employee, public/private sector and part/full time work. Statistical analysis was performed using multilevel logistic regression analysis.\n\nResults: Significant differences in all psychosocial work factors were observed between countries. The rank of the countries varied according to the exposure considered. However, some countries, especially Denmark, Netherlands and Norway, displayed a significantly lower prevalence of exposure to four factors or more, while some Southern and Eastern countries, especially Czech Republic, Greece, Lithuania and Turkey, had a higher prevalence.\n\nConclusions: Differences in psychosocial work exposures were found between countries. This study is the first to compare a large set of psychosocial work exposures between 31 European countries. These findings may be useful to guide prevention policies at European level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 13:27:09','2013-11-25 11:03:16','','Waiting'),(1378,'Where do Muslims stand on ethno-racial hierarchies in Britain and France? Evidence from public opinion surveys, 1988–2008','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Bleich assesses levels of anti-Muslim prejudice in two important European countries—Britain and France—to begin a process of systematically evaluating the status of Muslims on national ethno-racial hierarchies. He reviews major scholarly and institutional public opinion polls from 1988 through 2008 to discern attitudes towards Muslims over time and in comparison to other religious and ethnic groups. The findings support the following conclusions: negative attitudes towards Muslims have risen over the past twenty years in Britain and France; when compared to other religious groups, Muslims are viewed with tremendous suspicion by British and French respondents; and, in spite of the events of recent years, Muslims have not sunk to the bottom of the ethno-racial hierarchy, most measures suggesting that other groups remain more distant ethno-racial outsiders than Muslims in both Britain and France.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 13:48:55','2013-11-25 11:28:28','','Waiting'),(1379,'Support for Redistribution in Western Europe: Assessing the role of religion','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous sociological studies have paid little attention to religion as a central determinant of individual preferences for redistribution. In this article we argue that religious individuals, living in increasingly secular societies, differ in political preferences from their secular counterparts. Based on the theory of religious cleavages, we expect that religious individuals will oppose income redistribution by the state. Furthermore, in contexts where the polarization between religious and secular individuals is large, preferences for redistribution will be lower. In the empirical analysis we test our predictions in a multilevel framework, using data from the European Social Survey 2002–2006 for 16 Western European countries. After controlling for a wide range of individual socio-economic factors and for welfare-state policies, religion plays and important explanatory role. We find that both Catholics and Protestants strongly oppose income redistribution by the state. The cleavage between religious and secular individuals is far more important than the difference between denominations. Using a refined measure of religious polarization, we also find that in more polarized context the overall level of support for redistribution is lower. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 14:04:40','2013-11-25 11:33:25','','Waiting'),(1380,'Higher education and social change','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An agenda for future higher education research is proposed which incorporates four interconnected elements: changing social contexts; their implications for higher education; mechanisms of interaction between higher education and society; higher education’s impact on society. The role of comparative research in investigating these topics is discussed and a set of priorities for future research questions is proposed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 14:09:33','2013-11-25 11:36:48','','Waiting'),(1381,'Guest Editor\'s Introduction: The SEESSP Project','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This issue of the International Journal of Sociology presents some of the first studies based on the South-East European Social Survey Project—a social survey data resource for the sociology and social history of the group of societies included in what is now commonly referred to as the Western Balkans during late 2003 and early 2004. This introduction is intended to give an overview of the project that produced these data, concentrating on the data structure itself. It also discusses the articles based on the project that are included in this journal issue. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 14:18:53','2013-11-25 11:39:56','','Waiting'),(1382,'The Inheritance of Educational Inequality: International Comparisons and Fifty-Year Trends','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper estimates 50-year trends in the intergenerational persistence of educational attainment for a sample of 42 nations around the globe. Large regional differences in educational persistence are documented, with Latin America displaying the highest intergenerational correlations, and the Nordic countries the lowest. We also demonstrate that the global average correlation between parent and child\'s schooling has held steady at about 0.4 for the past fifty years.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 14:31:54','2013-11-25 11:48:08','','Waiting'),(1383,'Perceived Job Quality: Autonomy and Job Security within a Multi-Level Framework','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we examine the relationship between institutions of labour market and welfare states and two central aspects of job quality: autonomy and job security. Drawing on theoretical frameworks from varieties of capitalism and a power resource approach, we examine whether macro-level features can explain country differences in perceived autonomy and job security. In multi-level analyses, we combine institutional data with data from the European Social Survey (ESS), which contains information on 13,414 employees from 19 countries. We report three main findings: first, we find high autonomy in the Nordic countries and low autonomy and job security in transition countries; second, the institutional features—union density and skill specificity—are positively associated with autonomy; third, unemployment rate is the most important factor in explaining country differences in perceived job security. Our findings suggest that the power of workers and their skill specificity are important in explaining cross-country differences in autonomy. The study shows that a multi-level approach may help explain how institutions shape employment outcomes. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-05 14:52:25','2013-11-25 11:53:54','','Waiting'),(1384,'Cross-Cultural Consumer Behavior: A Review of Research Findings','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Most aspects of consumer behavior are culture-bound. This article reviews the cultural relationships with the self, personality, and attitude, which are the basis of consumer behavior models and branding and advertising strategies. The Hofstede model is used to explain variance. Other consumer behavior aspects reviewed are motivation and emotions, cognitive processes such as abstract versus concrete thinking, categorization and information processing, as well as consumer behavior domains such as product ownership, decision making, and adoption and diffusion of innovations. Implications for global branding and advertising are included.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-10 10:31:02','2013-11-25 11:59:21','','Waiting'),(1385,'Social Class and Sickness Absence in Norway','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article we study class differences, as measured by the Erikson,\nGoldthorpe and Portocarero (EGP) class scheme, in long-term sickness absence,\nand, using data from three years of the Norwegian Level of Living Survey, we investigate\nthe possible explanatory mechanisms for these differences in Norway. Our\nresults show that there are class differences in sickness absence especially among\nmen, but also among women. The two main underlying factors are education and\nphysical work environment. The results suggest that selection mechanisms and\nmaterial conditions are important, and prompt the question whether psychosocial\nwork environment explains the marked class differences in sickness absence.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-09-10 10:58:51','2013-11-25 12:02:25','','Waiting'),(1386,'Language Boundaries and the Subjective Well-Being of Immigrants in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study contributes to the growing literature on social and ethnic boundaries by tracing the impact of symbolic language boundaries in 20 European countries. Using data from the 2002–03 wave of the European Social Survey, we show that the language boundaries drawn in different host societies affect the subjective well-being of first- and second-generation immigrants. Confirming theoretical expectations, we find that symbolic boundaries only influence those individuals with limited proficiency in the majority language. Moreover, applying a distinction from theories of ethnic boundary-making, we show that it is primarily the contestedness of language boundaries within a society, rather than their strength, that influences subjective well-being. This finding provides indirect evidence for a major hypothesis: that disagreement over the social location of ethnic boundaries will make them politically salient; this, in turn, affects the well-being of individuals whose status is at stake.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Harald.Beier@mzes.uni-mannheim.de','2013-09-18 10:30:07','2013-11-25 12:05:05','','Waiting'),(1387,'What is people´s willingness to cooperate with the police and what affects it?','Jaká je ochota občanů spolupracovat s policií a co ji ovlivňuje?',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The majority of crime is not detected by the police itself. Its work, if it is to be effective, depends heavily on the people’s willingness to cooperate with the police. The paper compares the degree of such cooperation between the Czech Republic and other European countries that participated on the ESS R 5 research and focuses on factors influencing the cooperation. Education, feelings of safety when walking alone in local areas after dark and satisfaction with police officers´ treatment all play an important role in explaining people’s willingness to cooperate with the police.  Further, results of the analyses show that the Czech Republic and other post-communist countries alike suffer from relatively low legitimacy of the police as well as low degree of public cooperation with this institution. Moreover, the data suggest that perceived legitimacy of the police is considerably influenced by public trust in it and perception of its transparency. However, these seem to be still relatively low in the Czech Republic.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.moravcova@soc.cas.cz','2013-09-19 14:13:36','2013-11-25 13:59:34','','Waiting'),(1388,' Cross-national differences in the gender gap in subjective health in Europe: Does country level gender equality matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Multiple studies have found that women report being in worse health despite living longer. Gender gaps vary cross-nationally, but relatively little is known about the causes of comparative differences. Existing literature is inconclusive as to whether gender gaps in health are smaller in more gender equal societies. We analyze gender gaps in self-rated health (SRH) and limiting longstanding illness (LLI) with five waves of European Social Survey data for 191,104 respondents from 28 countries. We use means, odds ratios, logistic regressions, and multilevel random slopes logistic regressions. Gender gaps in subjective health vary visibly across Europe. In many countries (especially in Eastern and Southern Europe), women report distinctly worse health, while in others (such as Estonia, Finland, and Great Britain) there are small or no differences. Logistic regressions ran separately for each country revealed that individual-level socioeconomic and demographic variables explain a majority of these gaps in some countries, but contribute little to their understanding in most countries. In yet other countries, men had worse health when these variables were controlled for. Cross-national variation in the gender gaps exists after accounting for individual-level factors. Against expectations, the remaining gaps are not systematically related to societal-level gender inequality in the multilevel analyses. Our findings stress persistent cross-national variability in gender gaps in health and call for further analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','juho.harkonen@sociology.su.se','2013-09-25 12:18:19','2013-11-25 14:12:06','','Waiting'),(1389,'The Role of Source- and Host-Country Characteristics in Female Immigrant Labor Supply','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the European Social Survey 2002-2011 covering immigrants in 26 European countries, this paper analyzes the impact of source- and host-country characteristics on female immigrant labor supply. We find that immigrant women’s labor supply in their host country is positively associated with the labor force participation rate in their source country, which serves as a proxy for the country’s preferences and beliefs regarding women’s roles. The effect of this cultural proxy on the labor supply of immigrant women is robust to controlling for spousal, parental, and a variety of source-country characteristics. This result suggests that the culture and norms of their source country play an important role for immigrant women’s labor supply. Moreover, we find evidence for a strong positive correlation between the host-country female labor force participation rate and female immigrant labor supply, suggesting that immigrant women assimilate to the work behavior of natives. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','julia.bredtmann@rub.de','2013-10-02 15:11:52','2013-11-25 14:21:19','','Waiting'),(1390,'Unobserved Heterogeneity in Overeducation Models: Is Personality More Important than Ability?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper compares the performance of selected personality aspects and ability on explaining the overeducation status of the individual. Ability is defined as the difference between the actual and the predicted income. Personality proves to be an important factor affecting the risk of overeducation. For females, personality allows to better explain mismatch than ability. For males, ability frequently, but not always, performs better than personality. Controlling for personality allows for better classification of the non-overeducated, while controlling for ability improves the classification of the overeducated. The study is done on the pooled sample of 23 European countries, as well as for Eastern, Western, Northern, and Southern Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','atarvid@inbox.lv','2013-10-05 14:26:14','2013-11-25 14:27:34','','Waiting'),(1391,'Work–family conflict, health services and medication use among dual-income couples in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Combination pressure or work–life imbalance is linked to adverse health. However, it remains unclear how work–family conflict is related to healthcare utilisation. Does work–family conflict function as a barrier or as a facilitator in relation to the use of health services and prescription medication? Lack of time may prevent people from visiting a doctor when they feel unwell. However, combination pressure can also be expected to intensify the use of health services, as the need for a quick fix is prioritised. Further, do women and men differ in their susceptibility to medicalisation and time pressure resulting from work–life imbalance? This article investigates the use of health services and prescription medication of dual-income couples with children, based on data from 23 countries in the European Social Survey round 2 (Nwomen = 3755; Nmen = 3142). It was found that medical services and prescription medications are used more frequently in dual-income couples experiencing work-to-family spillover, but for women only this is irrespective of their self-reported health. Family-to-work spillover does not result in increased health service or medication use for either men or women. While women opt for a medical response to work–life imbalance, men’s reluctance to seek formal health support is confirmed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Piet.Bracke@UGent.be','2013-10-08 12:44:52','2018-03-27 16:12:38','','Waiting'),(1392,'Youth voice(s) in EU countries and social movements in southern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article discusses social mobilization of young people in European countries over the last four years in the context of economic crisis, austerity policies and worsening conditions for young people. Two main issues are explored. First, the article examines, on the basis of the European Social Survey 2010, youth participation in protests in European countries and the factors influencing their participation: labour market conditions, education, institutional participation, and satisfaction with the functioning of democracy and the economy. Secondly, it takes a closer look at recent youth protest developments in 2011 and 2012 in southern European countries, focusing on their extent, nature and agendas.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ESS is very useful for comparative studies.','antonio.martin@uab.es','2013-10-08 18:05:24','2013-11-25 14:48:26','','Waiting'),(1393,'Attitudes towards immigrants and egalitariam compromise in Europe','Actitudes hacia la inmigración y compromiso igualitario en Europea',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European citizens\' attitudes towards immigration are restrictive. The restrictive attitudes are related to the unemployment rate and the risk of poverty, as well as competition for jobs and welfare resources. National social protection policies contribute to reduce hostility towards immigration because it reduces the risk of poverty and social inequality. However, ethnic and racial heterogeneity hinders the \"egalitarian commitment\" essential to the sustainability of the welfare state. Strong unions and social protection policies contribute to the integration of immigrants (Sweden and Norway). By contrast, weak unions, social inequalities, unemployment, the risk of poverty and weak social protection contribute to the development of negative attitudes toward immigration attitudes (Greece, Hungary). The future sustainability of the welfare state depends on the involvement of immigration as a political force.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'ESS is very interesting in order to compare countries in Europe','antonio.martin@uab.es','2013-10-08 18:16:08','2013-11-25 15:05:34','','Waiting'),(1394,'Political participation of youth. Young Germans in the European context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Impatience with politics, weariness with political commitment, and individualisation are labels frequently used to characterise the political involvement of young people. Empirical analyses show a rather more complex picture. A basic willingness to become politically involved and to express one’s political opinion is apparent: Indeed, many young people use numerous and varied opportunities to express themselves politically; however, this usually covers only occasional activities. Not surprisingly, participation in some traditional associations has become lower. On the other hand, affinity and commitment to new social movements remain fairly consistent. Participation patterns differ according to gender, education level, and the youth’s place of origin (federal states of the former Federal Republic, or former GDR). These are some of the key results of the follow-up youth surveys carried out by the German Youth Institute. If the comparison between eastern and western Germans is seen in a European perspective, the complex interconnections between the institutionalised political cultures of nations and the participation patterns of young people become apparent. In what kind of institutions and to what extent do young people between 16 and 29 years show political engagement in Germany? What kind of differences can be seen between the new and the old Federal states? Is it possible to identify typical trends of development? Do gender, educational level, value orientations or social background conditions such as unemployment play a role in this regard? In the following, we will endeavour to answer these questions on the basis of empirical research. For this reason, in the following tables and analyses we will particularly focus on the differences between East and West Germany and the temporal development of discrepancies. The question of how specific and changing social institutions influence human attitudes and behaviour can be analysed using the quasi-experiment of 40 years of German division as an example. However, additional aspects reveal themselves and new questions arise by comparing young people across the different European Member States. Hence, we will discuss this additional comparative perspective.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-23 13:10:13','2013-11-25 15:15:58','','Waiting'),(1395,'Short assessment of the Big Five: robust across survey methods except telephone interviewing','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We examined measurement invariance and age-related robustness of a short 15-item Big Five Inventory (BFI–S) of personality dimensions, which is well suited for applications in large-scale multidisciplinary surveys. The BFI–S was assessed in three different interviewing conditions: computer-assisted or paper-assisted face-to-face interviewing, computer-assisted telephone interviewing, and a self-administered questionnaire. Randomized probability samples from a large-scale German panel survey and a related probability telephone study were used in order to test method effects on self-report measures of personality characteristics across early, middle, and late adulthood. Exploratory structural equation modeling was used in order to test for measurement invariance of the five-factor model of personality trait domains across different assessment methods. For the short inventory, findings suggest strong robustness of self-report measures of personality dimensions among young and middle-aged adults. In old age, telephone interviewing was associated with greater distortions in reliable personality assessment. It is concluded that the greater mental workload of telephone interviewing limits the reliability of self-report personality assessment. Face-to-face surveys and self-administrated questionnaire completion are clearly better suited than phone surveys when personality traits in age-heterogeneous samples are assessed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-23 14:09:55','2013-11-25 15:17:38','','Waiting'),(1396,'Multilevel models in international business research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Multiple-level (or mixed linear) modeling (MLM) can simultaneously test hypotheses at several levels of analysis (usually two or three), or control for confounding effects at one level while testing hypotheses at others. Advances in multi-level modeling allow increased precision in quantitative international business (IB) research, and open up new methodological and conceptual possibilities. However, they create new challenges, and they are still not frequently used in IB research. In this editorial we outline some key methodological issues for the uses of MLM in IB, including criteria, sample size, and measure equivalence issues. We then examine promising directions for future multilevel IB research considering comparative opportunities at nation, multiple-nation cluster, and within-nation region levels, including large multilevel databases. We also consider its promise for MNE research about semi-globalization, interorganizational effects across nations, clusters within nations, and teams and subsidiaries within MNEs.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-23 14:45:58','2013-11-25 15:24:47','','Waiting'),(1397,'An international analysis of contact lens compliance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose\n\nTo evaluate compliance to contact lens use in 14 countries, and to identify wearer attributes which indicate lower compliance levels.\nMethods\n\nA web-based survey was undertaken by 4021 contact lens wearers, revealing information about demographics, and lens and solution information including daily handling details, case care and aftercare frequency. Particular attention was paid to eight modifiable compliance-related behaviours which are associated with an increased risk of microbial keratitis.\nResults\n\nFull compliance was very rare for most lens users, although better (15% of wearers) for daily disposable lenses. Reduced compliance was demonstrated in South Korea, and for young male full-time contact lens users, especially those who have not consulted their eyecare practitioner for some time. The behaviours associated with the lowest levels of compliance were rubbing and rinsing, handwashing, correct lens replacement and case cleaning.\nConclusions\n\nGiven other recent literature, which suggests improved contact lens compliance with regular self-review exercises, we encourage clinical colleagues to particularly examine case cleaning, handwashing and rubbing and rinsing at aftercare examinations, especially in young male wearers.\n\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-24 10:28:57','2013-11-25 15:26:43','','Waiting'),(1398,'Small Business Owners\' Success Criteria, a Values Approach to Personal Differences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study of 150 Dutch small business owners, identified through business/network directories, investigated relationships between owners\' understanding of success and their personal values. Business owners ranked 10 success criteria. Personal satisfaction, profitability, and satisfied stakeholders ranked highest. Multidimensional scaling techniques revealed two dimensions underlying the rank order of success criteria: person-oriented (personal satisfaction versus business growth) and business-oriented (profitability versus contributing back to society). Furthermore, business growth, profitability, and innovativeness were guided by self-enhancing value orientations (power and achievement). Softer success criteria, such as having satisfied stakeholders and a good work–life balance, were guided by self-transcendent value orientations (benevolence and universalism).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-24 10:41:59','2013-11-25 15:31:05','','Waiting'),(1399,'Measuring patient satisfaction in oncology units: interview-based psychometric validation of the ‘Comprehensive Assessment of Satisfaction with Care’ in Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this study is to validate the ‘Comprehensive Assessment of Satisfaction with Care’ (CASC) in Greece. A total of 84 cancer inpatients met the inclusion criteria. Of them, 32 (38%) refused to participate, leading to a 62% response rate. For the translation of the scale, we followed the European Social Survey procedures encompassing four stages. Interview-based administration was chosen in order to obtain more reliable results in terms of time of assessment, response rate and data omission. Multitrait scaling analyses along with construct, scale-discriminant validity and reliability tests were carried out to establish the Greek version of CASC. Scales on doctors\' technical skills, care organization and general satisfaction were in support of the European structure. In general, Doctors\' scales had the anticipated structures. Most variations were noticed in the Nurses\' scales, leading to a revised item–scale formation, and may reflect different importance patients attribute to various aspects of health care in different countries. Greek version of CASC may be a practical, valid and reliable tool for assessing patient satisfaction in oncology settings. Cross-cultural validation of the existing tools is necessary to enable comparison between various countries and settings. Interview-based administration should be considered when validating patient satisfaction instruments.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-24 11:36:12','2013-11-25 15:37:40','','Waiting'),(1400,'Capacities: Political Science in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This essay portrays the capacities of political science in Western as well as in Central and Eastern Europe. The discussion is divided into four subtopics: (1) the political and social context in which European political science developed after World War II, (2) its degree of institutionalisation as an academic discipline, (3) its professional organisation and communication structure, and (4) its capacity to represent the discipline\'s education and research interests in the European area. The analysis concludes with a plea to create a database which, in a comprehensive way, allows for a comparative self-description of the discipline in the European area of higher education and research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-24 12:44:18','2013-11-25 15:43:23','','Waiting'),(1401,'Women non-traditional entrepreneurs and social capital','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to consider the relationship between “entrepreneurial segregation” – self-employment in a gender typical or atypical sector – and social capital.\n\nDesign/methodology/approach – This paper is based on analysis of data from the 2006 wave of the European Social Survey (ESS). A sample of 2,214 male and female business owners is extracted from the dataset. The sample comprises four sub-samples – females in female-dominated industries (n=283); females in male-dominated industries (337); males in male-dominated industries (n=1,476) and males in female-dominated industries (n=118). Regression analysis is used to determine the impact of business owners\' gender and the sector of their firm upon their levels of social capital.\n\nFindings – Women who operate firms in traditionally female sectors are found to have the highest levels of social capital. In stark contrast, those individuals – men and women – working in traditionally male sectors exhibit lower levels of social capital, measured in terms of trust, community engagement and social networks. Furthermore, self-employment in a gender traditional or non-traditional sector is found to be a significant predictor of social capital.\n\nOriginality/value – This paper adds to the literature on female entrepreneurship in general but also contributes to the embryonic body of work that is concerned with segregation in self-employment. To date, very little research has been conducted on women in atypical enterprises, or on the nature of their activities. This paper is a preliminary step towards filling this academic gap. No prior study has assessed the social capital men and women entrepreneurs operating traditional and non-traditional enterprises.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-24 12:53:13','2013-11-25 15:45:49','','Waiting'),(1402,'Developing a meta-inventory of human values','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Human values are increasingly being used as a concept in a wide range of fields including psychology, sociology, anthropology, science and technology studies, and information science. However, the use of this concept varies widely in these different fields, and several different instruments have been developed separately to measure values. This paper reviews research to date on values in all of these fields to develop a definition of values, and then reviews 12 value inventories to create a meta-inventory.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-24 13:05:59','2013-11-25 15:47:40','','Waiting'),(1403,'Immigration and Perceived Ethnic Threat: Cultural Capital and Economic Explanations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article aims to study to what extent the share of immigrants in a country influences individuals’ perceptions of ethnic threat and how this can be explained by theories of economic and cultural threat. Following an economic logic, people with a weak socio-economic position should have a greater perception of ethnic threat. This would be more so if the share of low-educated immigrants in a country was relatively high. Following a cultural logic, greater perceptions of ethnic threat should be found among individuals with a weak cultural position, which would apply more strongly if the share of non-Western immigrants in a country was relatively high. Both theories are studied using data from the first round of the European Social Survey, enriched with country-specific variables. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for the theories under scrutiny and in the light of current scientific debates about the influence of immigration on Western societies. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-24 13:37:57','2013-11-25 15:52:39','','Waiting'),(1404,'Generalized Trust and Trust in Institutions in Confucian Asia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines generalized trust and trust in institutions in Confucian Asia, covering six countries namely, China, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan and Vietnam, and one dependent region, Hong Kong. Using data from the 2006 AsiaBarometer Survey, our study affirms the reliability and validity of using a two-item scale to measure generalized trust. Our analysis suggests that due to demographic differences, there are variations in the level of generalized trust of countries in Confucian Asia, despite the fact that these societies share a similar background in Confucian philosophy. The relationships between generalized trust and political trust, and between generalized trust and trust in public institutions, are weak but positive. The positive relationship between generalized trust and trust in economic institutions is only significant for some of the economies, while trust in international institutions has the weakest relationship with generalized trust for all societies. We conclude the paper with research implications.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-24 13:41:55','2013-11-26 14:29:05','','Waiting'),(1405,'The structuring of occupational stressors in a Post-Fordist work environment. Moving beyond traditional accounts of demand, control and support ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, the traditional components of the Demand–Control–Support-Model are extended with a broad number of occupational stressors, while investigating associations with persistent fatigue, musculoskeletal complaints and emotional well-being. Furthermore, it is assessed how these stressors are structured into distinct dimensions within a population of wage-earners. In a representative cross-sectional sample of 11,099 Flemish (Belgian) employees a range of loglinear techniques is used: logit modelling, latent class analysis and Modified LISREL-modelling. Quantitative, emotional and physical demands, repetitive movements, types of work schedules, problematic autonomy, task variation, social relationships with superiors, job insecurity and bullying behaviour are associated with at least one of the health outcomes, while sudden schedule changes are not. These occupational stressors constitute five dimensions: immaterial demands, physical demands, control over the work environment, social relationships at work and employment uncertainty. These latent dimensions are all significantly related with at least one of the health outcomes – with immaterial demands having the strongest effects. Contemporary work is characterised by a complex combination of stressors, structured within the population into a number of dimensions. More research on the interrelatedness of occupational stressors is needed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-24 14:18:01','2013-11-26 15:09:09','','Waiting'),(1406,'Towards a modern gender gap in Europe?: A comparative analysis of voting behavior in 12 countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines electoral gender differences in Western Europe. It describes the electoral gender gap in a longitudinal cross-national design (1974–2000, 12 countries) with EuroBarometer data. The analysis shows that gender differences in voting in Europe follow a similar movement to what has been described for the USA. Women tended to vote more for conservative parties in the 1970s, while in the new millennium they have given higher support to left parties. The speed of this development differs cross-nationally and not all countries reached the state of a modern gender gap (where women lean left).\n\nAt the national level the driving force for the emergence of a modern gender gap is mainly increased levels of female labor participation. At the individual level structural variables explain traditional gender differences in voting, but fail to account for the gender gap in recent years.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2013-10-24 14:51:21','2013-11-26 15:11:24','','Waiting'),(1407,'Is Same-Sex Marriage Legislation Related to Attitudes Toward Homosexuality? Trends in Tolerance of Homosexuality in European Countries Between 2002 and 2010','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since 2001, various Western countries have accorded legal recognition to same-sex marriages, but thus far, we lack information on how this legislation is related to trends in public opinion. In most of the literature, declining levels of prejudice toward homosexuality are found to result from structural social processes (rising education, secularization, and detraditionalization), which should occur in all industrialized societies, with or without same-sex marriage. In this article, we analyze data of the five waves of the European Social Survey for the period 2002–2010. Results show that levels of prejudice are significantly lower in countries that recognize same-sex marriage, while levels are only slightly lower in countries with some form of registered partnership for gay and lesbian couples. Therefore, we can assume that same-sex marriage is indeed an issue affecting public opinion and public policy.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Cecil.Meeusen@soc.kuleuven.be','2013-10-30 10:33:37','2013-11-26 15:20:15','','Waiting'),(1408,'A Comparative Analysis of the Relation between Political Trust and forms of Political Participation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the literature, two competing claims can be found on the relationship between political trust and political participation. While some authors argue that trust is a prerequisite for any form of participation to occur, others claim that distrust can be a motivating factor for participation in non-institutionalised forms of participation. The social movement literature suggests that political trust will only have these behavioural consequences if it is associated with sufficiently high levels of political efficacy. In this article, we rely on the results of the 2006 European Social Survey for an in-depth analysis of the relationship between political trust and participation in 25 countries. The multilevel regression shows that while political trust is positively associated with institutionalised participation, it is negatively associated with non-institutionalised participation. Moreover, the effect of political trust on institutionalised participation is dependent on self-confidence about one\'s capability to understand politics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Marc.Hooghe@soc.kuleuven.be','2013-10-30 10:45:31','2013-11-26 15:27:03','','Waiting'),(1409,'Cross-National Differences in Political Discussion: Can Political Systems Narrow Deliberation Gaps?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Even though many researchers devoted considerable attention to political discussion and its individual-level antecedents and outcomes, insights are based on single-country studies. Cross-national variations were either never studied or implicitly equated to the U.S. context. This study integrates explanations from communication and comparative politics to test whether political system features (e.g., electoral competitiveness and multiple parties) affect the macro supply of political information, and thus either amplify or diminish the effects of individual characteristics on discussion. Analyses of cross-national data show system features correlate with greater discussion frequency and moderate the contribution of individual differences to discussion. The potential of systems to narrow gaps in mass public discussion and implications for future research are considered in conclusion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lnir@mscc.huji.ac.il','2013-10-31 12:23:48','2013-11-26 15:34:00','','Waiting'),(1410,'Construction, Dimension Reduction and Uncertainty Analysis of an Index of Trust in Public Institutions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on social capital in general and trust in particular is markedly increased. The worldwide problem of low and decreasing levels of trust in many public institutions is greatly debated. This is a very important problem because the trust citizens have in public institutions may foster democratic practices and facilitate better provision of public services. Moreover, trust is a central element of social order and survival of any democratic regime: it affects institutional performance, wellbeing, economic development and crime reduction. Public institutions should pay very much attention to citizens\' trust in them and in particular when introducing reforms aiming at improving their functioning. Trust is difficult to be assessed due to its quite elusive meaning. An index of general trust in public institutions is proposed within the framework of composite indicators. It is shown how to reduce the dimension of the index by finding out the most and the least important aspects of it. Uncertainty analysis is used to test whether dimension reduction results are robust or not with respect to plausible changes in variable values and variable transformations. An application to data from the European Social Survey is discussed. The results show the very important role of the trust in politicians and political parties in explaining the level of general trust in public institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','marco.marozzi@unical.it','2013-10-31 12:33:28','2013-11-26 15:42:06','','Waiting'),(1411,'Fear of Crime and Feelings of Unsafety in European Countries: Macro and Micro Explanations in Cross-National Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we set out to explain fear of crime and feelings of unsafety, using two waves of the European Social Survey (2006 and 2008) covering 25 European countries (N = 77,674). The results of our multilevel analyses showed varying effects of contextual- and individual-level characteristics on our two outcomes. Higher crime levels in countries increase the fear of crime; however, they do not affect feelings of unsafety. Social protection expenditure proves to be an important determinant of both fear of crime and feelings of unsafety. Moreover, distrust in the police, generalized social distrust, and perceived ethnic threat induce fear of crime as well as feelings of unsafety. Finally, policy implications are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','m.visser@maw.ru.nl','2013-10-31 12:50:47','2013-11-26 15:48:25','','Waiting'),(1412,'The Impact of Macro-Economic Circumstances and Social Protection Expenditure on Economic Deprivation in 25 European Countries, 2007-2011','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we investigate to what extent macro-economic circumstances and social protection expenditure affect economic deprivation. We use three items from round five of the European Social Survey (2010–2011) to construct our latent outcome variable, which we label economic deprivation in the 3 years before 2010–2011. The results of our linear multilevel regression analyses indicate that in countries that perform worse economically, individual experiences of economic deprivation are more prevalent: the stronger the rise in the unemployment rate and the lower a country’s wealth, the more economic deprivation individuals experience. We also find that in countries with high levels of social protection, people experience less economic deprivation as compared to countries with low levels of social protection. In turn, adverse economic conditions in a country temper these positive outcomes of social welfare arrangements. Finally, our study reveals that the strength of the relationship between a low income and economic deprivation strongly varies according to the economic circumstances in a country and the generosity of the welfare state.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','m.visser@maw.ru.nl','2013-10-31 12:54:56','2013-11-26 15:53:55','','Waiting'),(1413,'Are Conceptions of Adulthood Universal and Unisex? Ages and Social Markers in 25 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite ample research on behavioral aspects of the transition to adulthood, few comparative studies have focused on “subjective” facets. Using data from the European Social Survey, we probe similarities and differences in conceptions of adulthood for men and women in twenty-five European countries. We examine perceptions of the age of adulthood and the importance of four social markers (leaving home, having a full-time job, living with a partner or spouse, and becoming a parent). Results reveal a shared European idea about age, with men consistently reaching adulthood later than women. The significance of various markers, however, shows greater heterogeneity across nations. Country differences go beyond welfare state classification and underscore the importance of value systems. Conceptions for men and women are surprisingly similar. While economic independence matters more for men\'s lives, it is nonetheless salient for women. Even more, family formation now seems a unisex organizer of the life course.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','murinko@demografia.hu','2013-10-31 13:57:23','2013-11-26 15:58:04','','Waiting'),(1414,'Stains on the coin: A capability perspective towards employability of higher education graduates in Bulgaria','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper examines the employability of higher education graduates in Bulgaria in the context of higher education expansion and economic crisis. It adopts a comparative perspective by placing Bulgaria among other post-communist countries – Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. The paper contributes to previous research on graduate employability by applying the theoretical framework of the capability approach to the extent that it takes into account the qualitative side of employability and reveals sensitivity to problems of inequalities, social justice and human development. It is argued that the high employment rates among graduates mask the problems that they are currently experiencing on the labour market. The paper draws on data from the European Social Survey and uses descriptive statistics and logistic regression for its analysis. Results outline different forms of graduate vulnerability and raise concerns about employability deprivation which may be seen in a wider perspective as deprivation of the capability for work among the most qualified.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2013-10-31 22:06:27','2013-11-27 10:52:31','','Waiting'),(1415,'Does expansion and greater equity in higher education mean worse employability?  A comparative perspective ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper aims at studying the interconnectivity between some recent trends in European higher education, namely expansion and growing emphasis on equity and inequalities in access to higher education, and graduates’ employability. The analysis refers to Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Estonia. The study utilises data from European Social Survey (2002-2010) and uses descriptive statistics and regressions. Our findings suggest that in the context of educational expansion the greater equity and lower inequalities in access to higher education do not always yield positive changes in graduates’ employability, but the expansion itself does not automatically translate into worsening of employability. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2013-10-31 22:15:35','2013-11-27 10:54:38','','Waiting'),(1416,'Fieldwork monitoring on ESS-2009 in Bulgaria','Мониторинг на теренната работа на ESS-2009 в България',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper aims at exploring the stage of data collection of the fourth round of the European Social Survey (2009). More specifically, it focuses on the Bulgarian case and presents it as a good practice for achieving high survey quality which goes beyond the information for high response rates. It is argued that in order good quality of the collected information to be achieved it is necessary not only monitoring on the quality of the data collection process and control on the quality of the collected information to be implemented but also the role of interviewers as key actors in the data collection process to be recognised and managed wisely. The paper outlines some of the main effects achieved as a result of the fieldwork monitoring and control on data quality and provides some suggestions for future improvement on data collection process.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2013-10-31 23:23:00','2013-11-27 11:02:09','','Waiting'),(1417,'Health Inequalities in Europe and Russia: An Analysis of Individual and Contextual Factors','Социальные особенности здоровья в Европе и России: Влияние индивидуальных и контекстуальных факторов',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper deals with the problem of social and demographic differences in health in European countries and dependence of these differences on the societal context - country’s economic development, public expenses on health and corruption. The European Social Survey data (Round 4, 2008-2009) and World Bank statistics has been analyzed using statistical methods of two-level logistic modeling. The dependant variable is dichotomized indicator of self-assessed health (“very good” and “good” vs. “fair”, “bad” and “very bad”). In any part of Europe, according to the results, there are clear social inequalities in health - unhealthy people more likely come from the lower social strata. The study also found the significant positive link of health to societal context: higher level of economic development and public expenses, and lower corruption are conducive to countries’ better health status. This is due to diminishing gap in health of the older and younger people: societal development contributes to the maintenance of good health of the older cohorts. Health inequalities between men and women almost disappear in the most developed countries as compared to the less developed ones.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','NRusinova@gmail.com','2013-11-01 09:23:13','2013-11-22 16:51:41','','Waiting'),(1418,'\"Actuve ageing\" in the TooLS-project, sponsored by the European Union','\"Aktives Altern\" im EU-Projekt TooLS',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What does „active ageing“ mean? How is the trend to “active ageing” of the generation 50+ distributed in countries and communities of the European Union? The article reports some results of ESS-data and a survey which was conducted in several European cities. Criteria for “active ageing” in this investigation are: employment rate, preparedness to participate in skill enhancement, civil engagement, social contacts and a active-orientation. The project was funded by the EU-commission and the goal was to develop an information system for the local level of communities. The technical base was the DUVA-System and the incorporated knowledge was concentrated on questions connected with the demographic change.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','baldo.blinkert@soziologie.uni-freiburg.de','2013-11-01 09:46:11','2013-11-27 11:08:36','','Waiting'),(1419,'Situation of people needing long term care in the TooLS-project sponsored by the European Union','Versorgungssituation Pflegebedürftiger im EU-Projekt TooLS',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Long term care is one of the greatest challenges of the demographic change. The investigation is based on ESS-data and on surveys conducted in several European cities. It is part of the goal to establish an information system for the local level of communities. The articles deals with the following topics: How is informal care capacity distributed in European countries and cities? What connections are there between “active ageing” and security for care? How is the situation of care needing people influenced by the welfare state and by social and cultural modernization?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','baldo.blinkert@soziologie.uni-freiburg.de','2013-11-01 10:02:52','2013-11-27 11:10:07','','Waiting'),(1420,'Immigration as an Explanation of Public Support for European Integration: An Empirical Analysis of EU Member States','Immigration als Erklärung für die Zustimmung zur weiteren Europäischen Integration. Eine europaweite empirische Analyse',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The deepening of the Single European Market is xpected to induce further migration within the European Union over the next few years. In line with these developments, we study the impact of individual- andontextual-level indicators of immigration on public support for further European integration. The results of our comprehensive multi-level analysis of EU member states illustrate that individual-level anti-immigration attitudes have the strongest effect on public support for European integration. This effect is even more pronounced in countries with strong economies. At the macro level, neither the proportion of foreigners nor the importance of the subject of immigration in a country have a significant impact. However, we find a negative relationship between the number of applications for asylum as well as a pro-immigration integration policy and public support for European integration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','post@markus-tausendpfund.de','2013-11-01 10:20:22','2013-11-27 11:16:13','','Waiting'),(1421,'Cultural value fit of immigrant and minority adolescents: The role of acculturation orientations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examined the similarity of immigrant and minority adolescents’ cultural values to those shared by the majority of the country they live in, i.e. the cultural value fit. It was hypothesized that immigrant and minority individuals who show different acculturation orientations differ in their cultural value fit. The highest cultural value fit was expected for individuals pursuing an assimilation orientation, the lowest fit for individuals with a separation orientation. Individuals with a marginalization or integration orientation were expected to take a mid position. Survey data were used from immigrant and minority adolescents: Immigrants from countries of the Former Soviet Union (FSU) to Germany (N = 862) and Israel (N = 435), immigrants from Turkey to Germany (N = 664), and members of the Arab minority in Israel (N = 488). Cultural value fit was operationalized based on participants\' responses to the Portrait Values Questionnaire in relation to representative country mean scores for Germany and Israel. The latter were taken from Round 4 of the European Social Survey. Cultural value fit was calculated as the difference of a participant\'s value scores from the mean of the respective ESS country sample. Results of Analyses of Variance showed similar patterns in all four samples in line with the hypothesis but pointed also to stronger effects among FSU immigrants as opposed to Turkish immigrants and Arab Israelis. Results are discussed with regard to the general contribution of the cultural fit research for the acculturation research and with regard to the role of cultural value fit for psychological well-being of immigrants and minority members. The stronger effects found among the FSU samples as opposed to the Turkish respectively Arab Israeli sample are discussed against the background of the fact that the former are mainly diaspora-immigrants for which cultural value adaptation to the receiving country might be easier compared to the latter.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','d.schiefer@jacobs-university.de','2013-11-06 19:27:00','2013-11-27 11:21:21','','Waiting'),(1422,'Is Poland really ‘immune’ to the spread of cohabitation?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Various data have constantly pointed out a low incidence of non-marital unions in Poland (at 1.4-4.9% among all unions). In this paper we demonstrate that these data, coming exclusively from cross-sectional surveys, clearly underestimate the scale of the phenomenon. By exploiting data on partnership histories we show that young Poles have been increasingly opting for cohabitation. Consequently, in the years 2004-2006 entries to cohabitation constituted about one third of all first union entries. Consensual unions are more widespread among the low social strata, but recently a clear increase in cohabitation has been observed also among the highly educated. Although the estimates of cohabitation incidence are far below those observed in Northern and Western Europe, our study suggests that Poland is not as ‘immune’ to the spread of consensual unions as it is commonly believed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2013-07-24 10:02:27','2013-11-13 15:12:26','','Waiting'),(1423,'Paradata in the European Social Survey: Studying Nonresponse and Adjusting for Bias','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ESS is a biennial face-to-face survey of attitudes, opinions and beliefs in around 30 European countries. The target response rate is 70%, but in practice response rates are often lower and vary across countries. This paper presents an overview of the paradata that are collected in the ESS and of the purposes for which they are used. It also describes the different auxiliary variables that have been used to assess and adjust for nonresponse bias: population statistics, interviewer observations, data from doorstep questionnaires and follow-up studies, and paradata derived from the „contact forms?. It also devotes attention to the balance between high national quality and optimal comparability across countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2013-07-26 10:09:42','2013-11-14 14:16:20','','Waiting'),(1424,'Cross-National Differences in Political Discussion: Can Political Systems Narrow Deliberation Gaps?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Even though many researchers devoted considerable attention to political discussion and its individual-level antecedents and outcomes, insights are based on single-country studies. Cross-national variations were either never studied or implicitly equated to the U.S. context. This study integrates explanations from communication and comparative politics to test whether political system features (e.g., electoral competitiveness and multiple parties) affect the macro supply of political information, and thus either amplify or diminish the effects of individual characteristics on discussion. Analyses of cross-national data show system features correlate with greater discussion frequency and moderate the contribution of individual differences to discussion. The potential of systems to narrow gaps in mass public discussion and implications for future research are considered in conclusion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'When should one expect the entries to appear in the ESS bibliog online? How many weeks, on average, between my entering and the site update?','lnir@mscc.huji.ac.il','2013-11-17 12:52:51','2013-11-26 15:38:42','','Waiting'),(1425,'Happiness Across the Life Cycle: Exploring Age-Specific Preferences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Existing evidence suggests that there is a U-shaped relationship between age and happiness, where happiness is the lowest in the middle age, when controlling for income and education and other personal characteristics. On the other hand, there is no clear pattern between old age and happiness without the use of controls. Thus, it is not ageing as such, which results in declining happiness, but rather the circumstances associated with ageing. Had the elderly not been confronted with these circumstances, they would live a much happier period of their lives than in their middle ages. In an ageing society the question arises: which of these circumstances could be averted in order to provide a high wellbeing for the old? In order to answer these questions, we also need to explore whether the attitudes and preferences of the elderly are similar to others. The paper aims to explore these issues, using a cross-country survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Gyrid.bergseth@nsd.uib.no','2013-08-06 13:29:07','2013-11-19 11:55:55','','Waiting'),(1426,'Social Protection and Satisfaction with Democracy: a Multi-level Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this article is to examine the link between the quality of social protection and citizens\' satisfaction with the functioning of democracy – an association that has received very limited attention in the rich body of empirical research on popular satisfaction with democracy. To test the hypothesis that social protection levels influence citizens\' satisfaction with democracy, the article conducts a multi-level regression analysis using European Social Survey (2008/9) data from 24 countries. The results of the analysis demonstrate that between-country differences are linked to variation in social protection levels, and within-country differences depend on individual satisfaction with social provision, while controlling for other relevant factors. The findings indicate that people do expect democratic regimes to provide social protection along with economic performance and thus suggest that democratic governments face a challenge in meeting simultaneous demands for social protection and economic prosperity. Altogether, the study contributes to debates about the implications of welfare policies and citizen satisfaction with regime performance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lyhiste@ut.ee','2013-11-19 15:47:50','2013-11-27 11:24:40','','Waiting'),(1427,'A comparative analysis of gender differences in self-rated health: is the Baltic Sea a frontier of the East–West Health Divide in Europe?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Women have less access to and control over resources than most men. Such a pressure on men has implications for women’s and men’s health status. This paper explores the East–West health divide in Europe focusing on comparison of gender differences in self-rated health (SRH) in geographically close, historically highly connected but socially, politically and economically very different countries. Post-socialist Estonia, Lithuania and Russia are juxtaposed with highly developed social-democratic Finland. The first three countries belong to different strands of Christian culture, share 50 years common history, while moving away from the socialism in rather distinct directions and representing two different types of neo-liberal regimes. Data from the fifth way of the European Social Survey on 5 480 individuals from Estonia, Lithuania, Russia and Finland was used to test the gender differentials in exposure and vulnerability to neo- materialist and psychosocial factors of health inequalities. In general, results confirm the existence of the East–West health divide along the Baltic Sea with regard to gender differences in SRH. But the shape of this divide largely depends on particularities of the compared countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2013-11-26 15:33:58','2013-11-26 16:07:41','','Waiting'),(1429,'New in the Netherlands. The lives of recently migrated Bulgarians and Poles','Nieuw in Nederland - Het leven van recent gemigreerde Bulgaren en Polen',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The expansion of the European Union towards the East has initiated migration flows from the countries of Central and East and Europe. People of Polish origin today make up by far the largest component in annual migration to the Netherlands, even when compared with non-Western migrant groups. Migrants from Bulgaria are the second largest group of immigrants from Central and Eastern Europe. In this study we report on the life situation of Polish and Bulgarian migrants shortly after they have migrated to the Netherlands, and explore the characteristics of these migrants. To do this, we compare the situation in the country of origin (e.g. on the labour market) before migration with the situation after their migration to the Netherlands. Our findings are based on a survey held in late 2010/early 2011 among migrants from Poland and Bulgaria who were entered in the population registers in the Netherlands in 2009 or 2010. A total of around 800 Poles and roughly 400 Bulgarians were interviewed. All surveys were administered within 18 months of entry in the population register and were conducted in the migrants’ mother tongue using interviewers from their own origin group.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2013-11-27 13:54:24','2013-11-27 13:58:21','','Waiting'),(1430,'Public opinion, immigration and welfare in the context of uncertainty','Public opinion, immigration and welfare in the context of uncertainty',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European citizens are largely unfavourable to immigration. These restrictive attitudes are linked to such factors as the unemployment rate and risk of poverty, as well as to competition for employment and welfare resources. Refuting insider/outsider theories, this article shows, via an analysis of recent European Social Surveys, that national social protection policies can reduce hostility towards immigration, insofar as they moderate social inequality and the risk of poverty. Ethnic and racial differences are problematic for the ‘egalitarian compromise’ underpinning the welfare state. Nonetheless, strong trade unions and social protection policies are associated with greater integration of immigrants. Over time, the future sustainability of welfare systems may depend on the participation of immigrants as a political force, making their integration even more important.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'thanks','antonio.martin@uab.es','2013-12-04 12:27:32','2014-02-07 16:11:26','','Waiting'),(1431,'Citizens Attention to Politics in Europe and Russia: Social Structuring and Institutional Context','Внимание граждан к политике в Европе и России: социальное структурирование и институциональный контекст',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ESS Round 4 data and World Bank statistics are analyzed to study social inequalities of citizens’ attention to mass media’ political messages in 28 European countries.  The results of two-level linear modeling testify that the most important contextual factor which causes reduction of political attention inequalities between poorly and well educated individuals is effectiveness of country’ political and state institutions.  Politics gets sense for disadvantaged people if these institutions allow them to have impact on government decisions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2013-12-04 14:17:53','2013-12-04 15:34:21','','Waiting'),(1432,'Higher education and social trust: a European comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper aims to contribute to the ongoing debate about the importance of higher education for national and individual well-being. It focuses, in particular, on how higher education influences the construction of social trust. Social trust is defined as one of the most important subjective aspects of people’s well-being. The analysis refers to impersonal trust, i.e. trust in generalized others, and institutional trust and uses different indicators for their measurement, such as generalized trust, generalized fairness, trust in parliament, and trust in legal system. The study covers 22 European countries and explores the problem on both aggregate and individual level. It draws on data from European Social Survey (2006-2010) and applies descriptive statistics and linear regressions for their analysis. The paper argues that the higher the educational level of people is, the more trustful they are. Our findings clearly show that on individual level higher education influences positively the levels of both impersonal and institutional trust. However, they also suggest that this impact is different in countries with different level of overall trust – higher education contributes in a much greater extent for increasing the levels of trust in high-trust countries than it is the case in low and medium-trust countries. Furthermore, both impersonal and institutional trust of higher education graduates is higher in countries with stable democracy in comparison to post-communist countries. This fact, together with the finding that education alone is not sufficient to explain the variance in the trust scores given by people in different countries, raises again the question if social trust is property of individuals or of social systems. The study also demonstrates the need to go beyond the mere fact that higher education influences positively social trust and try to reveal mechanisms behind this relationship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2013-12-04 20:55:45','2013-12-05 14:30:59','','Waiting'),(1433,'The Overeducation Phenomenon: Data and Lessons from Central and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The economic crisis in Central and Eastern European countries did not begin in 2008 since after 1989 they were exposed to austerity measures due to their transition from planned to market economy and the reforms undertaken in many public spheres. All this contributed to rising of the level of social inequalities (economic, regional, gender, etc) in these countries and opened new spaces for vulnerability and social exclusion of diverse groups of their populations. In this context the group of tertiary graduates has been considered as the least vulnerable one on the labour market when compared with the groups with primary and secondary education and when these comparisons are made on the base of the unemployment rates among these groups. However, if we try to capture different aspects of employment, the picture changes significantly. For example, recent comparative data on graduate employment reveal that even before the economic crisis a quarter of higher education graduates aged 25-34  in EU 27 and 28.4% of these in Bulgaria were employed in a job that required lower level of education (Eurostudent 2009).\nIn the light of these trends the present paper focuses on employment opportunities of tertiary graduates by exploring educational mismatch on the labour market in the context of higher education expansion and economic crisis among the New Member States. The analysis draws on data from the European Social Survey. It uses descriptive statistics and regression analysis. Our preliminary results show that the educational mismatch is widely spread and persistent phenomenon among diverse groups of graduates across countries. We also argue that despite the common past of these countries and the fact that they were exposed to the same challenges after 1989 the shares of educational mismatch will differ significantly across countries since they followed different routes in the transition period. The high proportion of graduates who experience educational mismatch on the labour market in the context of New Member States casts doubt on the dominant policy discourse on employability according to which higher education should serve the economy and should enhance employability of people. This discourse adopts a very narrow view to employability and does not take into account its relative aspect, namely, that the employability of graduates depends also on the number of graduates in the economy and quality of their education and skills. Our findings suggest that the problems that tertiary graduates currently experience may be explained partly by the fact that in the context of higher education expansion higher education has characteristics of a positional good but at the same time they question the capacity of the economy to create enough good jobs for graduates.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2013-12-04 21:04:19','2013-12-05 14:33:01','','Waiting'),(1434,'The Social State of the Netherlands 2013','De sociale staat van Nederland 2013',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How is the Dutch population faring? That is the central question addressed in The Social State of the Netherlands 2013. In this book we describe the present status of the Netherlands and the Dutch in a number of key areas of life, and also highlight the changes that have taken place in people\'s life situation over the last ten years. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2013-12-11 13:44:52','2013-12-11 14:32:19','','Waiting'),(1435,'Stability and change in value consensus of ethnic Estonians and Russian-speaking minority','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present study addresses stability and change in value consensus among ethnic Estonians and Russian-speaking minority in terms of the 10 value types defined by Schwartz, the nature of group differences, and the structure of value change. European Social Survey data from four rounds (in the years 2004, 2006, 2008, & 2010) about responses to a 21-item version of the Portrait Values Questionnaire were used. The authors expected a decrease in value consensus of ethnic Estonians and Russian-speaking minority after the “monument war” in 2007. The study found that value consensus has been in four rounds relatively stable, except a drop in 2006. Value priorities of ethnic Estonians and Russian-speaking minority in the youngest age group (under 20 years) diverged after 2004. Older people have bigger consensus than younger ones. As expected, ethnic Estonians placed more importance on values related to openness to change and self-transcendence, and less importance on conservation and self-enhancement. Older people considered values related to conservation and self-transcendence more important, but those related to openness to change and self-enhancement less important than younger people. Value change was related to belonging to majority or minority groups as well as the age and gender of respondents. The pattern of value change among ethnic Estonians followed, but among Russian-speaking minority differed from the theoretical model. The study shows that values of people in formative years are likely to be extremely sensitive to concrete historical events and their interpretation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2013-12-12 14:31:33','2013-12-12 14:45:52','','Waiting'),(1436,'Regime support in European democracies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The dissertation consists of three original publications: I Lühiste, Kadri (2006). ‘Explaining trust in political institutions: Some illustrations from the Baltic states’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 39 (4), pp. 475–496; II Lühiste, Kadri (2008a). ‘Support for Strongman Rule in Ethnically Divided Societies: Evidence from Estonia and Latvia’, Democratization, 15 (2), 297–320; III Lühiste, Kadri (2013). ‘Social Protection and Satisfaction with Democracy: a Multilevel Analysis’, Political Studies, forthcoming, DOI: 10.1111/1467-9248.12080 The central aim of the dissertation is to identify and examine determinants of mass political support in European democracies by addressing the following research questions: I Which factors influence public trust in political institutions in post-communist democracies? II Which factors influence support for authoritarianism in new and ethnically divided democracies? Whether and how do these factors vary by ethnic group? III Whether and how is the scope and quality of social protection related to citizens’ satisfaction with the functioning of democracy in European welfare states?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2013-12-12 14:39:00','2013-12-12 14:57:07','','Waiting'),(1437,'Suicide among older people in relation to their subjective and objective well-being in different European regions','Suicide among older people in relation to their subjective and objective well-being in different European regions',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this study was to establish how different types of welfare state shape the context of everyday life of older people by influencing their subjective well-being, which in turn might manifest itself in suicide rates. Twenty-two European countries studied were divided into Continental, Nordic, Islands and Southern groups and post-socialist countries, which were subdivided into Baltic, Slavic and Central-Eastern groups based on their social-political and welfare organization. Suicide rates, subjective well-being and objective well-being data were used as parameters of different welfare states and obtained from the World Health Organization European Mortality Database, European Social Survey and Eurostat Database. This study revealed that the suicide rates of older people were the highest in the Baltic countries while in the Islands group the suicide rate was the lowest. The suicide rate ratios between the age groups 65+ and 0-64 were above 1 (from 1.2 to 2.5), except for the group of the Island countries with a suicide rates ratio of 0.8. Among subjective well-being indicators, relatively high levels of life satisfaction and happiness were revealed in Continental, Nordic and Islands countries. Objective well-being indicators like old age pension, expenditure on old age and social protection benefits in GDP were the highest in the Continental countries. The expected inverse relationship between subjective well-being indicators and suicide rates among older people was found across the 22 countries. We conclude that welfare states shape the context and exert influence on subjective well-being, and thus may lead to variations in risk of suicide at the individual level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jing.wu@suicidology.ee','2013-12-12 14:54:21','2013-12-12 15:02:07','','Waiting'),(1438,'Is institutional trust related to the attitudes towards immigrants in Europe? A study of majority and minority population','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper examines the factors that are related to attitudes towards immigrants in Europe, with a particular focus on the role of institutional trust in shaping these attitudes. We go one step further compared to previous studies by investigating separately two different groups of people — members of the ethnic majority and ethnic minority populations in European countries. We use data from the European Social Survey fourth round database for 27 countries. The main finding is that social trust is important for both groups, while trust in institutions is more strongly related to the attitudes among ethnic majorities. Other biggest differences between members of the ethnic minority and majority population are related to type of area where one lives, human  capital and economic factors. The first two are more strongly related to the attitudes towards immigrants for the majority populations, while economic factors (especially labour market status) are more important for the minority populations in European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2013-12-12 15:11:55','2013-12-12 15:56:45','','Waiting'),(1439,'Attitudes towards immigrants and the integration of ethnically diverse societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper focuses on exploring people’s attitudes towards immigration in 26 European countries based on the European Social Survey fourth round database. Outcomes of the empirical analysis show that the attitudes of European people towards immigrants vary depending on 1) the personal characteristics of the respondents; 2) the country’s characteristics; and 3) the attitudes of people towards country institutions and socio-economic security. The studies results provide empirical evidence-based grounds for the development of policy measures to integrate ethnically diverse societies, taking into account the composition of the country\'s population and their attitudes to institutions and socio-economic security.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2013-12-12 15:22:46','2013-12-13 12:32:53','','Waiting'),(1440,'Civil society and social capital','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The years of 2012 and 2013 are characterised by a remarkable change in the relationship between the state authorities and the people. This has yet to bring about any visible shift in attitudes and values, but the need to change them has clearly been on the agenda, and the more thoughtful part of society has become aware of this. If this would not occur, Estonian society would have no place in the premier league of democratic states.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2013-12-12 15:46:21','2013-12-13 12:45:28','','Waiting'),(1441,'Civic experiences and public connection : media and young people in Estonia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How do young people in Estonia experience the political, politics and citizenship? How are these civic experiences connected to young peoples’ experiences with the media? Anne Kaun’s thesis Civic Experiences and Public Connection presents a theoretical and empirical investigation of how civic experiences, particularly public connection, emerge in the context of contemporary Estonia. Employing open-ended online diaries and in-depth interviews, she aims to develop an in-depth understanding of how young people experience democracy today, and how they express themselves as citizens; expression not only through the physical performance of citizenship, but also through orientation, interest in, and reflection about issues that are of common concern or should be seen as such. The empirical investigation of public connection as critical media connection, playful public connection and historical public connection, is based on narrative analysis and embedded in a theoretical exploration of key concepts in the context of civic culture studies, namely the political, politics and citizenship.\n\nCombining Chantal Mouffe’s conflict theory with Paul Ricoeur’s narrative identity, Kaun aims to shed light on contemporary democracy from the citizens’ perspective. The author proposes a holistic approach to both civic experiences and the role that media might play in relation to them. Following a non-media- centric approach, she shows that media, despite their ubiquity, are an important but not exclusive source of the civic experiences of young adults in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2013-12-13 13:36:11','2013-12-13 13:36:11','','Waiting'),(1442,'Civic Experiences and Public Connection. Media and Young People in Estonia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How do young people in Estonia experience the political, politics and citizenship? How are these civic experiences connected to young peoples’ experiences with the media? Anne Kaun’s thesis Civic Experiences and Public Connection presents a theoretical and empirical investigation of how civic experiences, particularly public connection, emerge in the context of contemporary Estonia. Employing open-ended online diaries and in-depth interviews, she aims to develop an in-depth understanding of how young people experience democracy today, and how they express themselves as citizens; expression not only through the physical performance of citizenship, but also through orientation, interest in, and reflection about issues that are of common concern or should be seen as such. The empirical investigation of public connection as critical media connection, playful public connection and historical public connection, is based on narrative analysis and embedded in a theoretical exploration of key concepts in the context of civic culture studies, namely the political, politics and citizenship.\n\nCombining Chantal Mouffe’s conflict theory with Paul Ricoeur’s narrative identity, Kaun aims to shed light on contemporary democracy from the citizens’ perspective. The author proposes a holistic approach to both civic experiences and the role that media might play in relation to them. Following a non-media- centric approach, she shows that media, despite their ubiquity, are an important but not exclusive source of the civic experiences of young adults in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2012-06-14 11:54:31','2013-12-13 14:30:31','','Waiting'),(1443,'Income and Income Inequality as Social Determinants of Health: Do Social Comparisons Play a Role?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Two of the most prominent phenomena in the study of social determinants of health, the socio-economic gradient in health and the income inequality–health association, have both been suggested to be explainable by the mechanism of status comparisons. This, however, has rarely ever been tested in a direct fashion. In this article, we explicate and test this mechanism by assessing the role of social comparison orientation. Research has shown that individuals vary in their propensity to engage in social comparisons, and those with a higher propensity are also more likely to be affected by the outcomes of such comparisons. In our analysis, we check whether the tendency to compare one’s income to that of others can contribute to explaining socio-economic disparities in health. Using individual-level data (N = 18,356) from 23 European countries on self-rated overall health and psychological well-being, we show that a high-income comparison orientation neither moderates the negative effect of income inequality on health nor the health differences by relative income. Our findings cast doubt on the crucial role that researchers such as Wilkinson and Pickett (2010) have attributed to the mechanism of status differentiation as the link between social stratification and health outcomes. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','p.praeg@rug.nl','2013-12-14 22:24:40','2016-09-02 10:20:16','','Waiting'),(1444,'Investigating the achievement of the aims of \"equality of opportunities\" and \"efficiency\" of the binary system of higher education in Greece: from the early 1980s up to the late 2000s','Διερεύνηση της επίτευξης των στόχων της «ισότητας ευκαιριών» και της «αποτελεσματικότητας» του δυαδικού συστήματος ανώτατης εκπαίδευσης στην Ελλάδα, από τις αρχές της δεκαετίας του 1980 έως τα τέλη της δεκαετίας του 2000',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this study is to investigate the achievement of the aims of “equality of educational opportunities” and “efficiency” in higher education policies in Greece, from the early 1980s up to the late 2000s.\n\nMore specifically, the problematic of this study focuses on the binary system of higher education and the social background of the graduates of two different types of higher education, namely universities and Technological Educational Institutions (TEIs), in order to examine the degree of the achievement of the goal of equality of educational opportunities. Moreover, this study investigates the transition to the labour market of the graduates of universities and TEIs, as this constitutes an aspect of the efficiency of higher education.\n\nThe main questions of this study are:\n\n• What is the social background of the graduates of universities and TEIs?\n\n• What is the relationship between University and TEI graduates, with reference to their access to the labour market, in the years 2001 and 2010?\n\n• What is the role of the academisation of the TEIs in the integration of their graduates into employment?\n\nThe main conclusions of this study are that the social background of graduates is an important factor for their studying in the university or the technological sector of higher education, while at the same time, university graduates are widely preferred in the labour market, compared to the graduates of TEIs, despite the phenomenon of the academic drift.\n\nKeywords:\nHigher education, University, Technological Educational Institution, social background, employment, unemployment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','antonopouloualiki@gmail.com','2013-12-16 20:11:12','2013-12-17 09:09:35','','Waiting'),(1445,'Response gap in survey questions','Razkorak v opredeljevanju na anketna vprašanja',15,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The knowledge gap hypothesis states that with the infusion of mass media information the knowledge gap between the information rich and the information poor is widening. Besides the knowledge gap, we can talk about the response gap in survey questions. Using data from the European Social Survey 2010, we seek to test whether the model for explaining the knowledge gap can also be used to explain the response gap in survey questions. Even though the model was not strongly confirmed, it turned out to be useful for explaining the share of nonresponses in the sample of the whole survey (27 European countries) as well as for the case of Slovenia. In the case of Slovenia, the response gap was explained by an interest in politics and education level and not by media attendance. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','meta.novak@fdv.uni-lj.si','2013-12-18 20:44:19','2013-12-19 10:59:48','','Waiting'),(1446,'Human values and subjective well-being: An exploration of individual and cultural differences, change across life span, and self-other agreement','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Values are beliefs that guide and justify people’s actions, while also reflecting cultural ideals and a shared understanding of what is right and wrong, good or bad in a society. Aim of this thesis is to find out whether and to what extent two widely used value theories – those of Shalom Schwartz and Ronald Inglehart – overlap and to identify their unique features (Studies I and II). Subjective well-being is another important concept used in this dissertation. It refers to people\'s evaluations of their happiness and satisfaction with their life. The thesis aims to distinguish age, birth cohort, and period effects in changes of life satisfaction (Study III), in order to explain cultural differences in change across the life-span. I also assess the convergence between self- and other-ratings of subjective well-being (Study IV) and personal values (Study V), both examined in relation to personality traits. The main results of the thesis and the conclusions are as follows: • The value theories proposed by Shalom Schwartz and Ronald Inglehart share one dimension, which seems to coincide with what is best known as the opposition between individualism and collectivism (Study I). An analysis of the joint structure of Schwartz’s and Inglehart’s items (Study II) showed that in order to be autonomous, individuals need to have both self-expressive and secular-rational values, whereas being embedded means endorsing both traditional and survival values. I also found unique content of both Schwartz’s and Inglehart’s values not captured by the other respective theory, suggesting that researchers should continue to use them both. • Are there cross-cultural differences in life-span trajectories of life satisfaction? I found in Finland and Sweden that age does not seem to matter much for how satisfied people are. The relationship between age and life satisfaction in Estonia and Latvia was best described as curvilinear, with life satisfaction reaching its lowest level at around 51–60 years of age, then remaining at the same level (Latvia) or slightly increasing again (Estonia). At the same time, younger people were remarkably more satisfied than older people (Study III). The observed age differences in life satisfaction in the two Baltic countries seem to be best attributed to an interaction of cohort and period effects. Thus, a universal life satisfaction age trajectory may not exist; the relationship between age and life satisfaction is likely to vary along with important cultural, political, and socioeconomic factors. • Study IV reported a strong self-other agreement in subjective well-being (SWB). Self- and other-rated personality facet scores (N3: Depression and E6: Positive Emotions) were found to partially mediate the agreement between self- and other-rated SWB. The findings suggest that, when making judgments about someone’ happiness or life satisfaction, observers indeed rely on the personality traits of this person. Moreover, I found that self-reported SWB reflects, to some extent, what other people think about this person’s personality. • Finally, Study V compared the self-other agreement in personal values versus the Big Five personality traits. When corrected for attenuation due to measurement error, self-other agreement in both the higher-order values and more narrowly defined value factors was substantial and similar to that for the Big Five personality traits. The results of Study V suggest that people can judge others’ values with some accuracy and therefore other-ratings of personal values can be used to validate and complement self-report value measures.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','henrik.dobewall@ut.ee','2013-12-19 15:20:39','2013-12-20 13:56:06','','Waiting'),(1447,'Attitudes of Estonian population towards immigration 2004-2010','Eesti elanikkonna hoiakud immigratsiooni suhtes 2004-2010',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the master thesis is to give an overview of attitudes towards immigration in Estonia and to explore possible factors that may affect those attitudes. Although Estonia cannot be seen as a popular immigration destination country, it may be assumed that the topic will be receiving more attention in the future. Therefore there is a need to have better understanding of the attitudes that Estonian population has towards immigration. The theoretical part of the master thesis gives an overview of theories that are commonly used to explain attitudes toward immigration. Based on the group threat theory (Blumer 1958) negative attitudes are seen as a reaction to the threat to the position of the ingroup. Distinction can be made between realistic/economic threat and symbolic/cultural threat. Realistic group threat theory explains the threat from the immigration through competition for scarce resources between locals and immigrants. Social identity theory on the other hand connects negative attitudes toward immigration with the individuals’ need to create and maintain a positive social identity. The findings of the thesis indicate that different groups with different attitude patterns can be distinguished in the Estonian society. Estonians are more negative towards immigration than the non-Estonians living in Estonia (defined by the first language spoken at home). Leaning on the theoretical part these differences can be explained through identity motives: it can be expected that in comparison to non-Estonians, Estonians see immigration more as a cultural threat. Other important factors that influence the attitudes in the Estonian society are age and socio-economic status (education, self-perceived economic situation, occupational status). The influence of those factors is much less noticeable among non-Estonians than among Estonians. Older people tend to be more negative towards immigration than younger people. Also people with lower socio-economic position see immigration in a more negative light: the results indicate that their concerns are at least partially economic in nature and connected to competition motives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2013-12-19 15:27:27','2013-12-20 14:12:10','','Waiting'),(1448,'Intergenerational transmission of education in Greece: evidence from European Social Survey 2002-2010','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present paper explores the patterns of intergenerational educational mobility in Greece and its changes for different birth cohorts born between 1930 and 1976. More specically, we investigate the transmission of educational attainments from both father and mother through generations and over time. The main purpose is to trace the transitions of individuals between educational categories and to determine the relationship between an individual\'s education class and the class of his or her parents. Based on data drawn from ESS (2002-2010), our analysis provides Markov transition probability matrices and the absolute and relative mobility rates, by comparing the different rounds of the survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','gl.stamat@gmail.com','2013-12-30 21:59:48','2014-01-02 10:22:45','','Waiting'),(1449,'Measuring Intergenerational Educational Mobility in Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present paper studies educational mobility in Greece based on heuristic knowledge and data drawn from the European Social Survey. This is an effort to combine the knowledge deriving from the theories of educational mobility and from real data in order to best simulate the existing conditions influencing educational mobility. The proposed model focuses on the transitions observed between the educational level of the respondents and their parents in order to explore whether the parental educational level affects their children’s education and in what degree. Moreover, a cohort analysis is used to verify possible variations in different age groups. Finally, a fuzzy expert system is proposed for estimating the transition probabilities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msymeonaki@me.com','2013-12-30 22:40:12','2014-01-02 10:25:22','','Waiting'),(1450,'Basic Human Values in Estonia 2004–2008: Change and Particularities.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The research is based on the values theory of Shalom Schwartz that is focused on the basic values on individual and cultural level. Most of the data has been obtained from the results of the second, third and fourth round of The European Social Survey that was conducted in Estonia in 2004, 2006 and 2008. Altogether the responses of 5167 respondents have been used.\nIn Estonian society the most important factors that have impact on values are age, nationality and gender. Minor influence has also education, belonging to the national minority group and religion. Estonian development toward the post-modern society is hindered mainly by the ethnic difference based on the basic values. This is a destabilizing factor of the general functioning of the Estonian state. The judgements of the Estonians are coming closer to the Scandinavian people, but non-Estonians remain closer to the people in Russia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','laur@tlu.ee','2014-01-02 15:55:50','2014-01-03 09:20:46','','Waiting'),(1451,'People’s law-abidingness','Inimeste õiguskuulekus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Current paper formulates two main research questions. Firstly, whether and when legal authorities can influence the process of complying with the law, or are they merely coercive institutions? Secondly, what affects people’s law abidingness?\nAnswers to the questions above were found using the data provided by 2010-2011 European Social Survey (ESS) criminal law panel and on the basis of the analysis of earlier studies conducted on similar issues. People\'s law-abidingness was assessed by the violations committed, as well as by their perception to a particular offense. Respondents to the ESS survey were presented a variety of issues related to insurance frauds, traffic offenses and handling stolen items. They were distinguished by gender, language, nationality, age, place of residence, income, education and occupation.\nIn sum, the law-abiding citizen of Estonia is an older female, native speaker of the Estonian language, secondarily or vocationally educated, lives in a smaller village, and whose income is below the average. Improving the overall law-abidingness the author recommends focusing on young male aliens, as they are the least law-abiding society group.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2014-01-06 09:46:58','2014-01-06 13:06:36','','Waiting'),(1452,'Punitive attitudes towards criminals','Inimeste karistuslikud hoiakud',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For the economic and social well-being it is necessary to have effective criminal justice policies. Criminal justice policy is effective only when people obey to it and because of that it is very important to analyse the overall attitudes in society, so that the government could take into account the opinion of the residents. One very important part of the criminal justice policy is the punishments. The aim of current thesis is to analyse the punitive attitudes of people.\nThe analysis of punitive attitudes is based on the information received in European Social Survey (ESS) 2010-2011 from Estonia and the focus is on nine factors that the author believes could influence people’s opinion towards punishments: fear of crime, victimization, gender, age, citizenship, native language, education, economic well-being and the type of settlement. The aim of the thesis is to examine which of these factors has an influence to punitive attitudes. A hypothesis is that people want punishments to be stricter. Another hypothesis is that the punitive attitudes depend on how much people trust courts.\nIt can be concluded that the tree factors that have the biggest influence on people’s punitive attitudes are fear of crime, age and education. Two factors that did not have any outstanding effects on punitive attitudes were gender and victimisation. The results also show that there was a connection between how much people trust courts and how punitive they think courts are. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2014-01-06 10:07:46','2014-01-06 13:09:16','','Waiting'),(1453,'Analysis of possibilities for reconciliation of work and family life by ethnic minorities','Vähemusrahvustest inimeste töö- ja pereelu ühitamise võimaluste analüüs',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of the study is to systematically collate earlier studies and data and to analyse the extent to which differences exist in the perception of possibilities for reconciliation of work and family life by ethnic minorities and Estonians, and the reasons of these differences. \nDifferent topics are analysed in the study: values and attitudes related to work and family life; use of time; labour market behaviour and working environment; accessibility and use of childcare services; conflict between work and family life; use of family policy measures (especially parental leave).\nThe most important conclusion of the study is that there are no significant national differences in the reconciliation of work and family life in Estonia. Although ethnic minorities were more vulnerable than Estonians on the labour market during and after the recession, and they rate their possibilities for reconciliation of work and family life even lower than Estonians, it is largely the result of the fact that the Estonian labour market is segregated by nationalities both in terms of sectors and professions, and reconciliation of work and family life is therefore also more difficult. Language skills and education also play important roles. \nFive problems are important in the context of the topic of the study: language barrier; ethnic segregation of the labour market; gender stereotypes; limited geographic mobility; being in a different information space and limited knowledge of one’s rights and opportunities. Measures to resolve these problems are proposed and discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kaur.lumiste@ut.ee','2014-01-06 10:38:48','2014-01-27 11:20:55','','Waiting'),(1455,'Does reconciliation of work and family life influence life satisfaction?','Kas töö- ja pereelu edukas ühitamine suurendab eluga rahulolu?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'ESS 2010 analyses in Estonia gave results as follows:\nLife satisfaction of parents who work is essentially influenced by abilities to reconciliation work and family life. The most important is that the work would not disturb the family life (model  also included income level, health, trust). The opposite situation when work is disturbed by family life did not have interaction with life satisfaction. The hours at work did not influence life satisfaction either. \nAlso ethnic differences were analysed. Home language turned out to be the best variable to analyse ethnic differences in ESS. Titular population was  more satisfied with work and life, but the there was no ethnic differences in work – life balance problems between titular and non-titular population.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.ec.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/vahemusrahvuse_raport_25.09.2013.pdf','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2014-01-15 14:17:38','2014-01-27 11:11:49','','Waiting'),(1456,'Reconciliation of work and family life from the perspective basic human values','Töö- ja pereelu ühitamine alusväärtuste perspektiivist',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of the study is to analyse the extent to which differences exist in the perception of possibilities for reconciliation of work and family life by ethnic minorities and Estonians, and how perceptions are related with basic human values.\nThe main conclusion were following:\n-	The effect of basic values on perception of reconciliation of work and family life is rather small, but it is ethnically differentiated.\n-	Work-family conflict is more perceived among those Estonians who value success and power, while for ethnic minorities it is more perceived among those who value self-direction.\n-	Persons who belong to ethnic minority perceive less frequently work-family conflict, if family is priority for them.\n-	Appreciation of wealth is increasing the dissatisfaction with work and with the balance of time spent on work and other activities. \n-	Among Estonians self-direction correlates positively with income, which means that persons who value personal freedom earn in average more.\n-	Among all respondents values which enforce family-life are much more valued than those which enforce work-life.\n-	Based on the change of structure of basic human values over the last years, for Estonians the important of work life has slightly increased, while for the ethnic minorities trends are contradictory.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2014-01-15 12:21:40','2014-01-27 11:19:22','','Waiting'),(1457,'Compromising conventions: attitudes of dissonance and indifference towards full-time maternal employment in Denmark, Spain, Poland and the UK','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article examines cross-national variations in attitudes towards gender roles and the extent to which they map onto regime types. It explores intra-national variation in attitudes to non-traditional gendered behaviour drawing on the theoretical approach of the ‘economy of conventions’, informed by feminist perspectives from comparative research. Data from the European Social Survey are used to map where there is a strong degree of resonance or dissonance between societal and individual attitudes and how these are attenuated by sex and employment status. The results expose unexpected national and intra-national similarities and differences. Societies characterized by a traditional male breadwinner model, such as Spain, indicate a higher degree of permissive values than expected; more liberal countries like the UK show high degrees of indifference, as well as a strong element of traditionalism. Dissonance and indifference compromise traditional gendered conventions and illustrate underlying tensions at the individual and societal level in resolving gender conflicts.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article was published as on-line first and will be in print publication in 2014. The article is available from the journal website at this url: http://wes.sagepub.com/content/early/2013/12/02/0950017013491307.abstract','jo72@brighton.ac.uk','2014-01-15 19:10:13','2014-01-16 09:58:11','','Waiting'),(1458,'Power and Achievement as Values within Europe. About Societal and Individual Influences on Values Priorities','Macht und Leistung als Werte in Europa. Über gesellschaftliche und individuelle Einflüsse auf Wertprioritäten',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Power- and achievement-Values are seen to be important for productivity and societal stability. But what exact factors drive the forces to adhere to power- and achievement-values? In this study, the focus is on societal development, the strength of different social institutions and social stratification. It is shown that Inglehart’s scarcity hypothesis, as an explaining mechanism, has some weaknesses. As an alternative the theory of social production functions is suggested. The comparability of power- and achievement-values across countries and across the societal and the individual level is tested by using two-level confirmatory factor analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dennis.koethemann@uni-osnabrueck.de','2014-01-20 07:11:52','2014-01-20 09:43:23','','Waiting'),(1459,'Measuring Attitudes toward Immigration in Europe: The Cross-cultural Validity of the ESS Immigration Scales','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Equivalence of measurement scales is a crucial prerequisite for making valid cross-cultural comparisons, as cultural differences in the interpretation of indicators could result in misleading conclusions. In this paper, we empirically assess the cross-national measurement equivalence of four scales that are included in the European Social Survey, round 1 (2002– 03). These four scales, referring to various aspects of attitudes toward immigration, are: (1) opposition against new immigration into the country (REJECT),  (2) support for imposing conditions to immigration (CONDITION), (3) perceived economic threat (ECOTHREAT) and (4) perceived cultural threat (CULTHREAT). To test for measurement equivalence, we make use of multi-group confirmatory factor analysis (MGCFA). In this approach, a distinction is made between configural (equal factor structures), metric (equal factor loadings) and scalar (equal item intercepts) equivalence. A step-by-step strategy to test for these distinctive levels of equivalence is explained in a detailed manner. Our results show that the degree of cross-cultural equivalence differs quite strongly from one scale to another. In the case of the REJECT-scale, the number of violated equality constraints is limited, and partial scalar equivalence is found to hold for all countries. The other measurement scales are cross-culturally less robust, and comparability is only guaranteed for subsets of countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','askresearchandmethods@gmail.com','2014-01-22 10:48:55','2014-01-22 13:05:13','','Waiting'),(1460,'What Do Respondents and Non-respondents Think of Incentives and How Do They React to Them? The ESS Experience in Poland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One method to increase the response rate in surveys is to use respondent incentives.   The effectiveness of incentives depends on a number of factors which, however, may have a varied impact on respondents’ decisions about survey participation across countries. This paper shows how respondent incentives have worked in Poland, i.e. how monetary and material incentives are viewed, whether or not it is reasonable to send prepaid incentives by mail and how incentives affect the structure of the effective sample. Results of in-depth interviews and comments on to incentives used in the European Social Survey have shown that the respondents who are willing to accept a small material incentive do not accept a modest monetary incentive. In the case of monetary incentives, expectations are very high and, in most surveys, unrealistic. Research results also suggest that some respondents are distrustful about prepaid incentives received by mail. They associate such incentives with direct marketing practices, attempted fraud or scams. From this perspective, it seems safer to opt for incentives being handed over personally by interviewers. However, the use of incentives does not significantly affect the structure of the effective sample.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','askresearchandmethods@gmail.com','2014-01-22 10:54:56','2014-01-22 13:14:05','','Waiting'),(1461,'How to Prepare an Advance Letter? The ESS Experience in Poland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'When we send advance letters to the sampled persons in a survey, we expect that the recipients will read them and, based on the information provided, will decide on their participation in the survey. Therefore, the letter is expected to play an important role paving the way for the interaction with the interviewer. Findings from in-depth interviews with hard refusers from ESS 3 (2006) and ESS 4 (2008) presented in this paper indicate that such individuals are generally not interested in the mailing received and can hardly remember anything from it. The paper also shows how, following the findings of this research, the advance letters in subsequent ESS rounds in Poland were modified in order to generate recipients’ interest and drive participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'ASK is open access: http://askresearchandmethods.org/','askresearchandmethods@gmail.com','2014-01-22 11:01:45','2014-01-22 13:21:15','','Waiting'),(1462,'How to Model Parental Education Effects on Men and Women’s Attainment? Cross-National Assessments of Different Approaches','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research in social stratification shares the assumption that social origin operates through assets embedded in the family structure, yet scholars’ opinions of how resources get transmitted intergenerationally vary significantly. The result of this variation in opinions is a range of measures for family background, and distinct empirical models. A simplified schema yields three main methodological approaches: (a) one parent’s characteristics models; (b) models using characteristics of both parents; and (c) models accounting for specific effects of social origin depending on gender. In this paper we analyze how models of each type perform when applied to cross-national data from the European Social Survey (Round 3). We focus on the impact of parental education on children’s success, while controlling for parents’ social class position. Individual success is conceptualized primarily in terms of educational attainment, but also of occupational standing. Although our analyses do not disclose consistent patterns across all studied countries — neither of the models performs uniformly better, or worse, in majority of countries – some regularities are noticeable. In particular, with respect to explaining educational attainment, we find that it is generally preferable to include measures for both parents’ education, rather than use one parent’s characteristics models. The best fitting model – in terms of explained variance – is that combining father’s and mother’s education by including an interaction term of these variables. In the case of occupational standing, we generally consider the model that accounts for father’s and for mother’s education as the preferred solution – at least when direct effects are statistically significant. In addition, the hypothesis that the intergenerational transmission of parental education affects men and women differently is, in light of these outcomes, supported only in some of the countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'ASK is open access: http://askresearchandmethods.org/past-volumes/2010-volume-19/tomescu-dubrow-and-domanski-v20-issue-1-pp-21-50/','askresearchandmethods@gmail.com','2014-01-22 11:04:59','2014-01-22 13:28:31','','Waiting'),(1463,'Cross-National Measures of Political Inequality of Voice','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social scientists have long argued that political power is a key dimension of stratification, yet few empirically analyze political inequality or explicitly discuss the methodological implications of their measures of it. Political inequality is a distinct dimension of social stratification and a form of power inequality whose domain is all things related to political processes. It is a multidimensional concept – comprised of voice, response, and policy – that occurs in all types of governance structures. Conceptions of political inequality of voice reflect the well-established finding that position within the social and political structure impacts individual and group political influence. I argue that definitions and measures of political inequality of voice should focus on the extent of influence given its connection, but not reduction, to economic resources. This article proposes and evaluates cross-national structural measures of political inequality of voice based on the relationship between socioeconomic status and political participation. I explore the relationships between the measures and the rankings of European countries using data from the European Social Survey 2008 and the Economist Intelligence Unit Index of Democracy 2008’s “political participation” category.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'ASK is open access: http://askresearchandmethods.org/past-volumes/2010-volume-19/dubrow-v20-issue-1-pp-93-110/','askresearchandmethods@gmail.com','2014-01-22 11:08:52','2014-01-22 13:33:30','','Waiting'),(1464,'How Does Length of Fieldwork Period Influence Non-Response? Findings from ESS 2 in Poland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we show how one method of increasing the response rate, i.e. an extension of the fieldwork period, influences the structure of non-response and the differences between respondents and non-respondents. We used data from the Pilot Study and the Main Study for the European Social Survey, Round 2, and from follow-up studies conducted after each of those. The fieldwork period of the Pilot Study was 11 days and the one of the Main Study was nearly 2.5 months. The follow-up study involved distributing a mail questionnaire to people who did not participate in the face-to-face survey (non-respondents). Extension of the fieldwork period brought a relatively modest increase in the response rate. However, a comparison of differences between the respondents and non-respondents for a short and a long fieldwork period demonstrated that those differences occurred in demographic variables and in opinion questions. We also compared the effect of the length of fieldwork period on differences between the respondents and two categories of non-respondents: refusers and inaccessibles for other reasons. We did not find any effect of the length of the fieldwork period on differences between respondents and inaccessibles for other reasons, neither in socio-demographics nor in opinion questions. However, the effect did occur when we compared respondents and refusers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'ASK is open access: http://askresearchandmethods.org/','askresearchandmethods@gmail.com','2014-01-22 11:11:54','2014-01-22 13:37:48','','Waiting'),(1465,'Understanding Refusals','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper presents findings from a qualitative study (depth interviews in the one-to-one and dyad format), held with European Social Survey round 3 refusers in Poland. Its objective was to gather insights into reasons behind negative attitudes towards participation in surveys. Our research has shown that there is a need to distinguish between ‘active’ refusals and cases where surveys are ignored. In cases of ‘active’, conscious refusals there are some underlying reasons for refusal that could be challenged. On the other hand, social isolators ‘by choice’ make automatic refusals, without much thinking and, therefore, conversions are hardly possible in such cases.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'ASK is open access: http://askresearchandmethods.org/','askresearchandmethods@gmail.com','2014-01-22 11:14:26','2014-01-22 13:41:40','','Waiting'),(1466,'How Can We Account For Intersectionality in Quantitative Analysis of Survey Data? Empirical Illustration For Central and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Qualitative research in political science and sociology commonly explores intersectionality, but practical methodological guides for the quantitative researcher are few. I examine methodological challenges in testing intersectionality theory by comparing and contrasting two most frequently used statistical approaches to the quantitative analysis of intersectional demographics: the unitary, or additive approach and the multiplicative approach. To illustrate these approaches I use the European Social Survey (2006) and focus on gender, ethnicity, and class, and their intersections, to explain soft political protest in Central and East European countries. Logistic regression with dichotomous explanatory variables, including multiplicative interaction terms and their main effects, is an acceptable way to explore variants of intersectionality theory and related hypotheses regarding cumulative disadvantage. The findings warrant the following guidelines for cross-national quantitative analysis of intersectionality: (1) multiplicative interaction terms are the best available way to measure an intersection as an identity beyond the sum of its parts; (2) because intersectionality frequently calls for more than two variables, care must be taken with the interpretation of main effects and higher and lower order interaction terms; and (3) each intersection has time- and space-specific consequences. Accounting for intersectionality in the quantitative analysis of large cross-national survey data sets is an opportunity to advance the intersectionality paradigm.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'ASK is open access: http://askresearchandmethods.org/','askresearchandmethods@gmail.com','2014-01-22 11:16:52','2014-01-22 13:51:55','','Waiting'),(1467,'Not so Fair after All? Perceptions of Procedural Fairness and Satisfaction with Democracy in the Nordic Welfare States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Nordic countries are known for their well-functioning public administrations. In indices measuring control of corruption and the quality of the rule of law, they frequently occupy top positions. However, as we demonstrate in this article, a country\'s top position in comparative indices does not automatically imply that citizens view the state of affairs in the same way as depicted by experts. The observation is in no way trivial: Drawing on theories of procedural fairness, we go on to show—statistically, using individual level data—that widespread public perceptions about the unfairness of civil servants may have a negative effect on the legitimacy of the political system even in so-called high-trust and “least corrupt” settings such as the Nordic ones.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2014-01-22 15:16:47','2014-01-22 15:19:27','','Waiting'),(1468,'Work values as reconciliators between work and family','Tööväärtused töö ja pereelu ühendajana',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of the study is to reveal differences in work values between Estonians and ethnic Russian-speakers. Analyses base in the European Value Study (1990, 1999 and 2008) and World Value Survey (2011), but also European Social Survey data (2004 and 2010) was used. Both ethnic groups considered family more important than work and first was more important for Russians while second for Estonians.  Both ethnic groups endorsed income as most important aspect in job. Ethnic minorities tended to endorse job security significantly higher than Estonians.  Estonians preferred more flexible hours but Russian-speakers preferred to take generous holidays. We also draw some significant gender differences: men tended to be oriented on instrumental goals (like promotion opportunities job) while women endorsed social values (like possibility to reconcile work and family life). ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','andu.rammer@ut.ee','2014-01-23 10:55:11','2014-01-27 11:20:14','','Waiting'),(1469,'No Two Ageisms Are the Same: Testing Measurement Invariance in Ageism Experience across Europe','No Two Ageisms Are the Same: Testing Measurement Invariance in Ageism Experience across Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article focuses on the topic of measurement invariance (equivalence) testing in comparative research. Measurement invariance is the basic requirement for comparative data and should be addressed by researchers before any international comparison begins. In the article, multiple-group confirmatory factor analysis is first performed to describe three methods of measurement invariance testing (configural, metric and scalar). Subsequently, this procedure is applied to the case of measuring experience with ageism against seniors in the quantitative European Social Survey, Round 4. Measurement invariance in the concept is tested across 29 states participating in the survey. Hypotheses about the sources of the lack of measurement invariance between some countries are then tested by comparing the parameters of the models identified for different groups of European states. Finally, evidence of international comparability of items measuring experience with ageism against seniors is summarized and implications for other areas of comparative social research are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','romana.trusinova@soc.cas.cz','2014-01-24 21:21:33','2016-09-08 14:20:31','','Waiting'),(1470,'Dynamics of inequalities in access to higher education: Bulgaria in a comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aims at studying the dynamics of inequalities in access to higher education (HE) both in a historical and a comparative perspective. It uses Bulgaria as a case study and places it among five other countries such as Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. The adopted approach differentiates between equity in HE and inequalities in access to HE, and stresses the qualitative side of inequalities. The analysis is based on data from the European Social Survey (2006–2010), complemented by data from EUROSTUDENT III (2007). It is argued that, despite the expansion of HE before and especially after 1989, Bulgaria is among the countries where inequality in access to HE caused by socio-economic disadvantages is most salient. In general, our findings lend support to the effectively maintained inequalities hypothesis. The capability approach is applied in the analysis of these changes inasmuch as it provides a social justice framework for conceptualizing and evaluating inequalities, including taking into account their qualitative side.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2014-01-25 21:18:29','2014-01-27 11:58:52','','Waiting'),(1472,'Estonians\' and ethnic minorities\'  work-family conflict in Estonia','Eestlaste ja vähemusrahvuste esindajate töö- ja pereelu konflikt Eestis',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Applying the work-life module from ESS 2004 and ESS 2010, the working paper compares the Estonian’s and ethnic minorities work and family life conflict in Estonia. The main result is that although ethnic minorities perceive higher level of work-family conflict, it is mainly explained by the different position in labor market.  Ethnic minorities have more likely non-standard work schedules; they are more often working in night shifts and weekends.  Thus the differences in Estonians’ and non-Estonians’ work-life conflict are mainly explained by work sphere not by family sphere. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2014-01-28 11:37:53','2014-01-28 11:57:18','','Waiting'),(1473,'Public willingness to cooperate with the police in detecting crime and identify its perpetrators','Ochota občanů spolupracovat s policií při odhalování trestných činů a identifikaci jejich pachatelů',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is to outline the extent to which people are willing to cooperate with the police in solving crimes. This type of social control is very important, given that majority of crime is not detected by police officers, but members of the community',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.moravcova@soc.cas.cz','2014-02-04 09:54:44','2014-02-04 15:28:08','','Waiting'),(1474,'Public opinion, immigrant and welfare in the context of uncertainty','Public opinion, immigrant and welfare in the context of uncertainty',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European citizens are largely unfavourable to immigration. These restrictive attitudes are linked\nto such factors as the unemployment rate and risk of poverty, as well as to competition for\nemployment and welfare resources. Refuting insider/outsider theories, this article shows, via an\nanalysis of recent European Social Surveys, that national social protection policies can reduce\nhostility towards immigration, insofar as they moderate social inequality and the risk of poverty.\nEthnic and racial differences are problematic for the ‘egalitarian compromise’ underpinning the\nwelfare state. Nonetheless, strong trade unions and social protection policies are associated\nwith greater integration of immigrants. Over time, the future sustainability of welfare systems\nmay depend on the participation of immigrants as a political force, making their integration even\nmore important.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Thanks','antonio.martin@uab.es','2014-02-07 14:06:16','2014-02-07 16:11:56','','Waiting'),(1475,'Are They Acculturating? Europe\'s Immigrants and Gender Egalitarianism','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A substantial share of Europe\'s population consists of immigrants and the children of immigrants. Using European Social Survey data, this study examines whether the gender-egalitarian values of immigrants are shaped by the gender relations in their origin country and whether they adapt their values to the standards of their residence country. The analyses show that immigrants originating from countries with very inegalitarian gender relations support gender equality less than members of mainstream society. However, immigrants adapt their gender ideology to the standards of their residence country, and the origin context loses force over time. Both acculturation within the first generation and acculturation across the generations play a role; but women tend to “assimilate” within the first generation and more thoroughly than men. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aroeder@tcd.ie','2014-02-25 17:27:45','2014-03-03 12:10:15','','Waiting'),(1476,'Explaining religious differences in immigrants\' gender role attitudes: the changing impact of origin country and individual religiosity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Religion is often perceived as one of the main barriers to immigrant integration in Europe. By focusing on the contested area of immigrants’ gender role attitudes, this study analyses data of first- and second-generation immigrants from multiple origin countries and of different religious affiliations in comparison to the native population. It shows that higher levels of religiosity can explain immigrants’ more traditional attitudes to some extent, but that origin country socialization acts as an important additional determinant of attitudes of the first generation. Among second-generation migrants, only Muslims continue to hold more traditional attitudes. Acculturation for longer-staying migrants is partly explained by declining religiosity, with some evidence for a decoupling of attitudes from religious beliefs among female migrants in particular. Intergenerational change, on the other hand, cannot be attributed to a decline in the role of religiosity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','aroeder@tcd.ie','2014-02-25 17:31:46','2014-03-03 12:42:34','','Waiting'),(1477,'Early Risk Behaviors and Adolescent Injury in 25 European and North American Countries A Cross-National Consistent Relationship','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Injury is a leading cause of mortality and morbidity among adolescents in developed countries. Jessor and Jessor’s Problem Behavior Theory suggests an association between risk behaviors (e.g., smoking, drunkenness, cannabis use, and sexual intercourse) and adolescent injury. The present study examined whether early engagement in risk behaviors would predict injury at age 15. It also examined whether such associations were consistent in strength across countries. Based on the data from the 2005-2006 Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) survey, a multigroup logistic regression analysis was conducted. Our findings demonstrate a cross-national consistent association (with relative odds of injury rising to 1.85; 95% CI: 1.70-2.02). Based on the study findings, early engagement in risk behaviors was considered a marker for a trajectory that places adolescents at higher risk for physical injury, independent of their national context. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-02-27 12:25:04','2014-03-03 12:49:08','','Waiting'),(1478,'Is Greece a Rent Seeking Society? A Research on the Relationship Between Entrepreneurship, Trust and Institutions','Is Greece a Rent Seeking Society? A Research on the Relationship Between Entrepreneurship, Trust and Institutions',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper analyses the various interactions among the institutional and cultural environment and the quality of entrepreneurial activity in Greece. The institutional context and the way in which institutions perform in particular, shape the structure of entrepreneurial incentives. As explicitly demonstrated by Baumol (1990) institutions actually channel entrepreneurial talent toward different activities which may be productive, unproductive or destructive. At the same time, informal institutions, i.e. culture and values have proven to be of equal importance for entrepreneurship.  Within this context, the paper builds a simple model of rewards’ satisfaction accounting for first, the existence of income externalities, in order to test the hypothesis that individuals care about their relative position, i.e. economic status, and second, for the institutional quality, trust and values pertaining in the society, in order to analyze the possible existence of an underlying ‘social consensus’ that is supportive of rent-seeking behavior in Greece.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daskal@uop.gr','2014-02-27 12:46:39','2014-03-04 09:56:35','','Waiting'),(1479,'Preferences for place of death if faced with advanced cancer: a population survey in England, Flanders, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\n\nBackground Cancer end-of-life care (EoLC) policies assume people want to die at home. We aimed to examine variations in preferences for place of death cross-nationally.\n\nMethods A telephone survey of a random sample of individuals aged =16 in England, Flanders, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain. We determined where people would prefer to die if they had a serious illness such as advanced cancer, facilitating circumstances, personal values and experiences of illness, death and dying.\n\nResults Of 9344 participants, between 51% (95% CI: 48% to 54%) in Portugal and 84% (95% CI: 82% to 86%) in the Netherlands would prefer to die at home. Cross-national analysis found there to be an influence of circumstances and values but not of experiences of illness, death and dying. Four factors were associated with a preference for home death in more than one country: younger age up to 70+ (Germany, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain), increased importance of dying in the preferred place (England, Germany, Portugal, Spain), prioritizing keeping a positive attitude (Germany, Spain) and wanting to involve family in decisions if incapable (Flanders, Portugal).\n\nConclusions At least two-thirds of people prefer a home death in all but one country studied. The strong association with personal values suggests keeping home care at the heart of cancer EoLC.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-02-27 13:04:07','2014-03-04 10:19:01','','Waiting'),(1480,'Optimal allocation of the sample size to strata under box constraints','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In stratified random sampling without replacement boundary conditions, such as the sample sizes within strata shall not exceed the population sizes in the respective strata, have to be considered. Stenger and Gabler (Metrika, 61:137–156, 2005) have shown a solution that satisfies upper boundaries of sample fractions within the strata. However, in modern applications one may wish to guarantee also minimal sampling fractions within strata in order to allow for reasonable separate estimations. Within this paper, an optimal allocation in the Neyman-Tschuprov sense is developed which satisfies upper and lower bounds of the sample sizes within strata. Further, a stable algorithm is given which ensures optimality. The resulting sample allocation enables users to bound design weights within stratified random sampling while considering optimality in allocation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-02-27 13:24:38','2014-03-04 10:27:36','','Waiting'),(1481,'The impact of social capital on crime: Evidence from the Netherlands','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research shows that social capital is important in explaining why crime is so heterogeneous across space. Social capital is considered as a latent construct composed of a variety of indicators, such as blood donations, voter turnout, voluntary contributions to community well-being, and trust. To isolate exogenous variation in social capital, three historical variables are used as instruments: the fraction of foreigners, the number of schools and the fraction of Protestants in 1859. The historical information provides heterogeneity across municipalities in these three variables. In an application to Dutch municipalities the 2SLS estimates suggest that the exogenous component of social capital is significantly and negatively correlated with current crime rates, after controlling for a range of contemporaneous socio-economic indicators. Next, the robustness analysis shows why some social capital indicators are more useful than others in applied economic research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-02-27 13:35:40','2014-03-04 10:34:58','','Waiting'),(1482,'\'Sexting\': the exchange of sexual messages online among European youth','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Public anxiety has recently centred on the exchange of sexual messages among teenagers via the internet or mobile phones. This chapter examines the incidence, antecedents and consequences of ‘sexting’ among 11- to 16-year-olds. Although only 15% say they have received a sexual message, and only a quarter of those were upset by it, it is shown that those who are more vulnerable offline (i.e., those with more psychological problems) are more likely to receive such messages and to find them upsetting.\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-02-27 13:51:11','2014-03-04 10:46:36','','Waiting'),(1483,'The Continuing Secular Transition','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'No abstract available.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-02-27 14:00:51','2014-03-04 10:56:58','','Waiting'),(1484,'The Number of Distinct Basic Values and Their Structure Assessed by PVQ–40','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the theory of basic human values (Schwartz, 1992), values form a circular motivational continuum. The original publication and most subsequent research partitioned this continuum into 10 values. In theory, however, it could be partitioned into a larger number of more narrowly defined values. We use multidimensional scaling (MDS) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) of data from the Portrait Values Questionnaire in Poland (N = 10,439) to assess a finer partitioning of values. MDS confirmed the circular motivational continuum of 10 values, with benevolence and universalism reversing positions. CFA discriminated 15 hypothesized values: 2 subtypes of universalism (protecting the environment and societal concern), 2 of achievement (ambition and showing success), 2 of self-direction (autonomy of action and autonomy of thought), 2 of security (national security and personal security), and 2 of tradition (tradition and humility), plus stimulation, hedonism, power, conformity, and benevolence. These 15 values were also distinguishable in the MDS projection.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-02-27 14:08:27','2014-03-04 11:04:04','','Waiting'),(1486,'Consequences of social inequality for democracy in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on social inequality speaks of a major change in income inequality that has been taking place since the 1970s. At first, inequality in income distribution mainly occurred in Anglo-Saxon countries, but it has also been on the rise in Western Europe over the last decades. In light of this trend, we ask how inequality affects political participation and attitudes towards democracy. In our article, we first consider the increasing income inequality in OECD countries. We then analyze data from 17 Western European democracies from the European Social Survey. The analysis shows that an increase in unconventional forms of participation inhibits the ideal of political equality as these are more heavily biased towards the well-to-do than conventional forms of participation, particularly the act of voting. Third, we run a multilevel regression with survey data and a number of country-level variables to show that people are not only less satisfied with the way democracy works in countries with greater income inequality, but the citizens of these countries also trust politicians and parliaments less.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-02-27 14:42:14','2014-03-04 11:23:22','','Waiting'),(1488,'Politics: interest, participation and education: Comparing the Republic of Ireland with Germany','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In order to generate higher levels of interest in politics and participation in political processes, political or citizenship, education in schools must be at the heart of the curriculum and be characterised by active, learner-centred approaches. This paper hypothesises that, when compared with Germany, a more limited form of political education in Irish post-primary schools may be impacting negatively on the extent to which it is achieving such aims. In order to begin to explore this hypothesis, the results for seven items relating to interest in politics and participation in political processes from the 2010 round of the European Social Survey are compared for the Irish and German populations. In addition, the nature and status of political education in the German and the Irish school systems are compared. Conclusions are drawn and the implications for future research in this field and for political education in both countries considered.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jennifer.bruen@dcu.ie','2014-03-03 11:06:44','2014-03-04 11:56:14','','Waiting'),(1489,'Policing by Consent:  Topline Results (UK) from Round 5','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This is the first of the European Social Survey (ESS) Country Specific Topline Results reports. Focusing on the Round 5 module entitled ‘trust in justice’ (and the UK data, which has a sample size of 2,422),2 we link people’s perceptions of police legitimacy to their compliance with the law and their willingness to cooperate with the police and criminal courts.3 We also extend the existing literature by addressing wider forms of trust and people’s attachment to order and security. Our specific focus in this report is to test analytical models of the links between people’s contact with the police, their trust in the police, their perceptions of the legitimacy of the police and law, their compliance with the law, and their willingness to cooperate with legal authorities in the UK. We frame the findings in the context of a long and rich history of policing by consent. We show the value of the ESS in testing theoretical models, and demonstrate its value to public policy and practice.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-02-27 14:14:18','2014-03-04 11:17:09','','Waiting'),(1490,'Is social capital good for health? A European perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the research reported here was to examine the causal impact of social capital on health in 14 European countries. Using data from the European social survey for 14 European countries, supplemented by regional-level data, the authors studied whether individual and/or community-level social capital positively affects health. The authors controlled for other relevant factors that are also expected to affect health, and addressed – via an instrumental variable approach – the challenge of assessing causality in the relationship between social capital and health. The large variance of the error term due to measurement errors calls for strong instruments to obtain reliable estimates in a finite sample. The dataset is rich enough in information to allow the finding of a seemingly strong causal relationship between social capital and individual health. Community social capital (defined at regional level) appears not to affect health once individual-level social capital is controlled for. Taken at face value, the findings suggest that policy interventions should be targeted at improving primarily individual social capital. In doing so they would achieve a double effect: on the one hand they would directly improve individual health; on the other they would contribute to community social capital, which reinforces the beneficial role of individual social capital.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-02-27 14:48:53','2014-03-04 11:46:24','','Waiting'),(1491,'Does Changing a Light Bulb Lead to Changing the World? Political Action and the Conscious Consumer','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As the prevalence of “conscious” consumption has grown, questions have arisen about its relationship to political action. An influential argument holds that political consumption individualizes responsibility for environmental degradation and “crowds out” genuine forms of activism. While European and Canadian empirical research contradicts this perspective, finding that conscious consumption and political engagement are positively connected, no studies of this relationship have been conducted for the United States. This article presents ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models for two datasets, the 2004 General Social Survey and a detailed survey of approximately 2,200 conscious consumers conducted by the authors, to assess the nature of the relationship between conscious consumption and political activism. The authors find that measures of conscious consumption are significantly and positively related to political action, even when controlling for political involvement in the past. The results suggest that greater levels of political consumption are positively related to a range of political actions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 09:16:03','2014-03-14 10:36:43','','Waiting'),(1492,'Is Social Policy Retrenchment Unpopular? How Welfare Reforms Affect Government Popularity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates an established proposition in the welfare literature, namely whether retrenchment is indeed unpopular among the citizenry. Additional to the hypothesis that retrenchment has a negative impact on general government popularity, this article presents a more refined hypothesis: retrenchment is influential only for those citizens highly interested in social policy. This study analyses government performance data derived from election studies (CSES data) in a multilevel design and tests the influence of actual retrenchment initiatives. The findings indicate that retrenchment is not generally unpopular; however, it has a negative impact on the opinions of those interested in the topic. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 09:18:46','2014-03-14 10:45:15','','Waiting'),(1493,'Culture and the distinctiveness motive: Constructing identity in individualistic and collectivistic contexts.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The motive to attain a distinctive identity is sometimes thought to be stronger in, or even specific to, those socialized into individualistic cultures. Using data from 4,751 participants in 21 cultural groups (18 nations and 3 regions), we tested this prediction against our alternative view that culture would moderate the ways in which people achieve feelings of distinctiveness, rather than influence the strength of their motivation to do so. We measured the distinctiveness motive using an indirect technique to avoid cultural response biases. Analyses showed that the distinctiveness motive was not weaker—and, if anything, was stronger—in more collectivistic nations. However, individualism–collectivism was found to moderate the ways in which feelings of distinctiveness were constructed: Distinctiveness was associated more closely with difference and separateness in more individualistic cultures and was associated more closely with social position in more collectivistic cultures. Multilevel analysis confirmed that it is the prevailing beliefs and values in an individual\'s context, rather than the individual\'s own beliefs and values, that account for these differences. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 09:33:54','2014-03-14 10:50:31','','Waiting'),(1494,'Worry about Crime in a Cross-National Context: A Focus on Measurement using European Social Survey Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines European Social Survey (ESS) indicators of worry about crime. To scale the measures into a single categorical measure, we use an analytical approach that combines statistical latent class modelling with pragmatic choices for the final classification of the responses. We also undertake an informal examination of the latent class solution in individual countries. Finding the ESS indicators of the frequency and impact of worry to be reasonable cross-national measures of the experience of negative emotions in people’s lives, we close the paper with an estimation of levels of worry in 23 countries. The results display a fairly consistent geographical gradient, with the lowest levels of worry about crime mostly in Nordic countries and Western Europe, and the highest in Eastern Europe and Mediterranean countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 10:08:40','2016-08-12 15:46:38','','Waiting'),(1495,'Immigration, Wages, and Compositional Amenities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is strong public opposition to increased immigration throughout Europe. Given the modest economic impacts of immigration estimated in most studies, the depth of anti-immigrant sentiment is puzzling. Immigration, however, does not just affect wages and taxes. It also changes the composition of the local population, threatening the compositional amenities that natives derive from their neighborhoods, schools, and workplaces. In this paper we use a simple latent-factor model, combined with data for 21 countries from the 2002 European Social Survey (ESS), to measure the relative importance of economic and compositional concerns in driving opinions about immigration policy. The ESS included a unique battery of questions on the labor market and social impacts of immigration, as well as on the desirability of increasing or reducing immigrant inflows. We find that compositional concerns are 2–5 times more important in explaining variation in individual attitudes toward immigration policy than concerns over wages and taxes. Likewise, most of the difference in opinion between more- and less-educated respondents is attributable to heightened compositional concerns among people with lower education.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 10:13:01','2014-03-14 11:09:40','','Waiting'),(1496,'Cohort Profile: The Swiss Childhood Cancer Survivor Study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Thanks to continuous improvements in therapy, 5-year survival of childhood cancer in developed countries now exceeds 80%, leading to a growing population of long-term survivors. As the cancer and treatment can cause adverse effects long after the illness has been cured, assessment of long-term quality of life (QOL), somatic, psychological and social outcomes become increasingly important. Although cancer in children is rare, the population impact of late toxicities on disability-adjusted life years is considerable because of the young age at diagnosis.\n\nUp to now, many single-centre studies or clinical trials have been published, but only few large representative long-term follow-up studies exist, including the Childhood Cancer Survivor Studies in the USA (CCSS), Canada and Great Britain (BCCSS). These studies found increased risks of second malignant neoplasms (SMNs), mortality and chronic medical problems such as endocrine dysfunctions, cardiovascular problems, stroke or infertility. Psychosocial problems such as depression, anxiety and post-traumatic symptoms have also been reported. Life-long medical follow-up is thus recommended for high-risk patients.\n\nFor these reasons, we created a national cohort study of all survivors of childhood and adolescent cancer in Switzerland, the Swiss Childhood Cancer Survivor Study (SCCSS). ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 10:21:06','2014-03-14 11:20:44','','Waiting'),(1497,'Active ageing: A strategic policy solution to demographic ageing in the European Union','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ageing of European countries has widespread implications for current and future social and economic policies across the region. The major policy response to demographic ageing that has emerged over the past 10 years is called ‘active ageing’, yet there is little clarity in practice about what it means for individuals and society beyond a crude economic reduction in terms of working longer. The main purposes of this article are to explain why this strategy has emerged and its importance. Despite a great deal of positive political rhetoric, the response at all levels of policy making has been rather limited. An active social and public policy is required to mainstream active ageing as the leading paradigm for ageing policy across the European Union (EU). The designation of 2012 as the European Year of Active Ageing offers a potential focus for renewed policy action in the EU and is discussed in the context of our conclusions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 10:35:17','2014-03-14 11:32:58','','Waiting'),(1498,'Nonresponse in an Individual Register Sample Telephone Survey in Lucerne (Switzerland)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'... Voorpostel et al. 2010)) and face-to-face surveys (eg the Survey of Health, Aging and\nRetirement in Europe (SHARE)3 (Klevmarken 2005) or the first three rounds of the\nEuropean social survey (ESS)4 (ESS 2002, 2004, 2006)). 1 http ... \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 10:53:06','2014-03-14 11:34:16','','Waiting'),(1499,'Using EU-SILC data for cross-national analysis: Strengths, problems and recommendations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The EU\'s Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC), launched in 2003, was the first micro-level data set to provide comprehensive data on incomes and other social and economic domains over the enlarged EU. This paper draws on two programmes of research to ask how well the EU-SILC has met the objectives with which it was designed. We focus on three areas: sampling and design, household dynamics, and incomes. In each domain the EU-SILC forms a unique and useful resource, but we also find problems and shortcomings, some of which could be rectified relatively easily, for the majority of countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 11:05:11','2014-03-14 11:37:39','','Waiting'),(1500,'Individual Attitudes Towards Skilled Migration: An Empirical Analysis Across Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is commonly argued that skilled immigration benefits the destination country through several channels. Yet, only a limited number of countries report having policies in place aimed at increasing the intake of skilled immigrants. Why? In this paper, we analyse the factors that affect a direct measure of individual attitudes towards skilled migration. We focus on two main channels: the labour market and the welfare state. We find that more educated natives are less likely to favour skilled immigration – consistent with the labour market channel – while richer people are more likely to do so – in accordance with the welfare state channel under the tax adjustment model. Our findings thus suggest that the labour market competition threat perceived by skilled natives in the host countries might be driving the observed cautious policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 11:18:09','2014-03-14 11:43:23','','Waiting'),(1501,'Happiness and Childbearing Across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using happiness as a well-being measure and comparative data from the European social survey we focus in this paper on the link between happiness and childbearing across European countries. The analysis motivates from the recent lows in fertility in many European countries and that economic wellbeing measures are problematic when considering childbearing. We find significant country differences, though the direct association between happiness and childbearing is modest. However, partnership status plays an important role for both men and women. Working fathers are always happier, whereas working mothers are not, though mothers’ happiness tends to increase with household income.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 11:26:19','2014-03-14 14:13:51','','Waiting'),(1502,'Civic Engagement and Associationalism: The Impact of Group Membership Scope versus Intensity of Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The relationship between participation in civic and political activities and membership of voluntary associations is now well established. What is less clear is the relative impacts of how much time people spend on group activities (associational intensity), and the number and type of groups that individuals are involved with (associational scope). Does it matter in terms of civic engagement, for example, whether one is a member of a quilting-circle or trade union? Does it matter whether association ‘membership’ is simply an annual payment or a major commitment of time and energy? In this article, we use a large survey to explore these questions empirically by focusing on the membership patterns and civic engagement practices of 4,001 citizens drawn from eight suburbs across Greater Melbourne, Australia. Our findings indicate that, while associational intensity is positively related to civic engagement, associational scope (the number of group memberships per person), is a more influential determinant of the level of civic and political participation. The results also suggest that while all forms of associationalism are important in terms of fostering greater levels of civic activity, not all forms have the same impact. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 11:35:39','2014-03-14 14:51:59','','Waiting'),(1503,'The End of Secularization in Europe?: A Socio-Demographic Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Much of the current debate over secularization in Europe focuses only on the direction of religious change and pays exclusive attention to social causes. Scholars have been less attentive to shifts in the rate of religious decline and to the role of demography—notably fertility and immigration. This article addresses both phenomena. It uses data from the European Values Surveys and European Social Survey for the period 1981–2008 to establish basic trends in religious attendance and belief across the 10 countries that have been consistently surveyed. These show that religious decline is mainly occurring in Catholic European countries and has effectively ceased among post-1945 birth cohorts in six Northwestern European societies where secularization began early. It also provides a cohort-component projection of religious affiliation for two European countries using fertility, migration, switching, and age and sex-structure parameters derived from census and immigration data. These suggest that Western Europe may be more religious at the end of our century than at its beginning.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 12:22:03','2014-03-14 15:02:50','','Waiting'),(1504,'Circadian preferences and personality values: Morning types prefer social values, evening types prefer individual values','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Individual differences in morningness–eveningness are related to differences in personality. In this study of 1344 German adolescents, we used the Composite Scale of Morningness and the Portrait Values Questionnaire to assess the association between chronotype and personality values, controlling for age, puberty status, gender, problem perception in two dimensions (parents and self), and religious affiliation. Morningness orientation was correlated with higher acceptance of social values (conservation and self-transcendence) while eveningness orientation was correlated with higher preference for individual values (openness to change and self-enhancement). Girls were higher in self-transcendence while boys were higher in self-enhancement. Individuals with higher pubertal development preferred self-enhancement. Adolescents reporting problems with their parents preferred individual values while adolescents reporting problems with the self preferred conservation values. Religious affiliation also correlated positively with conservation. We interpreted the negative attitude of evening types towards social values as result of a cost-benefit consideration regarding early social schedules.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 12:27:25','2014-03-14 15:09:09','','Waiting'),(1505,'Integration and religiosity among the Turkish second generation in Europe: A comparative analysis across four capital cities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Drawing on recent cross-national surveys of the Turkish second generation, we test hypotheses of secularization and of religious vitality for Muslim minorities in Europe. Secularization predicts an inverse relationship between structural integration and religiosity, such that the Turkish second generation would be less religious with higher levels of educational attainment and intermarriage. The religious vitality hypothesis predicts the maintenance of religion in the second generation, highlighting the role of religious socialization within immigrant families and communities. Taking a comparative approach, these hypotheses are tested in the context of different national approaches to the institutionalization of Islam as a minority religion in four European capital cities: Amsterdam, Berlin, Brussels and Stockholm. Across contexts, religious socialization strongly predicts second-generation religiosity, in line with religious vitality. The secularization hypothesis finds support only among the second generation in Berlin, however, where Islam is least accommodated.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 12:35:57','2014-03-14 15:11:23','','Waiting'),(1506,'Expansion and inequality of educational opportunity: A comparative study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Educational attendance rates increased dramatically during the twentieth century, especially in the decades following World War II. In most countries for which data are available, inequality of educational opportunity between social strata declined in those decades, but stabilized thereafter. Analyzing ESS (European Social Survey) data for 24 countries and for cohorts born between the 1950s and 1970s, we study whether educational expansion affected change in equality of educational opportunity among social strata. Our results show educational expansion enhanced inequality of opportunity for tertiary education among cohorts born in the 1950s and 1970s and enhanced inequality of opportunity at the secondary level for the cohort of the 1970s. We also tested and refuted Raftery and Hout\'s (1993) saturation hypothesis that once the affluent strata reached universal attendance at a given level of education, its further expansion would reduce inequality among strata in the odds of its attainment. These results corroborate the hypothesis that the privileged strata are better poised the benefit from educational expansion than the sons and daughters of the lower strata. From a policy perspective, we conclude that expansion is not necessarily an effective tool for the reduction of inequality of educational opportunity. Furthermore, the perpetual expansion of education that is pursued in most countries may hinder the reduction of gaps in education.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 12:37:56','2014-03-14 15:19:42','','Waiting'),(1507,'SELF-RATED PHYSICAL ACTIVITY LEVEL ACROSS EUROPE – POLAND AND OTHER EUROPEAN COUNTRIES','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Physical inactivity has become a serious public health problem as it contributes to major non-communicable diseases. Increasing activity levels has beneficial effects on musculoskeletal health and mental health as well. In Poland there are a few studies which refer to the physical activity (PA) of the overall society and which are based on an international questionnaire, thus enabling comparative analysis. The aim of the study was to assess the PA level of the Polish society and to examine fields of their activity and intensity of them in order to compare the data with fifteen European countries. A survey based on computer-assisted personal interview (CAPI) was carried out in Poland in November 2006. A random sample of Polish adults (n=1028) was selected and divided according to demographic criteria. PA was estimated by a short version of the International Physical Activity Questionnaire (IPAQ). In the last seven days 53.4?0of the Polish society reported no vigorous PA whereas in the European sample the percentage was significantly higher (57.4% For the PA of moderate level of intensity 39.8% of the Polish respondents reported no such PA; in the European sample the percentage was 40.8%. Only 12.8% of the Polish respondents reported not having walked in the past week, whereas in the EU the percentage was 17.1%. It must be noted that in all aspects the results were varied in the studied countries. These observations indicate a need for urgent actions to promote HEPA across EU member countries and in particular the least active member states. The present study is the first referring to PA of the whole Polish population, based on a representative sample and an international standardised questionnaire. The data confirm that the PA level of the Polish society is not as low as it has been shown in many studies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 12:45:53','2014-03-14 15:22:55','','Waiting'),(1508,'Neighborhood Ethnic Composition and Resident Perceptions of Safety in European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Employing data from the 2002 European social survey for 21 national representative samples, we provide the first cross-national analysis of the relations between ethnic composition of neighborhood and perception of neighborhood safety in the European context. The data reveal considerable variation both across countries and across individuals in perceived safety. Bi-level regression analysis shows that perceived safety tends to be lower in countries characterized by a high imprisonment rate and among Europeans who are physically and socially vulnerable (e.g., among women and elderly people, and among populations of low income and low education). Net of individual-level and country-level attributes, the analysis shows that perceived safety is lowest in neighborhoods mostly populated by non-European ethnic minorities and highest in neighborhoods mostly populated by Europeans. The effect of ethnic composition of neighborhood on perceived safety holds even after controlling for previous personal exposure to crime and views toward minorities\' impact on crime. We discuss the results in comparison to findings in the United States and in the light of theory in order to delineate the ways that views and perceptions about places are formed and shaped.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 12:50:48','2014-03-14 15:35:36','','Waiting'),(1509,'Social support and the working hours of employed mothers in Europe: The relevance of the state, the workplace, and the family','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper studies the influence of state, workplace, and family support on the working hours of employed mothers and how these different support sources interact. Data taken from the European Social Survey 2004/2005 as well as country-specific information were used to estimate several hierarchical models. We find evidence that the availability of supportive workplace arrangements and family support positively impact the working hours of employed mothers and that state policies facilitating the traditional family have a negative effect. There is weak support for a positive relationship between state policies facilitating the dual-earner family and working hours of employed mothers. In addition, most of the sources of support appear to be complementary. Supportive family role models and supportive workplace arrangements have a reinforcing relationship, as do publicly funded child care and supportive workplace arrangements.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 12:54:04','2014-07-14 15:19:18','','Waiting'),(1510,'A comparison of the invariance properties of the PVQ-40 and the PVQ-21 to measure human values across German and Polish Samples','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Schwartz theory of basic human values has promoted a revival of empirical research on values in cross-cultural, social, and personality psychology. A central topic in the application of values is comparing them across cultures. This study examines the measurement invariance of the full 40-item version of the Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ) as compared to the 21-item version as applied in the European Social Survey (ESS). The research was carried out on a total sample of 1,204 individuals in Poland and Germany. Measurement invariance was tested using two-group confirmatory factor analyses. Analyses revealed that all the values measured by the PVQ-40 displayed not only configural and metric but also partial scalar invariance for all 10 values with the exception of the stimulation value, thus allowing the mean comparison of nine out of the 10 postulated values. However, the 21-item version achieved partial scalar only for seven values. We conclude that the PVQ-40 is more appropriate for cross-cultural research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 13:01:32','2014-07-14 15:31:05','','Waiting'),(1511,'Voting at 16: Turnout and the quality of vote choice','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Critics of giving citizens under 18 the right to vote argue that such teenagers lack the ability and motivation to participate effectively in elections. If this argument is true, lowering the voting age would have negative consequences for the quality of democracy. We test the argument using survey data from Austria, the only European country with a voting age of 16 in nation-wide elections. While the turnout levels of young people under 18 are relatively low, their failure to vote cannot be explained by a lower ability or motivation to participate. In addition, the quality of these citizens\' choices is similar to that of older voters, so they do cast votes in ways that enable their interests to be represented equally well. These results are encouraging for supporters of a lower voting age.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 13:08:10','2014-07-14 15:34:36','','Waiting'),(1512,'Analysis of General Population Surveys with Regard to Comparable Estimates of Disability and its Correlates Across Selected European Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article presents a methodology developed by the Multidisciplinary Research on Health and Disability in Europe project researchers for the retrieval of information about disability using the conceptual framework of the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health. A comprehensive review and analysis of European surveys was performed and it is presented here briefly. Recommendations and guidelines for future statistical studies and development of disability surveys are provided. The methodology proposed shows the utility and feasibility of the ICF in research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 13:20:34','2014-07-14 15:53:17','','Waiting'),(1513,'Intangible capital and firms’ productivity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The competitive strategies and performances of firms in the industrialized countries are increasingly based on assets like the inventions of new processes and products, the improvements in employee skills and product image. These factors, labeled as “intangible capital,” represent a key component of the knowledge of firms which are crucial to their performance. The aim of this article is to evaluate the role of internal intangible capital on firms’ productivity. As firms’ behavior is crucially affected by the external economic and institutional environment, we control for the characteristics of the regional location in terms of technological and human endowments, as well as for the regional infrastructures and settlement structure. In our empirical application, we analyze a large panel of European companies in the manufacturing and service sectors belonging to 116 regions of six countries, considered over the period 2002–2006. The results, obtained by applying the Levinsohn–Petrin estimation approach, show the positive influence on firms’ productivity exerted by internal knowledge capital and by intangible assets available in the regional economy. The findings highlight the importance of policies which are designed to (i) stimulate the accumulation of intangible capital stocks internal to the firms, and (ii) support the development of an adequate knowledge system at the regional level. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 13:24:22','2014-07-15 14:35:24','','Waiting'),(1514,'Trust Issues: Evidence from Second Generation Immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper estimates the intergenerational transmission of trust by studying second generation immigrants in 29 European countries with ancestry in 87 nations. There is significant transmission of trust on the mother’s side. The transmission is stronger in Northern Europe. Ancestry from more developed countries suggests a stronger transmission of trust, but the heterogeneity in ancestry dissipates for individuals who reside in Northern Europe. The results suggest an interaction between cultural background and current institutions, where building trust in Northern Europe is a long process but the adjustment to the trust levels in Southern and Eastern Europe is fast.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 13:35:42','2014-07-15 14:44:35','','Waiting'),(1515,'The Prevalence of Loneliness Among Adults: A Case Study of the United Kingdom','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Within contemporary Western (post) modern societies, loneliness is seen as a problem that is particularly associated with old age. Much less attention has been given to examining variations in loneliness across age groups. We examine patterns of loneliness across adults aged 15 years and older in the United Kingdom using data from the European Social Survey. We first consider the prevalence of loneliness among the adult population; then the relationship between loneliness and a range of key risk factors, and finally the relationship with age for each of our risk factors. Loneliness demonstrates a nonlinear U-shaped distribution, with those aged under 25 years and those aged over 65 years demonstrating the highest levels of loneliness. Depression is associated with loneliness for all age groups. Poor physical health is associated with loneliness in young adult and midlife but not later life. For those in mid and later life, the quality of social engagement is protective against loneliness, while for young adults it is the quantity of social engagement. This indicates that different factors may endow vulnerability (or protect) against loneliness at different stages of life and suggests that preventative strategies or interventions that reflect these variations need to be developed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-03-06 13:43:38','2014-07-17 10:14:16','','Waiting'),(1516,'Varieties of Dualization? Labor Market Segmentation and Insider-Outsider Divides Across Regimes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'All post-industrial labor markets become increasingly segmented between insiders who are in standard employment, and outsiders who incur a greater risk of unemployment and/or atypical employment. In this paper, we analyze to what extent this segmentation translates into actual economic, social and political dualism. We argue that this translation depends on institutional welfare regimes. While some regimes countervail segmentation – thereby preventing actual dualism in outcomes -, others perpetuate or even reinforce insider-outsider divides. Empirically, we show that structural change towards post-industrial labor markets has produced similar, but not identical sets of insiders and outsiders across regimes. We then examine the distributional consequences of segmentation with regard to three sets of outcomes: a) labor market dualism, i.e. gross earnings power as well as access to job mobility and training; b) social protection dualism, i.e. the effect of taxes and transfers on net income differentials between insiders and outsiders, pension policy and labor market policy coverage; and c) political integration dualism, i.e. the insider outsider gap in terms of trade union membership and political participation. The chapter demonstrates that the structural trend of labor market segmentation results in different patterns of dualization: continental and southern European regimes perpetuate and even reinforce the insider outsider divide with regard to all three dimensions of dualism. In liberal welfare regimes, outsiders face strong disadvantages in the labor market. However, the liberal welfare state contributes to narrowing the gap between insiders and outsiders in terms of net income. In the Nordic welfare regimes, labor market segmentation is also a reality. However, insiders and outsiders fare more equally with regard to job perspectives, income, welfare rights and political integration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Michele.ErnstStaehli@fors.unil.ch','2014-03-11 17:46:05','2014-07-17 11:45:12','','Waiting'),(1517,'Chasing the respondents. A typology of contact sequences in surveys','A la poursuite du répondant? Essai de typologie des séquences de contact dans les enquêtes',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'none',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Alexandre.Pollien@fors.unil.ch','2014-03-11 17:57:34','2014-07-17 14:31:24','','Waiting'),(1518,'Non-respondent surveys: pertinence and feasibility','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Among the techniques to address the problem of unit-nonresponse in surveys, short follow-ups for nonrespondents have not (yet) a strong tradition. They are however a promising way to document and possibly correct for non-response bias, so that it can be interesting to put aside a small part of the overall budget to implement them. \nThis contribution relates a longer series of experiences from non-respondent surveys as follow-ups of long face-to-face general social surveys in Switzerland. It shows the great opportunities offered, but also the challenges that have to be faced when opting for this approach.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Michele.ErnstStaehli@fors.unil.ch','2014-03-11 18:03:23','2014-07-17 14:53:45','','Waiting'),(1519,'On the Development of Intergenerational Mobility in Switzerland','Zur Entwicklung der intergenerationalen Mobilität in der Schweiz',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The transmission of social positions from the parents to their children is one of the core Topics in the analysis of social stratification. Despite the widespread interest in studying the mechanisms of social inequality reproduction and notwithstanding a strong international literature, there seems to be only little empirical evidence for Switzerland on the temporal development of effects of social origin. In this paper we therefore provide a systematic analysis of the process of intergenerational status transmission and its development over time, drawing on a total of nineteen datasets and quantifying the effects of social origin based on the concept of proportional reduction of error (PRE). The results reveal declining effects of social origin on education for men and women up until birth cohorts between 1950 and 1960. After that, effects start to rise again. With respect to class we find a similar pattern in the case of women, whereas for men the effects seem to have remained stable.\nKeywords: inequality, social mobility, intergenerational status transmission, education, class, proportional reduction of error, PRE',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jann@soz.unibe.ch','2014-03-11 18:11:23','2014-07-17 14:59:37','','Waiting'),(1520,'National minorities and their representation in social surveys: which practices make a difference?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper presents a systematic study of survey mechanisms that produce or reduce minority bias in social surveys. It extends the work of Lipps et al. (2011) who have demonstrated that, in the Swiss context, the more an ethno-national minority community differs, socio-culturally and socio-economically, from the national majority, the less it is likely to be represented in its proper proportion in the major national surveys. Minority bias furthermore has a vertical dimension: socio-economic bias against individuals from the most deprived backgrounds becomes extreme within ethno-national minority communities. Using data from the Swiss Labour Force Survey, the Swiss Household Panel, and the Swiss sample of the European Social Survey, in the present work we empirically assess the impact of three types of survey practices on minority bias: (1) strategies to increase overall response rates of the whole population indiscriminately from its minority status, (2) the use of pre- and post-stratification measures that take into account the overall share of foreigners in the national population, and (3) the conduct of interviews in a wider range of languages, in order to facilitate survey response among certain (linguistic) minorities. Our findings show that efforts to increase overall response rates can, paradoxically, create even more minority bias. On the other hand, they suggest that a combination of stratified sampling and a wider range of survey languages can have a positive effect in reducing survey bias, both between and within national categories. We conclude that measures that take into account and adapt to the social and cultural heterogeneity of surveyed populations do make a difference, whereas additional efforts that only replicate existing routine practices can be counter-productive.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','francesco.lagana@unil.ch','2014-03-11 18:18:38','2014-07-17 15:08:38','','Waiting'),(1521,'\'How long will it take?\' An analysis of interview length in the fifth round of the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The question ‘How long will the interview take?’ is frequently asked by interviewers during training and by respondents during the initial doorstep interaction. In this paper, we investigate the impact of different interviewers, countries and some respondent characteristics on interview length in the fifth round of the European Social Survey. The results show substantial differences between countries with regard to interview length and reinforce that differences between countries are based on much more than just the differences between languages. The results support the obvious suggestion that fewer applicable questions reduce the interview length. Further, interviewing older respondents takes more time, and the duration also increases if a respondent more frequently asks for clarification. The huge impact of interviewers on interview length is the most remarkable result. In all countries, the difference between interviewers accounts for a significant and substantial part of the variance in interview length. More detailed fieldwork monitoring in each country is necessary in order to understand these differences. The results also clearly illustrate the necessity for investment in training, monitoring and follow-up of interviewers in each country participating in a cross-national survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Geert.Loosveldt@soc.kuleuven.be','2014-03-11 18:24:45','2014-07-17 15:24:25','','Waiting'),(1522,'Boundaries against immigrants and their subjectively felt discrimination','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper studies the feeling of being discriminated among immigrants and their children in Europe as a multifaceted phenomenon. Their discrimination is brought in relation to (1) negative attitudes towards immigrants within the general public (symbolic boundaries) and (2) societal macro structures that enhance or prohibit the access for immigrants to socioeconomic privileges, scarce resources and public goods (social boundaries). Based on cumulative data from the European Social Survey 2010 and the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) 2011, a cluster analysis is used to build up a typology among 17 European Countries. The analysis reveals that what accounts for discrimination is the complex interplay of negative attitudes towards immigrants in the general public and macro-structural constraints (legal, socioeconomic, educational, and political) for equal participation. When symbolic and social boundaries diverge, the former have a stronger impact on the feeling among immigrants being discriminated. The results indicate that even those who suffer from discrimination might tend to underestimate the importance of structural and institutional mechanisms leading to discrimination and inequalities. The paper builds a bridge between two rewarding but diverging theoretical frameworks explaining discrimination, i.e. one that focuses on individuals’ negative attitudes towards immigrants and another that concentrates on structural constraints for immigrants’ integration.\nKey words: boundaries, immigration, discrimination, inequalities, integration policy, Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Michele.ErnstStaehli@fors.unil.ch','2014-03-11 18:32:56','2014-07-18 13:25:07','','Waiting'),(1523,'Social capital formation across space: proximity and trust in European regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An extensive economics and regional science literature has discussed the importance of social capital for economic growth and development. Yet, what social capital is and how it is formed are elusive issues, which require further investigation. Here, we refer to social capital in terms of “civic capital” and “good culture” as rephrased by Guiso, Sapienza and Zingales (2010) and Tabellini (2010). The accumulation of this kind of capital allows the emerging of regional informal institutions, which may help explaining differences in regional development. In this paper, we take a regional perspective and use exploratory space and space-time methods to assess whether geography, via proximity, contributes to the formation of social capital across European regions. In particular, we ask whether generalized trust, a fundamental constituent of social capital and an ingredient of economic development, tends to be clustered across space and over time. From the policy standpoint, the spatial “hysteresis” of regional trust may contribute to the formation of “spatial traps” of social capital and act as a further barrier to regional economic development and convergence.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','giorgio.fazio@unipa.it','2014-03-11 18:37:08','2014-07-18 13:39:22','','Waiting'),(1524,'The Socioemotional Well-Being Index (SEWBI): Theoretical Framework and Empirical Operationalisation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article presents the design, process of construction, content and validation of the Socioemotional Well-Being Index. This index is a composite indicator of subjective well-being, and has been designed with the aim of providing a measurement device for the sociological analysis of the subjective components of quality of life and social quality. Two spheres of knowledge have been combined in its construction: research in social indicators, the recent development of which has been oriented toward the elaboration of composite indicators, and the theoretical content developed in recent decades by the sociology of emotions. As a composite indicator, the index presented in this article offers a hierarchical and multidimensional alternative to the univariate scales measuring happiness and satisfaction most often used in social research. In addition, in comparison to measures of subjective well-being grounded in cognitive evaluations, this index is based on the evaluation of a series of emotional states recently experienced by individuals. The con- ceptual definition of socioemotional well-being is based on Thomas Kemper’s social interactional theory of emotions and Randall Collins’ theory of interaction ritual chains. A ‘‘4 factor, 10 variable’’ solution has been obtained by applying common factor analysis to the data of the European Social Survey, 2006.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ebericat@us.es','2014-03-13 13:07:16','2014-07-18 14:16:16','','Waiting'),(1525,'What does Suburbia Vote for? Changed Settlement Patterns and Political Preference in Three European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Is there such a thing as suburban political preference in Western Europe, and if so, how is this related to political cleavages associated with geographically bound interests? What is the role of the classic urban-rural cleavage today? To answer these questions, the dissertation combines approaches from urban geography and political science to explain how the political preferences between core city and suburban voters differ in a cross-national comparative perspective. \n\nSuburbanisation has radically changed the European landscape in the 20th century: A significant share of the population now lives in places that could be defined as sub-urbs instead of inner cities, small towns and villages, or the countryside. However, when it comes to questions concerning the built environment and the political sphere, a large part of political research only distinguishes between urban and rural, even though metropolitan regions now include a multitude of different places with their own characteristics and associated political beliefs and interests.\n\nUrban-suburban divergences in political preference are examined considering the close relationship between the built environment and patterns of daily life. The dissertation incorporates the idea of the social construction of spaces into an explana-tion of suburban electoral preferences. The study demonstrates that urban-suburban divergences are substantially based on diverging patterns of daily use of spaces, as well as to different lifestyles within the middle class. Two key aspects are relevant: the family pattern and the use of public services. First, family patterns are clearly related to the building density of the place of residence. It is postulated that in less densely constructed and populated municipalities, the organisation of daily life is easier in a breadwinner-housekeeper pattern, which is in turn linked to conservative political preferences. Second, urban inhabitants tend to rely more on public services than suburbanites, while right-wing conservative parties tend to favour the limitation of public services. \n\nThe hypotheses are examined in three country case studies (Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland) that begin with an overview of the national histories of suburbanisation, showing how suburbanisation and metropolitanisation are related to political discourses and policy-making. In a second step, statistical analyses take into account different aspects of suburban and urban inhabitants’ daily life routine related to the use public services as well as to the family pattern. The findings of the statistical analyses are interpreted in relation to the history of suburbanisation and evidence that political preferences are indeed related to daily life and the place of residence. The analyses mostly result in a suburban tendency towards the conservative side of the political spectrum as compared to inner city inhabitants, and show that suburban political preference patterns are closer to rural than to core city patterns. In a further context, the study aims to broaden the understanding of political cleavages in European democracies, particularly the urban-rural cleavage, highlighting the relationship between one of the largest changes in the European landscape over the 20th century and the inhabitants’ political preferences. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maarit.strobele@eui.eu','2014-03-25 15:03:05','2014-07-18 14:35:05','','Waiting'),(1526,'The imaginary countryside? Survey questions and concepts of residence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'By explaining divergences between objective and subjective place of residence with historical narratives, the paper points at a problem of statistical data analysis of political behaviour and attitudes related to different settlement patterns in Europe, asking the question of valid comparability: Can we trust the subjective meas-ure of the place of residence in European social science surveys used for comparative analyses, if the answer to the survey questions is heavily influenced by (national or regional) discourses related to urban landscapes and national identity? Is the way we perceive our place of residence connected to our worldviews? \nThe paper provides an insight in the relationship between political discourses related to national identity and suburbanisation, using this background as an illustration of problems with the measurement of information about the survey respondents’ residence. \nIncluding subjective measures of residence may not lead to comparable results in cross-national studies if the answer categories do not match the same common perceptions of certain places in the countries studied. Survey questions asking about (subjective) residence have to take into account typical residence cate-gories of the surveyed country (or group of countries) in order to ensure data validity. A possible solution for the problem lies in the use of objective measures of the place of residence based on the respondents’ residen-tial postal codes. However, as the paper shows, subjective measures of residence can be an interesting re-search variable in itself. The paper concentrates mainly on findings from Switzerland, using the ESS. Analyses on other countries are taken for comparison.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maarit.strobele@eui.eu','2014-03-25 15:07:08','2014-07-18 14:34:16','','Waiting'),(1527,'Social Contacts of Older People in 27 European Countries: The Role of Welfare Spending and Economic Inequality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social contacts of older people have consistently been associated with good health and longevity. The extent of individual social contacts, however, varies considerably between countries. We study why countries differ in amounts of social contacts of older adults. Using theory on income inequality and neo-materialism, we expect the amount of social contacts of older people to be highest in countries with low income inequality and comprehensive welfare spending. Furthermore, we hypothesize that the impact of country characteristics on social contacts differs with individual income and age. We combine individual-level data from the European Social Survey with country-level data from Eurostat, and test two dimensions of social contacts of people aged =60 years: having a close contact and meeting socially. Cross-national comparison of 27 European countries is realized through linear and logistic multilevel modelling. The results reveal partial support for our expectations. Income inequality and old-age poverty reduce the likelihood of having a close contact. Welfare spending, specifically expenditure on care for older adults and health services, has the potential to cancel out some of these negative effects. However, there were only small differences between age groups. The implications of these findings are being discussed. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','p.praeg@rug.nl','2014-03-27 13:05:14','2014-07-18 14:39:22','','Waiting'),(1528,'Men’s Employment Hours and Time on Domestic Chores in European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the past decades, the gender gap in housework has become smaller and scholars have called on changing structural conditions and on the diffusion of egalitarian gender roles to explain why. In particular, women’s presence in the public sphere is found to be associated with a more egalitarian division of chores between partners. However, despite the large presence of women in the public sphere in many countries, the gender gap in housework has not disappeared. This article asks whether the widespread presence of men in the public sphere is slowing the diffusion of more egalitarian practices of housework division. Using multilevel models on European Social Survey data (2010), the article shows that in countries where men work long standard hours, women perform relatively more housework and men relatively less, highlighting the importance of men’s aggregate behavior in explaining partners’ relative time on housework.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','giulia.dottisani@carloalberto.org','2014-04-08 16:28:23','2014-07-18 15:30:18','','Waiting'),(1529,'The Class Structure of Contemporary Lithuania:  A Neo-Weberian Analysis','Šiuolaikinės Lietuvos klasinė struktūra: neovėberiška analizė',32,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section – Ruta Braziene’s 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article’s empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber’s classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx’s theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches – Erik Olin Wright’s neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania’s class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality (conceived in Weberian terms as an unequal distribution of ‘life chances’), as well as the voting and ideological orientations of the Lithuanian electorate.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vaidas.morkevicius@ktu.lt','2014-04-14 09:52:55','2014-07-18 15:40:01','','Waiting'),(1530,'Attitudes to Work Conditions of the Public and Private Sector Workers: Analysis of the European Social Survey Data','Viešojo ir privačiojo sektoriaus darbuotojų darbo sąlygų vertinimai: Europos socialinio tyrimo duomenų analizė',32,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyzes attitudes to work conditions of the public and private sector employees. The study is based on the analysis of data of the 4th and 5th waves of the European Social Survey wherein populations of the majority of European countries (including Lithuania) were asked different questions about their working conditions. The empirical analysis is focused on differences and similarities of attitudes towards workload and working conditions of the public and private sector workers. Analysis of the survey data showed that the public sector employees work relatively fewer working hours (up to 40), and their additional workload is less than that in the private sector. The study also revealed that altruistic (public benefit) motivation is more common among public sector employees, while private sector employees are better motivated by selfish (personal benefit) incentives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vaidas.morkevicius@ktu.lt','2014-04-14 10:05:27','2014-07-18 15:47:29','','Waiting'),(1531,'Social Investment in the Globalising Learning Economy: A European Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the current era, where global competition increases the need to constantly develop and renew skills and competences, governments play an important role, both in terms of direct social investment in the upgrading of skills and in designing institutions so that they underpin individual and organisational learning. This chapter shows that there are dramatic differences among European member states in terms of organizational learning. In southern European nations, jobs are relatively simple or Taylorist, while jobs in the Nordic countries are characterised by more access to learning and to discretion in pursuing tasks. Such differences seem to reflect labour markets with flexicurity and open education systems. The chapter argues that to realise the aim of the Lisbon strategy, ‘to make Europe the most competitive region in the world with social cohesion’, the strategy should have given more attention to upgrading the institutions of labour markets and education systems with the aim of speeding up and facilitating the industrial transformation of countries such as Greece, Portugal and Spain.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 18:42:55','2014-07-18 15:59:03','','Waiting'),(1532,'Ethnic Diversity and Preferences for Redistribution','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates the causal link between the ethnic diversity in a society and its inhabitants’ preferences for redistribution. We exploit exogenous variation in immigrant shares stemming from a nationwide program placing refugees in municipalities throughout Sweden during 1985–94 and match data on refugee placement to panel survey data on inhabitants of the receiving municipalities. We find significant, negative effects of increased immigration on the support for redistribution. The effect is especially pronounced among high-income earners. We also establish that estimates from earlier studies failing to identify causal effects are likely to be positively biased (i.e., less negative).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 18:46:49','2014-07-18 16:04:48','','Waiting'),(1533,'Muslim integration into Western cultures: Between origins and destinations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'... Much previous survey research seeking to understand these issues has focused on public opiniontowards immigration within each host society; for example, Zan Strabac and Ola Listhaug (2008)used the European social survey to examine prejudicial attitudes towards ethnic ... \n\nTo what extent do migrants carry their culture with them, and to what extent do they acquire the culture of their new home? The answer not only has important political implications; it also helps us understand the extent to which basic cultural values are enduring or malleable, and whether cultural values are traits of individuals or are attributes of a given society. The first part of this article considers theories about the impact of growing social diversity in Western nations. We classify two categories of society: Origins (defined as Islamic Countries of Origin for Muslim migrants, including twenty nations with plurality Muslim populations) and Destinations (defined as Western Countries of Destination for Muslim migrants, including 22 OECD member states with Protestant or Roman Catholic majority populations). Using this framework, we demonstrate that, on average, the basic social values of Muslim migrants fall roughly midway between those prevailing in their country of origin and their country of destination. We conclude that Muslim migrants do not move to Western countries with rigidly fixed attitudes; instead, they gradually absorb much of the host culture, as assimilation theories suggest.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 18:57:24','2014-07-18 16:06:15','','Waiting'),(1534,'Welfarism and the multidimensionality of welfare state legitimacy: Evidence from The Netherlands, 2006','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Is it possible that citizens who support a substantial role for government in the provision of welfare are, at the same time, critical about specific aspects of such provision? Based on confirmatory factor analyses, and using a 2006 Dutch survey, this study shows that welfare state legitimacy is indeed multidimensional, i.e. that opinions tend to cluster together in several dimensions referring to various aspects of the welfare state. There is partial evidence for the existence of a single, underlying welfarism dimension which consists basically of views regarding the range of governmental responsibility, as well as of the idea that these governmental provisions do not have unfavourable repercussions in economic or moral spheres. However, the separate dimensions cannot be reduced entirely to this overall welfarism dimension. This is illustrated by the finding that the various attitude dimensions are affected differently by socio-structural position and ideological dispositions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 19:02:44','2014-07-18 16:08:03','','Waiting'),(1535,'The Evolution of Poverty in the European Union: Concepts, Measurement and Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper considers the measurement of poverty in the European Union (EU). Starting from a definition of poverty that is suitable for the European context, a flexible measurement framework is proposed based on the Foster-Greer-Thorbecke class of poverty measures. Three key issues need to be addressed in the measurement of poverty. First, one has to determine the appropriate metric of individual well-being. Second, a cut-off value or threshold needs to be established under which persons are considered to be poor. Third, it is necessary to outline an aggregation procedure to attain a poverty figure for society as a whole. In what follows, we discuss the different answers that are implicit in the poverty measures applied in this book* and the EU’s social strategy. The EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) are introduced as the main data source for poverty analysis in the EU. Finally, an illustration is provided of how the different conceptual choices in the measurement of poverty affect the empirical findings regarding the evolution of poverty between 2005 and 2009. It turns out that the selection of individual well-being metric and the choice between a county-specific and a pan-European poverty line strongly affect observed patterns of poverty in the EU.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 19:12:35','2014-07-18 16:08:55','','Waiting'),(1536,'Rejuvenating Democracy?’ Young People and the ‘Big Society’ Project','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Declining participation in traditional forms of politics has become a central theme for academics and policy-makers, and has often been viewed as marking a crisis in citizenship. While youth participation in electoral politics has declined rapidly in recent decades, participation in issue-based forms of civic and political engagement has actually increased. However, the disconnection of young people from the political system remains a problem. The Conservative Party came to power in May 2010 after the onset of the global financial crisis, and a central theme of Prime Minister Cameron\'s agenda is the ‘Big Society’, which aims to make citizens ‘feel both free and powerful enough to help themselves and their own communities’. It has provided the backdrop for concrete policy initiatives designed to decentralise power, further open up public services and create opportunities for citizens to get engaged at the local level. For it to succeed, the Big Society requires a cultural shift in civic and political engagement, for younger citizens (in particular) to embrace these new opportunities. This article evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the Big Society in light of what we know about young people\'s politics in the UK and beyond. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 19:17:19','2014-07-18 16:10:31','','Waiting'),(1537,'Personality and Culture','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A review of nearly three decades of cross-cultural research shows that this domain still has to address several issues regarding the biases of data collection and sampling methods, the lack of clear and consensual definitions of constructs and variables, and measurement invariance issues that seriously limit the comparability of results across cultures. Indeed, a large majority of the existing studies are still based on the anthropological model, which compares two cultures and mainly uses convenience samples of university students. This paper stresses the need to incorporate a larger variety of regions and cultures in the research designs, the necessity to theorize and identify a larger set of variables in order to describe a human environment, and the importance of overcoming methodological weaknesses to improve the comparability of measurement results. Cross-cultural psychology is at the next crossroads in it’s development, and researchers can certainly make major contributions to this domain if they can address these weaknesses and challenges.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 19:26:07','2014-07-18 16:12:11','','Waiting'),(1538,'Bayesian tests of measurement invariance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Random item effects models provide a natural framework for the exploration of violations of measurement invariance without the need for anchor items. Within the random item effects modelling framework, Bayesian tests (Bayes factor, deviance information criterion) are proposed which enable multiple marginal invariance hypotheses to be tested simultaneously. The performance of the tests is evaluated with a simulation study which shows that the tests have high power and low Type I error rate. Data from the European social survey are used to test for measurement invariance of attitude towards immigrant items and to show that background information can be used to explain cross-national variation in item functioning.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 19:42:51','2014-07-18 16:15:46','','Waiting'),(1539,'Swedish trade unionism: A renewed social movement?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Claims as to the emergence of a new phase of unionism – social movement unionism – returning to its original ‘counter-cultural roots’, are closely allied with the claims as to a ‘new labour internationalism’ that is a significant break from the influential postwar trend of nation-statist unionism. This article interrogates these two popular paradigms from the perspective of the Swedish labour movement. The analysis is based on qualitative interviews with union officials, as well as quantitative analysis of union homepage content and responses to surveys among May Day demonstrators. The general conclusion as regards social movement unionism in Sweden is that the major unions, although increasingly interested in cooperation with social movement organizations, are still far from changing the repertoire of action that has been predominant in the postwar period. International solidarity – among both union officials and grassroots activists – is strongly ambivalent, and attitudes to international support oscillate between charity and self-interest.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 19:51:49','2014-08-11 09:19:25','','Waiting'),(1540,'Regional family norms and child care by grandparents in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Child care is widely considered a key issue in confronting demographic change in Europe today, given its centrality in the labour market participation of parents, and of mothers in particular. There are considerable international differences in child care practices throughout Europe, and earlier comparative research has indicated that structural factors do not suffice to explain them. We investigate whether or not, next to structural differences, cultural factors also play a role in European international variations in child care practices, and more specifically the use of grandparental child care. Using the second waveof the European social survey, this paper scores subnational regions of 23 European countries on different dimensions of family norms and practices. We construct regional indicators and use them in a multilevel analysis of the use of grandparents as the main source of child care by European mothers. Results show that European mothers’ reliance on grandparental child care is influenced by individual characteristics and the supply of formal child care, but also by the normative climate in the region they live in. Irrespective of the attitudes individually held, we find that mothers in more conservative regions are more inclined to use grandparents as the main source of child care instead of formal alternatives. European patterns of child care use are not only subject to structural factors as the supply of formal care provisions for children. Preferences and attitudes prevalent in the regions in which young parents live form an important part of the picture too.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 19:59:00','2014-08-11 09:27:28','','Waiting'),(1541,'Understanding Electoral Turnout Among British Young People: A Review of the Literature','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article reviews the literature on youth engagement in politics. The article develops the argument that much of the research in this area is not set within the commonly understood and widely accepted political science literature on the determinants of voting behaviour in the UK. The article critiques the methodological approach which underpins much of this research, suggesting that in order to gain a real understanding of the dynamics of contemporary youth engagement an understanding of generational influences and differences is essential. I argue that explanations for youth disengagement tend to emanate from two schools of thought: the traditional political science understanding of youth turnout based on life-cycle explanations, or what I term the ‘anti-apathy’ approach, which, I argue, fails to situate young people\'s political activity within the context of the political life cycle. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 20:04:51','2014-08-11 09:33:15','','Waiting'),(1542,'Explaining access to citizenship in Europe: How citizenship policies affect naturalization rates','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Europe, a variety of national policies regulate access to citizenship. This article analyses how citizenship policies affect naturalization rates among immigrants. Our analysis confirms that favourable citizenship policies positively affect naturalization rates, especially among first-generation immigrants with more than 5 but fewer than 20 years of residence. However, most variation is explained by other factors. Immigrants from poor, politically unstable, and non-EU countries are more likely to be a citizen of their European country of residence. Other important predictors of the citizenship status of immigrants are language, years of residence (first generation), and age (second generation). Explanations of naturalization rates in Europe should not only take into account institutional conditions but also include other destination and origin country factors and individual characteristics of immigrants. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 20:09:59','2014-08-11 11:14:43','','Waiting'),(1543,'Money, sociability and happiness: are developed countries doomed to social erosion and unhappiness?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Discovering whether social capital endowments in modern societies have been subjected or not to a process of gradual erosion is one of the most debated topics in recent economic literature. Inaugurated by Putnam’s pioneering studies, the debate on social capital trends has been recently revived by Stevenson and Wolfers (2008) contending Easterlin’s assessment. Present work is aimed at finding evidence for the relationship between changes in social capital and subjective well-being in western Europe, Australia, Canada and Japan between 1980 and 2005. In particular, I would like to answer questions such as: (1) is social capital in western Europe, Canada, Australia and Japan declining? Is such erosion a general trend of modern and richer societies or is it a characteristic feature of the American one? (2) can social capital trend help explain subjective well-being trend? Therefore, present research considers three different set of proxies of social capital controlling for time and socio-demographic aspects using WVS-EVS data between 1980 and 2005. Present results are encouraging, showing evidence of positive correlation between several proxies of social capital and both happiness and life satisfaction. Furthermore, results show that during last twenty-five years people in some of the most modern and developed countries have persistently lost confidence in the judicial system, religious institutions, parliament and civil service.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 20:14:40','2014-08-11 11:21:15','','Waiting'),(1544,'Explaining Attitudes Towards Immigration Policies in European Countries: The Role of Human Values','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European societies have been experiencing increasing rates of immigration in recent decades. At the same time one can observe a substantial rise in anti-foreigner sentiments. In this study we investigate the effect of human values on attitudes towards immigration. We hypothesise that self-transcendent individuals are more supportive of, and conservative individuals are more adverse to, immigration. We do not expect large differences in the effect of values across contexts. To explain cross-country and cross-time differences we use group threat theory, according to which larger inflows of immigration combined with challenging economic conditions impose a threat on the host society, resulting in more negative attitudes towards immigration. To test our hypotheses we use data from the first three rounds of the European social survey (2002–03, 2004–05 and 2006–07) and multilevel analysis. Prior to the interpretation of the results, we guarantee that the concepts display measurement invariance across countries and over time. Our results largely confirm our hypotheses regarding the role that values play in the explanation of anti-immigration attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 20:17:17','2014-08-11 11:26:06','','Waiting'),(1545,'The relationship between education and levels of trust and tolerance in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article we explore the relationship between education and levels of trust and tolerance in Europe. More specifically we assess whether the relationship between years of schooling and the extent to which individuals trust others in their communities and are tolerant towards immigrants varies across European countries and attempt to identify possible sources of these variations. Findings based on data from the first three rounds of the European Social Survey indicate that the association between education and levels of trust and tolerance varies significantly across countries and that a major source of this variation lies in the way in which individuals react to the level of diversity in the country where they live.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 20:20:26','2014-08-11 12:16:35','','Waiting'),(1546,'How few countries will do? Comparative survey analysis from a Bayesian perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Meuleman and Billiet (2009) have carried out a simulation study aimed at the question how many countries are needed for accurate multilevel SEM estimation in comparative studies. The authors concluded that a sample of 50 to 100 countries is needed for accurate estimation. Recently, Bayesian estimation methods have been introduced in structural equation modeling which should work well with much lower sample sizes. The current study reanalyzes the simulation of Meuleman and Billiet using Bayesian estimation to find the lowest number of countries needed when conducting multilevel SEM. The main result of our simulations is that a sample of about 20 countries is sucient for accurate Bayesian estimation, which makes multilevel SEM practicable for the number of countries commonly available in large scale comparative surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-14 20:24:19','2014-08-11 12:29:14','','Waiting'),(1547,'Social Science Data Analysis using R. An Introduction','Sozialwissenschaftliche Datenanalyse mit R. Eine Einführung',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Introduction into social science data analysis using R, using the German ESS-file as sample-data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katharina.manderscheid@unilu.ch','2014-04-15 16:21:04','2014-08-11 13:50:05','','Waiting'),(1548,'Introduction: Youth, Citizenship and Politics','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'his special part-issue of Parliamentary Affairs on youth, citizenship and politics comes out at a particularly significant time. While the disconnection of young people from electoral politics has taxed academics and policy-makers for much of the past two decades, their mass participation in protests against the abolition of the Education Maintenance Allowance (EMA) and increased university tuition fees, as well as the prevalence of young people in the rioting and looting that rocked England in August 2011, have brought matters to a head. To what extent does this mark a crisis in citizenship? The articles in this volume address this problem head on, focusing on the following questions: ‘what does “politics” mean to young people?’, ‘how and why do young people choose to participate in democracy?’ and ‘how can “Generation Y”1 be encouraged to participate more widely (and deeply) in civic and political engagement?’.\n\nAlthough a large body of literature exists on political participation and citizenship in Britain (Pattie et al., 2004; Stoker, 2006; Hay, 2007), little attention has been paid by political scientists to the development and practice of civic and political engagement among young people (recent exceptions being Henn and Weinstein, 2006; Marsh et al., 2007; Sloam, 2007; Tonge and Mycock, 2010). Why is young people\'s politics so important? Because ‘generational replacement’ is the key driving force behind political change and can offer us a window through which to view the future of our democracies (Franklin, 2004; Hooghe, 2004). Thus, if we are to understand political participation at all, we must explore how each new generation comes to develop its own conceptions of citizenship and expresses itself through civic and political engagement.\n\nWhen young people are marginalised from formal processes of politics and policy-making, they will find … ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 18:29:05','2014-08-11 13:59:50','','Waiting'),(1549,'Counting and Measuring Online The Quality of Internet Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We still cannot look inside people’s heads. To measure emotions, opinions, evaluations, associations, and intentions, we have to ask people about these phenomena. Our data collection has changed over time, and many different methods are available. At present, Internet surveys are widely used in market research and are becoming an important data collection tool in universities. The main advantages of Internet surveys are the speed and cost reduction in comparison to more traditional data collection methods, the positive effect of self-administration, such as more privacy, use of more complex questionnaire routing, and in general a greater interactivity. Disadvantages are problems of Internet coverage of the general population, especially under-coverage of certain subgroups such as the elderly and the lower educated, and non-response. This contribution provides a review of existing studies comparing online surveys with more traditional data collection methods',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 18:33:50','2014-08-11 14:01:11','','Waiting'),(1550,'What determines subjective socio-economic insecurity? Context and class in comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The phenomenon of socio-economic insecurity is widely discussed in contemporary public and academic discourse. However, it is unclear how objective socio-economic and institutional conditions affect subjective feelings of insecurity. Based on a review of the relevant literature, we hypothesize that objective contextual factors of labour market characteristics, levels of social protection and levels of internationalization and globalization exacerbate or mitigate subjective feelings of insecurity. We derive and test specific hypotheses using data from the fourth round of the European Social Survey (fielded 2008/2009). Based on our multilevel analysis of 18 412 individuals in 19 countries, we find that socio-economic (GDP) and institutional (welfare state effort) factors are relevant to subjective socio-economic insecurity, whereas the degree of internationalization (economic globalization, share of foreign-born population) plays a surprisingly negligible role. Moreover, significant cross-level interactions among social class and income inequality, unemployment, labour market regulation and economic globalization indicate that these country-level factors have a class-specific impact. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 18:40:13','2014-08-11 14:07:07','','Waiting'),(1551,'Why Educational Exchange Programmes Miss Their Mark: Cross-Border Mobility, Education and European Identity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Current research shows that participating in an Erasmus exchange does not strengthen European identity. However, this does not necessarily imply that transnational interactions are ineffective in fostering European identity. Rather, the Erasmus programme misses its mark by addressing university students who are already very likely to feel European. Due to a ceiling effect, their experience abroad cannot make a difference. In contrast, low-educated individuals who might respond strongly to cross-border mobility by adopting a European identity hardly participate in educational exchange because they leave school before these programmes take place. Analyses of Eurobarometer survey data support this hypothesis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 18:45:29','2014-08-11 14:12:10','','Waiting'),(1552,'Morality across Cultures: A Value Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Theories of moral development and moral reasoning have long emphasized universal\nprinciples that are common to all people in all societies. A growing body of research indicates,\nhowever, that universality in some aspects of morality is accompanied by important cultural\ndifferences (see Miller, 2006, for a review). What is judged to be morally reprehensible in one\nculture may be judged as irrelevant to morality in another culture, and criteria that determine the\nseverity of moral infractions depend on specific cultural contexts. Thus, considering Oscar\nWilde’s famous statement about morality, quoted above, morality is comparable to art not just\nbecause it necessitates \"drawing a line someplace\" but also because, like art, morality may\nconsist of different lines or arrangement of lines that result in different images.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 18:53:55','2014-08-11 14:52:13','','Waiting'),(1553,'Temporary employment in Russia: why mostly men?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper deals with temporary employment in the Russian labour market. The main focus is the gender difference regarding determinants of temporary employment. Unlike most European countries, where women are more likely to have temporary work, in Russia men predominantly have this status, comparable to the situation in many developing countries. This paper seeks to understand why this is the case. The household survey of NOBUS (held in 2003 by State Statistical Centre with World Bank participation) is used to answer this question: the results suggest that gender differences in temporary employment do exist, and that the main factors that explain these differences are education, and marital status.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 18:56:51','2014-08-11 15:03:28','','Waiting'),(1554,'Happiness, Housework and Gender Inequality in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although the last few decades have seen a progressive increase of gender equality in almost all dimensions of society, roles concerning childcare and domestic work remain highly gender-specific. Gender division of labour within the family varies considerably within and across countries. Gender systems are likely to have an important impact on individuals’ well-being. Improved gender equality has enhanced the general well-being of women, although its extent may depend on the context in which women live and operate. This work considers the effect of the unequal division of labour within the household, between women and their partners, on women\'s own subjective assessment of happiness. We conducted the analysis using the European Social Survey data. We included 26 European countries and explored, exploiting a multi-level model to investigate the determinants of, women\'s differing levels of happiness across countries. In particular, we examined the extent to which gender equality at the country level can explain variation in happiness at the individual level. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 19:02:10','2014-08-11 15:16:00','','Waiting'),(1555,' Formal and informal social capital and self-rated health in Europe: A new test of accumulation and compensation mechanisms using a multi-level perspective ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we simultaneously examined the influence of both informal and formal social capital at the individual and at the national level on health. Information from the first wave of European Social Surveys (2002) on 29,050 individuals from 17 European countries and Israel was analysed using multi-level regression models. We controlled for several individual and national characteristics. Self-rated health was used as an indicator of people’s general health status. First, we found that individual formal and informal social capital is positively related to health in almost all countries, but that the strength of these associations varies markedly across societies. Second, we found that the health of those who lack informal social networks as individuals is better in countries with high levels of informal and formal social capital. On the other hand, individuals lacking formal social networks are not compensated by high levels of formal and informal social capital at the national level. We conclude that including informal social capital is important to obtain a comprehensive view on the role of contextual social capital as a compensatory source for individuals lacking social networks.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 19:12:53','2014-08-11 15:26:15','','Waiting'),(1556,'Intergenerational Conflict: Evidence from Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The anticipated, dramatic shift in the demographics of European societies over the next half a century begs many questions about the state of relations between generations. Papers and speculations portraying a world in which the elderly rule through parliamentary majorities, preventing reductions in pensions and ‘enslaving’ the working population are surprisingly common. Existing literature on these hypotheses focus on the policy preference differences between the young and the old with evidence mixed as to the accuracy of these predictions. This paper aims to build on this debate by looking at the effects that the dependency ratio has on intergenerational relations. By using a multilevel methodology and data from the 2008 European Social Survey, the effect of demographic structure can be observed on the individual level. Yet whilst evidence is found of decreasing legitimacy of welfare for the elderly, this paper argues that this does not point to increasing intergenerational conflict in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 19:16:38','2014-08-11 17:37:56','','Waiting'),(1557,'Civic Engagement and Corruption in 20 European Democracies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyzes the relation between different forms of civic engagement and corruption. This first of all extends earlier analyses linking generalized trust to corruption by incorporating another element from the social capital complex (namely formal forms of civic engagement). Second, based on the idea that social networks’ beneficial or harmful impact may depend on their characteristics, it investigates how the structure of social networks (i.e., inclusive vs. exclusive and isolated vs. connected) matters. Evaluating the engagement –corruption nexus for a cross-section of 20 European democracies in 2002/2003, we confirm that social networks are linked to corruption even when controlling for the effect of generalized trust, and that their relation to corruption is type-specific. These findings survive under various model specifications and robustness checks.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 19:31:11','2014-08-12 09:55:08','','Waiting'),(1558,'Name change and destigmatization among Middle Eastern immigrants in Sweden Name change and destigmatization among Middle Eastern immigrants in Sweden','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research has shown that individuals in Sweden with foreign-sounding surnames who take on more Swedish-sounding or neutral surnames have a positive earnings progression compared to individuals who keep their foreign-sounding names. This article explores the strategies underlying these surname changes. I draw on forty-five interviews from a population of individuals with Middle Eastern backgrounds who changed surnames during the 1990s. Drawing on stigma and destigmatization theory, I argue that immigrant name change, a strategy typically associated with cultural assimilation, is a destigmatization strategy aiming for pragmatic assimilation. Through passing (as either Swedish or non-Middle Eastern), immigrants may keep the benefits of maintaining ethnic identity in their private life and the benefits of more easy public interactions outside the ethnic group. This study also illustrates how the institutional enabling of name change both creates and enables pragmatic assimilation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 19:37:47','2014-08-12 10:00:40','','Waiting'),(1559,'Life Planning among Young Adults in 23 European Countries: The Effects of Individual and Country Security','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How do conditions of security, either on the individual or societal level, affect the propensity of young adults to plan? We begin with two basic sets of hypotheses. In the positive direction, when young adults have greater security, planning will be more possible and more necessary to narrow the field of options; when young adults have lower security, planning will be less possible and less necessary. In the negative direction, when young adults have lower security, planning will be more necessary to optimize whatever prospects might exist; when young adults have greater security, there will be less need to plan because options are ample. The article tests these hypotheses using two-level linear regression models with individuals aged 18–35 years in 23 European countries. Our results reveal opposing trends at the individual and country levels. Young adults with greater personal security are more likely to plan than those who have fewer personal resources. Yet, young adults who live in countries with less favourable societal conditions are actually more likely to plan than those who live in countries with more favourable conditions. We conclude with explanations for, and the implications of, these opposing tendencies. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 19:43:14','2014-08-12 10:06:42','','Waiting'),(1560,'Immigration and Trust in Politics in Britain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A previously overlooked explanation for varying individual levels of political trust is concern about immigration. This article examines the effect of concern about immigration on political trust in Britain, where levels of opposition to immigration have remained high since the 1960s and yet the implications of such opposition are still unclear. Using the pre-election and post-election panel component of the 2005 British Election Study and the 2002–03 European Social Survey, the author shows, after controlling for other predictors of trust in politics, that concerns about the impact of immigration significantly affect political trust. In addition, in 2005 the perception that government had not handled the issue of immigration effectively also significantly affected political trust, with both linear and interactive effects.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 19:50:16','2014-08-12 10:20:04','','Waiting'),(1561,'Relative deprivation, reference groups and the assessment of standard of living','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper proposes two new indices of relative deprivation, derived from an extension of the concept of generalized Gini to the measurement of distributional change. Population- and income-weighted relative deprivation indices are then defined and, using panel data from the Consortium of Household Panels for European Socio-Economic Research (CHER), we check which of the various ways of defining individual deprivation best fits the answers given by individuals on the degree of their satisfaction with income. We find that the deprivation indices proposed are consistently and negatively correlated with income satisfaction as reported by respondents, that income weighted measures fit better than population weighted measures and that this fit improves with countries that experienced deep institutional changes such as the transitional economies of Eastern Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 20:14:49','2014-08-12 10:22:55','','Waiting'),(1562,'Researching trust in the police and trust in justice: a UK perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper describes the immediate and more distant origins of a programme of comparative research that is examining cross-national variations in public trust in justice and in the police. The programme is built around a module of the fifth European Social Survey, and evolved from a study funded by the European Commission. The paper describes the conceptual framework within which we are operating – developed in large measure from theories of procedural justice. It reviews some of the methodological issues raised by the use of sample surveys to research issues of public trust in the police, public perceptions of institutional legitimacy and compliance with the law. Finally it gives a flavour of some of the early findings emerging from the programme.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-04-15 20:18:28','2014-08-12 10:29:49','','Waiting'),(1563,'Capabilities and Childbearing Intentions in Europe: The association between reconciliation policies, economic uncertainties and women’s fertility','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates the association between economic uncertainties, work-family reconciliation policies and women’s short-term childbearing intentions in 10 European countries. I introduce the capability approach to this issue and argue that short-term childbearing intentions are an indicator of women’s capabilities to start a family or to have additional children. Using data from the European Social Survey, the analysis reveals that the association between economic uncertainties and short-term childbearing intentions varies by the number of children already born, education and institutional contexts. In some countries, having a job have a positive impact on childless women’s short-term intentions, while in other countries, low educated childless women out of the labour market are those most likely to intend to have a child in the near future. Other aspects of economic uncertainties, namely perceived job and income insecurity, have a negative impact on short-term childbearing intentions, regardless of motherhood status. The analysis also shows that the combination of weaker institutional support for work-family reconciliation, perceived job and income insecurity and low educational skills are associated with lower childbearing intentions, and the pattern across the 10 countries is slightly stronger for childless women. This study underscores the importance of embedding individual decision processes in a broader societal context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','susanne.fahlen@sociology.su.se','2014-04-23 07:55:25','2014-08-12 10:34:15','','Waiting'),(1564,'Does gender matter? Policies, norms and the gender gap in work-to-home and home-to-work conflict across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines gender differences in work-to-home conflict (WHC) and home-to-work conflict (HWC) in 10 European countries and considers to what extent such differences can be linked to the institutional/societal context. This study combines the conventional demand-resource approach and an institutional framework on work–family reconciliation policies and gender norms by using data from the European Social Survey. The analyses reveal that work and home demands affect men\'s and women\'s perceived conflict somewhat differently, and that the two conflict dimensions are gender asymmetrical and linked to patterns that result from men\'s and women\'s traditional home and work spheres. This cross-country comparative analysis shows greater gender gap in perceived conflict in countries with weaker policy support for work–family reconciliation and more traditional gender norms suggesting that individuals\' perceptions of WHC and HWC are institutionally embedded.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','susanne.fahlen@sociology.su.se','2014-04-23 08:03:44','2014-08-12 11:30:06','','Waiting'),(1565,'Divorce and the Multidimensionality of Men and Women’s Mental Health: The Role of Social-Relational and Socio-Economic Conditions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research consistently reveals that the divorced generally face more mental\nhealth problems than the married. Less attention however has been paid to positive\nmental health indicators. Insight in these however may help policy makers and care\nproviders to see both the broader picture and stimulate active coping. Using data from\nthe European Social Survey (2006–2007), differences in both feelings of depression,\nand in feelings of self-esteem, autonomy, and competence between the married (N=\n14,072) and divorced (N=4,304) are estimated for women and men separately.\nDrawing on stress and coping theories, we map how specific social-relational and\nsocio-economic conditions relate. Analyses reveal that divorce is related not only to\nmore feelings of depression, but also to lower levels of self-esteem and competence.\nDifference scores in mental health based on marital status are also found to differ\nsignificantly between men and women for competence, with the difference being\nmore pronounced in men. Additionally, social-relational and socio-economic conditions\nexplain much of the gap in depression scores—and to a lesser extent, in selfesteem\nand competence scores—between the married and divorced. Finally, some\ninteresting gender differences were found in how social-relational and socioeconomic\nconditions relate to mental health when divorced, with women especially\nseeming to benefit from advantageous socio-economic conditions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Piet.Bracke@UGent.be','2014-04-28 16:32:29','2014-04-28 16:32:29','','Waiting'),(1566,'Importance of democracy','Demokraatia olulisus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analyzing attitudes towards the importance of democracy, this chapter finds that in Estonia democratic governing is more important to women, those with Estonian nationality, with higher education and sufficient economic livelihood, and incumbent supporters. Compared to other groups, democracy is the least important to men with Russian citizenship, lower education and income level. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','piret.ehin@ut.ee','2014-04-29 13:16:17','2014-08-12 11:34:50','','Waiting'),(1567,'The meaning of democracy','Demokraatia tähendus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although the general understanding of the meaning of democracy in Estonia is similar to this in other countries, notable differences appear across population groups. In addition to free and fair elections, important democratic elements are objective courts and rule of law as well as people having enough information about the work of government. In addition, Russian-speakers in Estonia see social solidarity and protection of minority rights as central elements of democracy. Roughly two thirds of both Estonian- and Russian-speakers consider unlimited freedom of speech the best solution for democracy. However, the proportion of those who think that expressing extreme views should be restricted is higher among Estonian-speakers. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','piret.ehin@ut.ee','2014-04-29 13:35:49','2014-08-12 11:36:18','','Waiting'),(1568,'Satisfaction with the functioning of democracy in Estonia','Rahulolu demokraatia toimimisega Eestis',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The general satisfaction with how democracy works is lower in Estonia than in countries involved in the ESS on average but higher compared to most other post communist countries. Half of the Estonian-speakers and a quarter of Russian-speakers in Estonia are rather or very satisfied with the functioning of democracy. Russian-speakers are more critical towards the possibilities to criticize the government, the protection of minority rights as well as the fairness and rightfulness of elections. \n\nSatisfaction with democracy is highly correlated with educational and income level: people with higher education and better economic situation are much more satisfied with how democracy works in Estonia. The largest gap between the expectations and the actual functioning of democracy lies in the social protection area. People consider it necessary for the incumbent to protect the citizens from poverty but are convinced that currently the government is not doing enough. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','piret.ehin@ut.ee','2014-04-29 14:04:06','2014-08-12 11:37:38','','Waiting'),(1569,'Trust in parliament and political parties','Usaldus riigikogu ja erakondade vastu',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust in Estonian central political institutions, the parliament and the political parties, is much higher among Estonian-speakers than the Russian-speakers. Trust in political parties is highly correlated with trust in parliament, indicating that harming the image of one can rapidly damage the reputation of the other. Compared to average political trust in countries included in the ESS, Estonia is placed in the middle but remains firmly ahead of other post communist countries. \n\nRoughly 40 percent of Estonian population feels close to some political party which is somewhat less than in other countries on average. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','andres.reiljan@ut.ee','2014-04-29 14:20:06','2014-08-12 11:39:53','','Waiting'),(1570,'Democracy and satisfaction with life','Demokraatia ja eluga rahulolu',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In countries where the satisfaction with democracy is higher, people tend to be more satisfied with life in general. In terms of both satisfaction with life and democracy, Estonia together with many other new democracies are rather placed in the lower end of European countries. In Estonia, too, satisfaction with life is strongly correlated with satisfaction with democracy. Both indicators are influenced by similar developments in the society, thus both notably worsened as a result of recent economic crisis.   \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2014-04-29 14:29:18','2014-08-12 11:40:56','','Waiting'),(1571,'Chances and Challenges of demografic change','Chancen und Herausforderungen des demografischen Wandels',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The objective of the EU-sponsored project “TooLS - Tools for developing comparable local surveys” is to provide European municipalities with comparable information that is essential to cope with demographic change. \nThe five project partners have taken on the following tasks. The KOSIS association DUVA contributes its information management system to the project, with which data can be collected, documented, and evaluated in a user-controlled manner via the Internet. The Institute of Sociology of the University of Freiburg with its associate, the Freiburger Institut für angewandte Sozialwissenschaft (FIFAS; Freiburg Institute for Applied Social Science), has organised and analysed comparative urban citizens’ surveys. The KOSIS association Urban Audit provides the relevant European statistical basic data for the project and develops approaches for an administration and service provider survey. The statistical offices of the cities of Amsterdam and Helsinki ensure the anchoring of the project in the participating European countries, the Netherlands, and Finland. \nIn the three participating European countries, a total of 13 municipalities have joined together in a network of cities, which serves as the organisational backbone of the project and will form the core of a later expanding infrastructure for comparative municipal surveys. \nIn content, the project initially focuses on the 50-plus generation and examines how the opportunities associated with demographic change are utilised at the municipal level and how to meet the challenges they pose. The opportunities consist in that the people are fit, healthy, and productive for a longer time and have the opportunity for “active ageing”. The challenges are the increasing proportion and number of those who, inter alia, by depending on care, avail themselves of the healthcare system and social benefits. ESS-Data was used to compare results at the local level with regional results.\nThe results show that life plans focused on “active ageing” are variously distributed in the TooLS survey locations as well as in the EU countries overall. Thus, for example, the Netherlands has significantly higher rates than Germany or even Romania and Hungary. But there are also differences within countries. For instance, Amsterdam has a clearly more active 50-plus generation than the neighbouring city of Almere. \nThe situation of people requiring care can be studied with TooLS from different aspects. Thus, three types of care culture can be differentiated. A preference for care by the family is prevalent in countries such as Poland or Bulgaria. The Dutch, Finns or Danes want to be provided with care primarily through infrastructure and services. And a mixed type consisting of outpatient care and professional support is preferred in countries such as Germany and the UK. The TooLS survey locations reflect the tendency of the results in each country. \nAt the end of the TooLS project, the European municipalities have an information system that can help them to respond better to the opportunities and challenges associated with demographic changes. The European cities in the already existing network are keen to continue core areas of the project on their own. To ensure the project has a lasting impact, it would be necessary to expand and establish a continuous monitoring of the network of cities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@fifas.de','2014-05-08 11:51:11','2014-08-12 11:44:37','','Waiting'),(1572,'The Relationship Between Trust and Political Participation: A Comparison of Four Nations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous literature has observed that trust has a strong relationship with political par- ticipation. However, research rarely takes into account the multi-dimensional nature of trust or participation and is often limited to Western nations. By using the European Social Survey Round 2 (2004), this paper examines the relationship between different dimensions of trust (vertical and horizontal) and political participation (traditional and non-traditional) in four nations that depart from each other in terms of political stability and economic security: the Czech Republic, Germany, Norway and Turkey. Results show that while different dimensions of trust (horizontal and vertical trust) have distinct impact on political participation depending on the type of participation, the strength of the relationship between trust and participation is similar across countries with different levels of political stability and economic security with a few exceptions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','rfirat@gmail.com','2014-05-14 14:37:35','2014-08-12 11:47:46','','Waiting'),(1573,'Europe’s capital cities and the happiness penalty: an investigation using the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study investigates in three steps whether there is an association between happiness and living in one of Europe’s capital cities. Making use of the European Social Survey, the first step is a raw unadjusted correlation assessment which, overall, finds a negative and statistically significant effect on happiness of living in one of Europe’s capitals. The second step is the addition of socio-economic controls which (overall) increases the happiness penalty associated with living in a European capital city. The third step adds environmental factors and perceptions (safety of local area, worries about crime, for example) to control for further potential confounding factors. Tentative evidence is also presented that this is not just a big city effect. Overall, there is a happiness penalty associated with living in Europe’s capitals though this result is dominated by a few particularly unhappy capitals. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'January 2014 version','alan.piper@uni-flensburg.de','2014-05-14 14:39:05','2014-08-12 14:26:12','','Waiting'),(1574,'Czech Republic 2002-2012: values, attitudes, behavior. Social report of the project European Social Survey','Česká republika 2002–2012: hodnoty, postoje, chování. Sociální report projektu European Social Survey',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the years 2002 to 2012, Czech society experienced a series of events and changes. Similar events and changes, however, also took place in other European countries. State and development of attitudes, values and behaviour of populations of European countries in connection with these events and changes is explored by the European Social Survey research project. This book is devoted to the attitudes, values and behaviour and their changes in Czech society in the last decade. Data for the Czech Republic are compared with data for other European countries participating in the project.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','klara.plecita@soc.cas.cz','2014-05-23 12:18:40','2014-08-12 15:32:49','','Waiting'),(1575,'Values and religion in adolescent development: Cross-national and comparative evidence ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Adolescence is a critical period in the development of our basic values. Our system of value priorities crystallizes during the period. By basic values, I refer to our beliefs about how important or desirable such abstract goals as wisdom, security, equality, wealth, freedom, obedience, and pleasure are to us as guiding principles in life (Schwartz, 1992; cf. Rokeach, 1973). Values are important because they motivate our behavior (what we do), justify our past behavior (why we did it), direct our attention (what we notice), and serve as standards for evaluating people and events (who and what we like or dislike) (Schwartz, 2006). As standards, basic values underlie our attitudes. Many believe that religion plays an important role in the development of values (e.g., Baker, 2005, Weber, 1904/1958). This chapter focuses on relations between basic values and religion in adolescence.\nThe chapter briefly reviews the nature of basic values and their near universal structure. Using data from representative national samples from 30 countries, it addresses five questions concerned with adolescents’ values and religion that have concerned researchers:  \n(1) A near-universal structure of relations among different values that reflects the motivations they express characterizes adults around the world. Has this motivational structure of relations among values emerged yet by mid- or by late adolescence? \n(2) Do adolescents who are members of the different major Western religious groups (Roman Catholics, Protestants, Eastern Orthodox, Muslims, Jews, and no religion) differ in the motivational structure of their values? \n(3) What patterns of development can we discern in value priorities as youth move from mid- to late adolescence and then to adulthood? \n(4) Do more and less religious adolescents have different value priorities, and does the association between religiosity and values depend upon the religion to which they adhere?  \n(5) How, if at all, do adolescents’ basic values and/or their religiosity influence three significant attitudes: the centrality of family in their lives, the importance of helping needy people, and the importance of always obeying the law? \nFinally, the chapter discusses processes of value acquisition that affect parent-adolescent value similarity and parenting variables that influence these processes. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','msshasch@mscc.huji.ac.il','2014-05-28 13:32:45','2014-08-12 15:36:55','','Waiting'),(1576,'Public attitudes towards the welfare state in Austria','Gesellschaftliche Einstellungen zum Wohlfahrtsstaat',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper deals with the public attitudes towards the welfare state in Austria by comparing trends within Austria and contrasting them with other European countries. Attitude surveys in Austria conducted in 1986, 2003 and 2008 show more or less stable results.The key statistics can be summed up as follows: \n1) Government should „ensure a reasonable standard of living for the old“ and should provide „adequate health care for the sick“ (ranging from 99% in 1986 to 87% in 2008); \n2) „Government should ensure a job for everyone who wants one“ (ranging from 85% in 1986 to 75% in 2008); \n3) Government should ensure „a reasonable standard of living for the unemployed“ (ranging from 69% in 1986 to 69% in 2008); and \n4) Government should „reduce income inequalities“ (ranging from 78% in 1986 to 72 % in 2008). \nCompared to other EU-countries, the Austrian public:\n1) assesses the health care system, the pension security system and social welfare institutions to be substantially better than people in other EU-member states; \n2) distinguishes less clearly between positive and negative effects of welfare state activities;\n3) assesses more positively their government‘s poverty reduction programmes although they recognise that poverty remains an urgent problem.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alfred.grausgruber@jku.at','2014-05-28 15:08:51','2014-08-11 14:50:10','','Waiting'),(1577,'Discontent in Europe in times of austerity: From collective action to individual participation in social protest','Descontentamento na Europa em tempos de austeridade: Da açao coletiva a participaçoa individual no protesto social',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses the new cycle of social protest in Europe in response to neoliberal austerity on two levels: firstly, on the macro level of collective action, it identifies some of the characteristics, conditions and motives underlying the initiatives by the newest social movements and trade unions, and explores their differences, complementarities and potential connections; secondly, on the micro level of individual participation, it considers the conditions and motives for individual involvement in protests on the basis of the 2012 European Social Survey, with a particular emphasis on sociodemographic characteristics (including levels of education and employment), discontent with democracy and the economy, lack of confidence in democratic institutions, trade union membership, involvement in national elections, and demands for social justice, specifically with regard to reducing poverty and income inequality. It also explores the extent to which the conditions and reasons for individual participation correspond to the conditions and reasons for collective action, i.e. the protests organised by the newest social movements and/or the trade unions. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Thanks for your important work and also for Survey','antonio.martin@uab.es','2014-05-28 16:49:25','2014-08-12 15:49:00','','Waiting'),(1578,'Investigating the dimensionality of the Schwartz scale of human values: Evidence from the European Social Survey of 2002 for Greece and Slovenia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: To investigate the dimensionality, reliability and construct (factorial) validity of the Short Form of the Human Values Scale as proposed by Schwartz (1992).\nMethod:  The Greek and the Slovenian European Social Survey data of 2002 (Round 1) were used. First, the samples of both countries were split randomly into two halves. For the data of the first split-half sample in both cases, item analysis was carried out to examine the distributional properties of the scale and decide on the items to be included in the analysis. For the construct validity of the scales, Exploratory Factor Analysis (principal axis factoring with promax rotation) was adopted. The structure was validated in both cases by carrying out Confirmatory Factor Analysis (maximum likelihood) on the data of the second split-half sample.  \nResults: In both cases, the Exploratory Factor Analysis resulted in a three-factor solution. Three subscales were constructed based on the defining items of the respective factors. Reliability coefficients and internal consistencies of the three subscales showed that the third subscale was not reliable. Confirmatory Factor Analysis indicated poor fit for three of the models considered but better fit for the model defined by the following two first-order correlated factors based on 14 and 12 items for Greece and Slovenia, respectively: Openness to change/Self-enhancement and Self-transcendence/Conservation. This solution provided two subscales that were both reliable and valid.\nConclusions: Our results indicated that a two factor solution was both reliable and valid. This finding does not confirm the dimensionality of the Schwartz Human Values Scale as proposed in the literature. The implications of our results suggest that further research and analysis is necessary for each country and each round of the European Social Survey.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','natashaharal@yahoo.gr','2014-05-30 20:50:33','2014-08-12 15:54:14','','Waiting'),(1579,'Work-family conflict in Sweden and Germany: A study on the association with self-rated health and the role of gender attitudes and family policy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Work-family conflict refers to the stress and tension which arise when demands from work and family are competing and incompatible. The aim of this study was to examine the experience of work-family conflict among men and women in Sweden and Germany, and whether there was an association between work-family conflict and self-rated health. Special attention was paid to the directions of the conflict: work to family (WIF) and family to work (FIW). Moreover, the importance of gender attitudes and family policy was examined. By using cross-sectional data from the European Social Survey, the associations were analysed using regression analysis. The results showed that men in Germany experience the highest levels of work-family conflict and women in Germany the lowest. Having egalitarian gender attitudes was associated to slightly lower conflict among men only. Furthermore, high levels of work-family conflict were related to poorer self-rated health. Gender attitudes did not play a significant role in moderating this association. Altogether, the study demonstrated the importance of gender attitudes and family policy for individuals’ possibility to reconcile work and family. Hence, by facilitating for men and women to successfully combine the two domains, the risk of negative health consequences from work-family conflict may be reduced.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sara.tunlid@gmail.com','2014-06-06 14:59:41','2014-08-12 16:42:51','','Waiting'),(1580,'Critical consensus? Britain’s expectations and evaluations of democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Surveys of public opinion frequently show that the British public think it is important to live in a democracy and are agreed that, although it may have its problems, democracy is better than any other form of government. But what does this actually mean in practice? Is there a consensus about what living in a democracy should involve? How far do people think the political system in Britain currently delivers what they expect from a democracy? ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','r.fitzgerald@city.ac.uk','2014-06-17 15:09:50','2014-08-12 16:47:11','','Waiting'),(1581,'What determines subjective socio-economic insecurity? Context and class in comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The phenomenon of socio-economic insecurity is widely discussed in contemporary public and academic discourse. However, it is unclear how objective socio-economic and institutional conditions affect subjective feelings of insecurity. Based on a review of the relevant literature, we hypothesize that objective contextual factors of labour market characteristics, levels of social protection and levels of internationalization and globalization exacerbate or mitigate subjective feelings of insecurity. We derive and test specific hypotheses using data from the fourth round of the European social survey (fielded 2008/2009). Based on our multilevel analysis of 18 412 individuals in 19 countries, we find that socio-economic (GDP) and institutional (welfare state effort) factors are relevant to subjective socio-economic insecurity, whereas the degree of internationalization (economic globalization, share of foreign-born population) plays a surprisingly negligible role. Moreover, significant cross-level interactions among social class and income inequality, unemployment, labour market regulation and economic globalization indicate that these country-level factors have a class-specific impact.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 09:30:33','2014-08-13 09:53:49','','Waiting'),(1582,'Morality across Cultures: A Value Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Theories of moral development and moral reasoning have long emphasized universal\nprinciples that are common to all people in all societies. A growing body of research indicates,\nhowever, that universality in some aspects of morality is accompanied by important cultural\ndifferences (see Miller, 2006, for a review). What is judged to be morally reprehensible in one\nculture may be judged as irrelevant to morality in another culture, and criteria that determine the\nseverity of moral infractions depend on specific cultural contexts. Thus, considering Oscar\nWilde’s famous statement about morality, quoted above, morality is comparable to art not just\nbecause it necessitates \"drawing a line someplace\" but also because, like art, morality may\nconsist of different lines or arrangement of lines that result in different images.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 09:50:33','2014-08-13 09:59:46','','Waiting'),(1583,'Temporary employment in Russia: why mostly men?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper deals with temporary employment in the Russian labour market. The main focus is the\ngender difference regarding determinants of temporary employment. Unlike most European countries,\nwhere women are more likely to have temporary work, in Russia men predominantly have this status,\ncomparable to the situation in many developing countries. This paper seeks to understand why this is\nthe case. The household survey of NOBUS (held in 2003 by State Statistical Centre with World Bank\nparticipation) is used to answer this question: the results suggest that gender differences in temporary\nemployment do exist, and that the main factors that explain these differences are education, and\nmarital status.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 10:14:55','2014-08-13 10:40:06','','Waiting'),(1584,'Happiness, Housework and Gender Inequality in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although the last few decades have seen a progressive increase of gender equality in almost all dimensions of society, roles concerning childcare and domestic work remain highly gender-specific. Gender division of labour within the family varies considerably within and across countries. Gender systems are likely to have an important impact on individuals’ well-being. Improved gender equality has enhanced the general well-being of women, although its extent may depend on the context in which women live and operate. This work considers the effect of the unequal division of labour within the household, between women and their partners, on women\'s own subjective assessment of happiness. We conducted the analysis using the European Social Survey data. We included 26 European countries and explored, exploiting a multi-level model to investigate the determinants of, women\'s differing levels of happiness across countries. In particular, we examined the extent to which gender equality at the country level can explain variation in happiness at the individual level. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 10:17:39','2014-08-13 10:42:51','','Waiting'),(1585,'Formal and informal social capital and self-rated health in Europe: A new test of accumulation and compensation mechanisms using a multi-level perspective ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we simultaneously examined the influence of both informal and formal social capital at the individual and at the national level on health. Information from the first wave of European Social Surveys (2002) on 29,050 individuals from 17 European countries and Israel was analysed using multi-level regression models. We controlled for several individual and national characteristics. Self-rated health was used as an indicator of people’s general health status. First, we found that individual formal and informal social capital is positively related to health in almost all countries, but that the strength of these associations varies markedly across societies. Second, we found that the health of those who lack informal social networks as individuals is better in countries with high levels of informal and formal social capital. On the other hand, individuals lacking formal social networks are not compensated by high levels of formal and informal social capital at the national level. We conclude that including informal social capital is important to obtain a comprehensive view on the role of contextual social capital as a compensatory source for individuals lacking social networks. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 10:26:55','2014-08-13 10:43:48','','Waiting'),(1586,'Intergenerational Conflict: Evidence from Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The anticipated, dramatic shift in the demographics of European societies over the next half a century begs many questions about the state of relations between generations. Papers and speculations portraying a world in which the elderly rule through parliamentary majorities, preventing reductions in pensions and ‘enslaving’ the working population are surprisingly common. Existing literature on these hypotheses focus on the policy preference differences between the young and the old with evidence mixed as to the accuracy of these predictions. This paper aims to build on this debate by looking at the effects that the dependency ratio has on intergenerational relations. By using a multilevel methodology and data from the 2008 European Social Survey, the effect of demographic structure can be observed on the individual level. Yet whilst evidence is found of decreasing legitimacy of welfare for the elderly, this paper argues that this does not point to increasing intergenerational conflict in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 10:35:54','2014-08-13 10:45:29','','Waiting'),(1587,'CIVIC ENGAGEMENT AND CORRUPTION IN 20 EUROPEAN DEMOCRACIES CIVIC ENGAGEMENT AND CORRUPTION IN 20 EUROPEAN DEMOCRACIES','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyzes the relation between different forms of civic engagement and corruption. This first of all extends earlier analyses linking generalized trust to corruption by incorporating another element from the social capital complex (namely formal forms of civic engagement). Second, based on the idea that social networks’ beneficial or harmful impact may depend on their characteristics, it investigates how the structure of social networks (i.e., inclusive vs. exclusive and isolated vs. connected) matters. Evaluating the engagement –corruption nexus for a cross-section of 20 European democracies in 2002/2003, we confirm that social networks are linked to corruption even when controlling for the effect of generalized trust, and that their relation to corruption is type-specific. These findings survive under various model specifications and robustness checks.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 10:40:22','2014-08-13 10:53:38','','Waiting'),(1588,'Name change and destigmatization among Middle Eastern immigrants in Sweden','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research has shown that individuals in Sweden with foreign-sounding surnames who take on more Swedish-sounding or neutral surnames have a positive earnings progression compared to individuals who keep their foreign-sounding names. This article explores the strategies underlying these surname changes. I draw on forty-five interviews from a population of individuals with Middle Eastern backgrounds who changed surnames during the 1990s. Drawing on stigma and destigmatization theory, I argue that immigrant name change, a strategy typically associated with cultural assimilation, is a destigmatization strategy aiming for pragmatic assimilation. Through passing (as either Swedish or non-Middle Eastern), immigrants may keep the benefits of maintaining ethnic identity in their private life and the benefits of more easy public interactions outside the ethnic group. This study also illustrates how the institutional enabling of name change both creates and enables pragmatic assimilation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 10:46:45','2014-08-13 10:55:29','','Waiting'),(1589,'Life Planning among Young Adults in 23 European Countries: The Effects of Individual and Country Security','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How do conditions of security, either on the individual or societal level, affect the propensity of young adults to plan? We begin with two basic sets of hypotheses. In the positive direction, when young adults have greater security, planning will be more possible and more necessary to narrow the field of options; when young adults have lower security, planning will be less possible and less necessary. In the negative direction, when young adults have lower security, planning will be more necessary to optimize whatever prospects might exist; when young adults have greater security, there will be less need to plan because options are ample. The article tests these hypotheses using two-level linear regression models with individuals aged 18–35 years in 23 European countries. Our results reveal opposing trends at the individual and country levels. Young adults with greater personal security are more likely to plan than those who have fewer personal resources. Yet, young adults who live in countries with less favourable societal conditions are actually more likely to plan than those who live in countries with more favourable conditions. We conclude with explanations for, and the implications of, these opposing tendencies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 10:57:46','2014-08-13 11:08:56','','Waiting'),(1590,'Immigration and Trust in Politics in Britain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A previously overlooked explanation for varying individual levels of political trust is concern about\nimmigration. This article examines the effect of concern about immigration on political trust in\nBritain, where levels of opposition to immigration have remained high since the 1960s and yet the\nimplications of such opposition are still unclear. Using the pre-election and post-election panel\ncomponent of the 2005 British Election Study and the 2002–03 European Social Survey, the author\nshows, after controlling for other predictors of trust in politics, that concerns about the impact of\nimmigration significantly affect political trust. In addition, in 2005 the perception that government\nhad not handled the issue of immigration effectively also significantly affected political trust, with\nboth linear and interactive effects.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 11:37:05','2014-08-13 12:06:05','','Waiting'),(1591,'Relative deprivation, reference groups and the assessment of standard of living','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper proposes two new indices of relative deprivation, derived from an extension of the concept of generalized Gini to the measurement of distributional change. Population- and income-weighted relative deprivation indices are then defined and, using panel data from the Consortium of Household Panels for European Socio-Economic Research (CHER), we check which of the various ways of defining individual deprivation best fits the answers given by individuals on the degree of their satisfaction with income. We find that the deprivation indices proposed are consistently and negatively correlated with income satisfaction as reported by respondents, that income weighted measures fit better than population weighted measures and that this fit improves with countries that experienced deep institutional changes such as the transitional economies of Eastern Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanette.lidal@nsd.uib.no','2014-06-19 11:46:29','2014-08-13 12:08:23','','Waiting'),(1592,'A Multilevel Analysis of the Effects of Perceptions about Justice on the Use of Social Sanctions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study questions the existence of a substitution effect of  the perceptions of the justice system on the use of social sanctions both at individual and country levels. Individual decision to trigger social sanction may be embedded in a group context. Indeed, it could be that country-level variables have an effect on the individual decision to participate to sanctioning activities. Three different group effects are considered: the endogenous effect, the contextual effect and the correlated effect. To adress this issue, an empirical study is conducted using the 2010 data of the European Social Survey (ESS5). The use of social sanctions is measured by a proxy which is the individual decision to boycott. The estimation strategy relies on Shang and Lee (2011), with a two-stage estimator for probit models of endogenous and exogenous group effects, based on the Manski-Brock-Durlauf model (Manski, 1993; Brock and Durlauf, 2001) and Borjas and Sueyoshi (1994). Results indicate that individuals’ perceptions of justice have a substitution effect on the use of social sanctions. Whereas country’s average perceptions of courts have a substitution effect on individual use of social sanctions, country’s average perceptions of police have a complementary effect. This latter result shows different attitudes towards the monitoring and the punishment function of the justice system. Hence, the paper confirms the presence of an endogenous effect. Indeed, the country’s behaviors concerning social sanctions have a complementary effect on individuals’ decisions to participate to sanctioning activities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maiva.ropaul@gmail.com','2014-06-23 03:42:40','2014-08-13 12:10:41','','Waiting'),(1593,'The agency gap: policies, norms, and working time capabilities across welfare states','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter confronts the agency capabilities gap from two perspectives (1) Comparing policies aimed at promoting worklife balance, their implementation and outcomes, with gendered norms regarding work and care. The chapter uses county level data and survey data across eleven European countries and Japan. The chapter uses county level data and survey data across eleven European countries and Japan. (2) the chapter examines the agency gap in attitudes regarding worklife balance priorities and working time capabilities (Lee and McCann 2006), which is operationalized as the differences between actual work hours in paid work and how many hours one would choose to work if it meant a loss or gain in pay. This analysis shows a complex relationship between work aspiration and practices which can be linked to national differences in worklife balance policies and gender norms.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','susanne.fahlen@sociology.su.se','2014-06-24 10:55:53','2014-08-13 12:13:10','','Waiting'),(1594,'The State of Political Participation in Post-Communist Democracies: Low but Surprisingly Little Biased Citizen Engagement','The State of Political Participation in Post-Communist Democracies: Low but Surprisingly Little Biased Citizen Engagement',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article assesses the state of political participation in Central and East European post-communist democracies. Incorporating the most recent data, it compares the emerging trends in political participation to those observed in the established democracies of Western Europe. The findings reveal that post-communist citizens participate substantially less than their Western counterparts, and, contrary to some expectations, no convergence has been taking place. This is due to a host of factors, the importance of which seems to vary according to the type of political activity. It is subsequently shown that while political participation is lower than in Western Europe, it is not markedly more biased. The poor state of political participation therefore does not appear to seriously undermine the quality of the post-communist democratic process.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','filip.kostelka@sciencespo.fr','2014-06-24 11:12:51','2014-08-13 12:17:10','','Waiting'),(1595,'National Stereotypes of Older People’s Competence Are Related to Older Adults’ Participation in Paid and Volunteer Work','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives. Why are older people perceived as more competent in some countries relative to others? In the current study, we investigate the extent to which national variation in perceptions of older people’s competence is systematically related to national variation in the extent to which older people participate in paid and volunteer work.\n\nMethod. We used multilevel regression to analyze data from the European Social Survey and test the relationship between perceptions of older people’s competence and older people’s participation in paid and volunteer work across 28 countries. We controlled for a number of potentially confounding variables, including life expectancy as well as the gender ratio and average education of the older population in each country. We controlled for the average objective cognitive abilities of the older population in a subsample of 11 countries.\n\nResults. Older people were perceived as more competent in countries in which more older people participated in paid or volunteer work, independent of life expectancy and the average education, gender makeup, and average cognitive abilities of the older population.\n\nDiscussion. The results suggest that older people’s participation in paid and volunteer work is related to perceptions of older people’s competence independent of older people’s actual competence.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katieebowen@hotmail.com','2014-06-24 11:17:19','2014-08-13 12:22:05','','Waiting'),(1596,'Searching For Evidence of Acculturation: Attitudes Toward Homosexuality Among Migrants Moving From Eastern to Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Attitudes toward gay men and lesbians are generally more tolerant in Western than in Eastern Europe. This study uses data from the first five rounds of the European Social Survey to examine acculturation among migrants moving from Eastern Europe to Western Europe, in terms of attitudes toward gay men and lesbians. After controlling for background factors associated with attitudes toward homosexuality, we find evidence of acculturation, whereby attitudes become more tolerant—and more typical of those prevalent in Western Europe—with longer residency in this region. This study builds on existing research into cross-national differences in attitudes toward homosexuality and extends the existing North American literature on acculturation to a European context. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','r.fitzgerald@city.ac.uk','2014-07-08 17:14:27','2014-08-13 12:26:10','','Waiting'),(1597,'Religiosity, Trust and Tolerance in Times of Recession. The Cases of Spain and Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, we focus on the implications of the Eurozone debt crisis for social cohesion by analyzing the varying levels of trust and tolerance in two South European countries mostly affected by austerity measures. Spain and Greece are used as case studies in order to examine the factors affecting interpersonal trust, trust in institutions and tolerance for diverse others as well as tolerance for political extremes. Based on data drawn from the European Social Survey for the years 2009 and 2011, our analysis showed a significant decrease of institutional trust in both countries followed by an increase in interpersonal trust. Tolerance towards immigrants, especially those from poorer countries decreased mainly in Greece. In the case of Greece, religiosity has a negative impact on tolerance and social trust. Education was found to be the strongest predictor of trust and tolerance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'An extract from the epilogue was used in the field of anthology abstract.The original abstract will be sent shortly.','theosta@ekke.gr','2014-07-24 13:32:21','2014-08-13 12:29:50','','Waiting'),(1598,'Sharing a common language. The constraints of joint questionnaire translation.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Translating an hour-long questionnaire for multi-nation use is by definition a hard task. Achieving equivalence of the particular questions, in question, is even harder. The translation process requires significant knowledge of  “a blend of language, language use and culture” (Braun, Harkness 2005). What happens in the case of countries sharing a common language? Do joint translating efforts reduce the burden? or duplicate the strain? What are the implications for the quality of the questionnaire? What are the effects of translation verification? What are the effects on comparability when shared language spans more than two countries?\nTo answer these questions insights from the Greece- Cyprus joint translation of the 5th round European Social Survey questionnaire (2011) will be used. Time and human resources constraints will be discussed along with a critical assessment of the TVFF monitoring tool.\n\n \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','theosta@ekke.gr','2014-07-24 13:53:21','2014-08-13 12:31:16','','Waiting'),(1599,'Consumption as a Source of Social Change','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyzes the societal impact of economic growth. I argue that, from a certain stage of development on, economic growth leads to the proliferation of consumption as a mode of social and cultural action. As a consequence, traditional forms of social and cultural practice, such as religious service attendance, become incrementally marginalized. I empirically test this hypothesis using data from official statistics and survey data from the ISSP and the ESS. Results first show that expenditures on leisure consumption significantly increase as GDP waxes. Second, I find that engagement in religious practices as well as leisure consumption activities positively affect involvement in informal social relations. Third, the results indicate that engagement in leisure consumption activities is negatively associated with participation of individuals in religious services.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jochen.hirschle@uibk.ac.at','2014-08-04 11:19:40','2014-08-13 12:33:43','','Waiting'),(1600,'“Secularization of Consciousness” or Alternative Opportunities? The Impact of Economic Growth on Religious Belief and Practice in 13 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research note contributes to an evaluation of the validity of secularization theory by studying the relationship between economic modernization and patterns of religious change. Both the disenchantment narrative of Berger and Weber and the existential security perspective of Inglehart hypothesize that economic development should be accompanied by a weakening of religious values. Using macro-level panel regressions, my analysis reveals that while economic growth is directly associated with diminishing church attendance rates, it is not directly associated with a decline in belief. The relation between economic growth and religious decline is therefore not primarily mediated by a “secularization of consciousness.” Findings instead indicate that economic prosperity leads to a change in consumption patterns on the part of individuals due to increased income and availability of alternative, secular opportunities to meet needs previously fulfilled by traditional religion. A decline in religious belief may occur as a secondary consequence of this behavioral change, since diminishing worship attendance rates reduce the influence of religion on value socialization.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jochen.hirschle@uibk.ac.at','2014-08-04 11:26:20','2014-08-13 12:36:53','','Waiting'),(1601,'A Versatile tool? Applying the Cross-national Error Source Typology (CNEST) to triangulated pre-test data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There are certain error sources that are unique to cross-national questionnaires, or occur less frequently in single nation studies. Tools that help to identify these errors and separate them from measurement errors that only occur in single nation studies assist the cross-national survey researcher in producing a higher quality source questionnaire. In turn, this supports translators in producing functionally equivalent translations that work well in the target languages and cultures. The Cross-national Error Source Typology (CNEST) was developed as a tool for improving the effectiveness of cross-national questionnaire design and has already proved useful when applied to cognitive interview data. This paper assesses the consistency and versatility of the tool by applying it to triangulated cross-national pre-test data collected in Russia and the UK as part of the development of questions for the European Social Survey (ESS). The benefits and challenges of triangulating pre-test data in a cross-national setting are also highlighted and discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','yvette.prestage.1@city.ac.uk','2014-08-14 15:47:45','2014-08-18 15:24:17','','Waiting'),(1602,'Is Religious Attendance Bottoming Out? An Examination of Current Trends Across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this research note is to summarize the available data on trends in religious attendance across 24 European countries to determine whether a base level has been reached in some countries. We focus on the changes observed in the period 1990–2012. After critically assessing the data quality of the recent European Social Survey (ESS) and European Values Study (EVS), we present four different methods of assessing current trends. First, we assess intercohort differentials, an indicator previously used extensively. We then look at trends in young people’s rates of attendance, followed by trends of the postwar cohorts born in 1950–1981. We proceed to an appraisal of individual life-course variations by looking at attendance as a child and young adult. A compilation of these indicators shows that they often do not fully agree on whether there is growth, decline, or stability. To generalize, the high-attending Catholic countries are more likely to exhibit religious decline, whilst a few ex-communist countries are seeing sustained growth. The most secular countries seem to be generally stabilizing in the 5–20 percent range for attendance rates of the postwar generations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','drmarionb@gmail.com','2014-08-15 15:55:51','2014-08-18 15:30:16','','Waiting'),(1603,'Social activity and health among older adults','Social activity and health among older adults',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social activity is closely correlated with health, in addition to other social deteminants of health as education, occupation, healthy lifestyle; consequently, social activity is an important factor. Social activity associates with better health among older adults, which is, therefore, one of the remarkable factors of successful and healthy aging. In our research we examined the relationship between self-reported health and social activity among older adults aged more than 50 (N=700). Our data were taken from the 5th round of Europian Social Survey (2010/2011). To analyse the data, we worked with SPSS 20 program, and we used a   test. To measure social activity, we proposed the following questions regarding the respondents’ self-reported health: how often do they meet friends, relatives or work colleagues? Do they have anyone with whom they can discuss intimate and personal matters? How often do they think they take part in social activities compared to other people of their age? In our research  29,8% of older adults reported bad or very bad health status (male: 24,35%, female:33,8%), 25%  lived alone in one household, 71,4% were retired, and 46,6%  said that living on their income is difficult or very difficult. Our examination provides evidence that self-reported health is significantly associated with social activity  (?1=-0,252 p=0,000,C2=0,142 p=0,007?3=-0,364 p=0,000). Our main findings are the following: 41,5% of our target group meet friends, relatives or colleagues less than once  a month, most of them have somebody to talk to about intimate matters, and 60% think that they take part in social activities less than people of the same age. Based on our findings, social activity of our target group is poor, although it would be beneficial for their health status. This association has an important role according to the buffer hypothesis, which says that people with low socio-economic position can use social capital to reduce the negative impact of low economic positions on their health (Uphoff 2013). In our further research we would like to examine health status and social activity with multiple regression analyse with longitudinal data. \n\nKeywords: social activity, ESS, older adults, health \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','makaiszasza@gmail.com','2014-09-02 14:25:01','2014-09-02 15:28:38','','Waiting'),(1604,'Green Square Community Survey 2014 Final Report','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Green Square is one of the fastest growing areas in Sydney. The City of Sydney’s Community Strategic Plan recognises that urban renewal sites such as Green Square provide the opportunity to greatly improve the social, economic and environmental performance of the City and Sydney region. The City of Sydney has a high level vision for Green Square: it will be a vibrant sustainable village in which to live and work, incorporating retail, food, entertainment, and a public domain that supports cultural and community activities including public art. In order to achieve this goal, local communities need to have the facilities, resources, capacity, confidence and resilience to adapt to changing circumstances. So that the City of Sydney can identify how it might best support communities’ social wellbeing associated with environmental, economic and social changes, it is essential to collect information about the experiences and desires of residents and workers. This includes their satisfaction with, and feelings of attachment and belonging to, the places they live and work, the nature of their social interactions and social cohesion, and their plans and desires regarding their local areas. To this end, this report presents the results of a community survey of residents and workers in the Green Square Urban Renewal Area in Sydney, Australia. \nResearch Aims:\nThe study was undertaken by researchers at the University of New South Wales, with the assistance of staff at the City of Sydney Council. The aim of this research was to develop a survey tool for on-going assessment of social interactions and social cohesion at a large-scale urban renewal site that could be used to:\n- Measure the nature of social cohesion and social interaction and identify opportunities and barriers residents face in contributing to social cohesion and community development.\n- Understand the wellbeing of residents and workers, including their satisfaction with and attachment to the area, their local area preferences and desires, and their plans for the future.\nKey findings and implications for practice are presented.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','hazel.easthope@unsw.edu.au','2014-09-11 03:10:56','2014-09-15 08:59:54','','Waiting'),(1605,'The trust of  Czech citizens in authorities active in criminal proceedings','Důvěra českých občanů v orgány činné v trestním řízení',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust in the authorities active in criminal proceedings, i.e. police and courts, currently presents one of the major research topics. The article aims to assess the development of trust in these institutions in an international perspective and introduce trust as a multidimensional concept.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.moravcova@soc.cas.cz','2014-09-15 07:32:48','2014-09-15 09:34:59','','Waiting'),(1606,'Europe’s Capital Cities and the Happiness Penalty: An Investigation Using the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study investigates in three steps whether there is an association between happiness and living in one of Europe’s capital cities. Making use of the European Social Survey, the first step is a raw unadjusted correlation assessment which, overall, finds a negative and statistically significant effect on happiness of living in one of Europe’s capitals. The second step is the addition of socio-economic controls which (overall) increases the happiness penalty associated with living in a European capital city. The third step adds environmental factors and perceptions (safety of local area, worries about crime, for example) to control for further potential confounding factors. Tentative evidence is also presented that this is not just a big city effect. Overall, there is a happiness penalty associated with living in Europe’s capitals though this result is dominated by a few particularly unhappy capitals.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alan.piper@uni-flensburg.de','2014-09-15 10:44:26','2014-09-15 11:01:40','','Waiting'),(1607,'Evaluating the Impact of Response Enhancement Methods on the Risk of Nonresponse Bias and Survey Costs','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The pursuit of high response rates to minimise the threat of nonresponse bias continues to dominate decisions about resource allocation in survey research. Yet a growing body of research has begun to question this practice because the cost of eorts to increase response rates is not always justified in terms of their impact on nonresponse bias. In this study, we assess the costs and benefits of dierent methods designed to increase response rates on the European Social Survey in Switzerland, by analysing data from a new sampling frame based on population registers to examine the changing composition of the respondent pool and the risk of bias, alongside the financial costs associated with additional fieldwork eorts. We compute an R-indicator to assess representativity with respect to the sampling register variables, and find little improvement in the sample composition as response rates increase. We then examine the impact of response rate increases on the risk of nonresponse bias based on Maximal Absolute Bias (MAB), and coecients of variation between subgroup response rates, alongside the associated costs of different types of fieldwork eort. The results show that increases in response rate help to reduce MAB, while only small but important improvements to sample representativity are gained by varying the type of eort. The findings lend further support to research that has called into question the value of extensive investment in procedures aimed at reaching response rate targets and the need for more tailored fieldwork strategies aimed both at reducing survey costs and minimising the risk of bias.\nKeywords: R-indicator; European Social Survey; response rates; coecient of variation',NULL,NULL,NULL,'only sample frame and contact data','Michele.ernststaehli@fors.unil.ch','2014-09-19 12:05:51','2014-09-19 16:59:49','','Waiting'),(1608,'Methodological Aspects of Measuring the Czech Public’s  Attitudes to the Punishment of Offenders','Metodologické aspekty měření postojů české veřejnosti k trestání pachatelů trestných činů',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The trend towards harsher punishment of offenders, usually termed the ‘new punitiveness’, is often explained as a response to deepening social and economic uncertainty. One important area that criminal policy research has long dealt with is public attitudes to punishment. Statements that the public want more severe punishments for those who break the law are often used to justify introducing measures to make the criminal justice system harsher. There are, however, different ways to measure public opinion on criminal sentencing. While general attitudinal questions indicate the public to be very punitive in outlook, when they have to evaluate specific cases the results are slightly more positive. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey, the article aims to describe the current level of punitiveness in the Czech Republic, as measured by both above-mentioned indicators, and to assess whether the respondents’ answers to such indicators are influenced by the same factors. Data show that Czechs tend to have relatively strong punitive attitudes. However, past studies have shown that people are less punitively inclined when they are judging a specific case. Moreover, regression analysis suggests that, rather than individual punitive sentiments, the general measure of punitiveness reflects cognitive and emotional reactions of a different nature (e.g. the quality of work of the court system), which means that the information on public attitudes it produces could be misleading.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.moravcova@soc.cas.cz','2014-09-26 09:21:28','2014-09-26 13:55:27','','Waiting'),(1609,'The Comparability of Schwartz’s Human Values Scale in International Data','Srovnatelnost Schwartzovy hodnotové škály v mezinárodních datech',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The first part of this article looks at the comparability of the crosscountry PVQ scale tested on the basis of the Sixth Round of the European Social Survey. To test comparability, the classic 21-item tool is used to measure ten different types of value orientation. These value types are based on Schwartz’s original basic human values theory. In order to test equivalence, a multiple group confirmatory factor analysis (MGCFA) was used. The results of the analyses show that the configural and metric equivalences of all seven value types are valid in only 10 out of 23 countries. However, even in those 10 countries, it is impossible to fully rely on scalar equivalence. For more detail, in many countries it is possible to carry out valid comparisons of relations and value types, as well as of other value attitudes or socio-demographic indicators. However, it is not possible to compare national averages of the seven value types. The article then demonstrates that the seven value types are longitudinally comparable across every round of the ESS in the Czech Republic. The second part of the article points out some of the problems in the Czech Republic with the PVQ comparison between different social groups delineated by gender, age, and education. While the averages of the seven value types can be sometimes compared in all groups (male, female), in some cases it is necessary either to amalgamate the groups or to decrease their quantity (age groups, education levels of groups).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.moravcova@soc.cas.cz','2014-09-26 10:03:05','2014-09-26 14:02:01','','Waiting'),(1610,'Measuring socioeconomic inequalities in health in the older population in Portugal: a proposal for basic indicators','Medir desigualdades socioeconómicas na saúde da população idosa em Portugal: uma proposta de indicadores básicos',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper presents a proposal for a core set of measures to analyze the magnitude, pattern and impact of socioeconomic inequalities in health Portuguese older population, illustrated with data from recent European surveys (EU-SILC and ESS, 2010). ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Available at: http://repositorio.ul.pt/handle/10451/11744','mariana.almeida@ics.ulisboa.pt','2014-09-29 10:28:28','2014-09-29 16:26:42','','Waiting'),(1611,'Comparison of Perception Safety in Relation to Selected Work Attributes in the Countries of the European Social Survey','Komparácia vnímaného bezpečia vo vzťahu k vybraným atribútom práce v krajinách Európskej sociálnej sondy',41,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Topic of perceived safety is now in focus of psychological public. The aim of this paper is to identify the differences in the perception of safety in terms of various job attributes such as employment / unemployment, type of employment and so on. For the purpose of the paper we used data of the European Social Survey - round 5, specifically items from the core module and the rotating module - Work, Family and Subjective Well-being. The results show that these differences exist, and our priority is to bring up the position of the Slovak and Czech Republic. It appears that the inhabitants of Slovakia show, in terms of different work attributes, lower rate of perceived safety. It turned out that a subjective opinion about household income (e.g. we handle it with current income/we have difficulties with the current income etc.) is related to the assessments of respondents perceived safety. We consider this paper as springboard for a deeper analysis of this poorly developed topic.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bozoganova@saske.sk','2014-10-02 12:42:27','2014-10-02 13:23:37','','Waiting'),(1612,'Gender differences in the perception of safety','Rodové rozdiely vo vnímaní bezpečia',41,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper focuses on the perceived safety and gender differences in different countries. We analyzed data from 5th round of the European Social Survey. The sample consists of 52 437 respondents from 27 participating countries. The results indicate that in all countries, women have lower rates of perceived safety than men. Individual countries differ in size differences in the perceived safety of men and women.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bozoganova@saske.sk','2014-10-02 12:46:49','2014-10-02 15:33:19','','Waiting'),(1613,'The Incidence and Timing of Unmarried Cohabitation in the Czech Republic','Výskyt a načasování nesezdaných soužití v současné ČR',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The growing incidence of unmarried cohabitation has often been pointed out as one of the most remarkable changes in the behavior of the Czech population. Surprisingly, there is only indirect or outdated empirical evidence documenting this claim. We estimate the prevalence and incidence of cohabitation using four relatively recent surveys. We also use survival analysis to show that, unlike marriage, people have not been postponing co-residential unions after 1989.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kreidlm@fss.muni.cz','2014-10-07 08:36:00','2014-10-07 17:11:35','','Waiting'),(1614,'Economic inequality and public demand for redistribution: combining cross-sectional and longitudinal evidence ','Economic inequality and public demand for redistribution: combining cross-sectional and longitudinal evidence ',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One proposition of the popular median-voter hypothesis is a positive relationship between demand for redistribution and levels of inequality. However, empirical evidence of this relationship is scarce. A major shortcoming of previous research is that it is either cross-sectional, which casts general doubt on the causal nature of the estimates, or it is longitudinal and based on aggregated data, which makes it difficult to control for compositional effects or to analyze the individual-level implications of the hypothesis. This article estimates cross-sectional and longitudinal effects of inequality, while simultaneously controlling for the composition of data at the individual level. The article finds a positive within-country effect of inequality on demand for redistribution but no such relationship between countries. This finding points to an unobserved variable at the country level. Following the literature, the article considers welfare regimes as a possible factor capturing these unobserved country differences. However, none of the existing welfare regime typologies performs well in terms of capturing unobserved heterogeneity or in general explanatory power. All in all, the article finds robust support for the proposition that demand for redistribution is positively related to inequality, but it casts doubt on the utility of cross-sectional analysis and the welfare regime approach. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alex@alexanderwschmidt.de','2014-10-07 10:59:18','2014-10-07 17:15:38','','Waiting'),(1615,'Participation in general elections and socio-political integration in four post-socialist countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper investigates mechanisms influencing political participation expressed by voting at the general national elections. In order to explore the role of broad socio-political integration in voting behavior, four explanatory mechanisms are considered at individual level: two indicators are developed representing political affiliations (institutional trust and political efficacy) and two indicators intend to reflect on social integration and social capital (interpersonal trust and social isolation). The research question is investigated in four formerly socialist countries with common historical and socio-political roots but still representing characteristically different cases for political behavior: Hungary, Poland, Slovenia and Slovakia. The analysis is carried out on the pooled file derived from the ESS data and taken from those rounds where these four countries have fielded the survey.\n\nParticipation in the general elections, the dependent variable, is measured by ‘voting in the last election’ reported by the respondent. Since this is a ‘yes/no’ type of variable, logistic regression is the major analytical method in the paper and the probability of not voting is predicted. The explanatory indicators are prepared by using principal component analysis and involve political distrust (no trust in parliament, legal system, parties); having negative attitudes towards politics (uninterested, finding it too complicated); not trusting other people generally; and being socially excluded (low frequency of attending social activities, meetings other people). It is expected that the impact of political distrust and inefficacy on non-participation is mediated by social distrust and social isolation. Gender, age and level of education serve as control variables.  Analysis is partly run on the individual country data, partly on a pooled file where interaction terms are added to test the variation of effect of the main predictors by demographics, countries and time (survey rounds).\n\nData reveal that voter turnout is the lowest in Poland and the highest in Hungary. Political distrust and inefficacy have stronger impact on participation as compared to the other two explanatory measures. While both institutional distrust and political inefficiency increased the probability of abstention, the expected role of the other two explanatory mechanisms related to social integration in affecting voting at the general elections found only partial confirmation. The demographic features contribute markedly to the role of the explanatory mechanisms. Country differences are limited, though Hungary and Poland deviate quite a bit. Hungary stands out with a strong effect of political inefficacy and a moderate effect of institutional distrust, while interpersonal distrust has an independent impact on abstention only in Poland. Similarly, social isolation also has the strongest influence on not voting in Poland. Slovenia and Slovakia take a place in between Hungary and Poland in terms of the influence of socio-political mechanisms on voting. Temporal variation does not appear according to the data but this can be explained by the fact that ESS covers a relatively short period from 2002 onwards.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','robert.peter@tk.mta.hu','2014-10-14 13:12:47','2014-10-15 16:07:39','','Waiting'),(1616,'Exceptional Behavior or Exceptional Identity? Overreporting of Church Attendance in the U.S.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is well established that religious service attendance is over- reported on conventional surveys. However, research has focused almost exclusively on overreporting in American survey data. This study extends the current body of research by pursuing the following question: Are Americans the only overreporters, or is this a ubiquitous survey artifact inherent to conventional survey measures of religious service attendance? Overreporting is estimated as the difference between directive measures from conventional surveys and those from time diaries. The survey arti- fact is examined across 14 countries and over four decades, highlighting the consistency and extremeness of (over)reported American religious participation, in light of concordance between modes in other countries. Findings suggest that American religiosity may be exceptional not in terms of actual behavior, but rather in terms of identity. As a result, this study adds to our understanding of American exceptionalism by drawing a distinction between religious identities and religious behavior.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','pbrenner@umich.edu','2014-10-22 19:04:03','2014-10-27 11:32:28','','Waiting'),(1617,'Investigating the Effect of Bias in Survey Measures of Church Attendance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'That church attendance rates are overestimated by conventional surveys is well established. Much of the extant literature places the locus of the error primarily on measurement; overreporting on the part of the respondent. However, there has been relatively little research into the effect of this meas- urement error on the individual demographic predictors commonly associated with church attend- ance. In this paper, demographic subgroups are compared on their propensities to report church attendance in conventional surveys and time diaries across 14 countries and four decades. Findings indicate that these covariates are strongly correlated with both measures of attendance, but parame- ter estimates do not significantly or consistently differ between these modes. This finding suggests that, while conventional survey measures may overestimate population rates of attendance in some countries (i.e., North America), parameter estimates for these demographic predictors are largely unaffected by overreporting bias. Finally, limitations and future directions of research are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','pbrenner@umich.edu','2014-10-22 19:06:58','2014-10-27 11:37:01','','Waiting'),(1618,'To vote or not to vote? A macro perspective. Electoral participation by immigrants from different countries of origin in 24 European countries of destination. ','To vote or not to vote? A macro perspective. Electoral participation by immigrants from different countries of origin in 24 European countries of destination. ',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Electoral participation by immigrants is an important issue in Europe, particularly because immigrants vote less often than natives. This may suggest a lack of political integration and might result in proportionally lower representation in parliament, in turn affecting democratic legitimacy. This research analyses 8132 immigrants in 24 European countries. We find that although the largest differences are at the level of the country of destination, the characteristics of the country of origin offer more powerful explanations. We conclude that immigrants from countries with more political and socio-economic opportunities have a higher propensity to vote. Immigrants who live in countries with a higher economic development level also vote more often. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','s.andre@tilburguniversity.edu','2014-10-30 12:09:53','2014-11-05 11:00:18','','Waiting'),(1619,'The Influence of Social Capital on Health in Europe','Значение социального капитала для здоровья в странах Европы',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is devoted to a problem of social capital’s influence on health in different public contexts.  Data of the European Social Survey 2008 (representative samples of the population of 28 countries) and statistics of the World Bank and the WHO were analyzed with application of the statistical methods of two-level linear modeling.  The results show that subjective health is not significantly connected with the stocks of individual \"structural\" capital – connections of respondent with other people and voluntary associations.  Social connections do have a positive effect on health in relatively less developed European countries (with lower GDP per capita and state expenditure on health and higher corruption level), but it disappears after statistical control for social demographic variables (gender, age, education and perception of well-being) due to a greater influence on health of social demography and deficiency of this capital at elderly people and lower social strata.  The public resources of structural capital, i.e. prevalence in the society of social networks and citizen’s associations, also do not influence health - nor directly nor through interaction with its individual stocks.  Cultural (attitudinal) social capital, as we have found, is more important for health. Analysis demonstrates that trust of the individual to other people creates prerequisites for improvement of his health, and impact of this variable on health amplifies as a country moves in the direction of post-modernization.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nrusinova@gmail.com','2014-11-05 10:28:39','2014-11-05 11:27:12','','Waiting'),(1620,'Moving through the political participation hierarchy: A focus on personal values','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study empirically explores the determinants of political participation. Using data from the European Social Survey, we investigate the relationship between political participation and personal values, using the Schwartz (1992) values inventory. A political participation hierarchy is theorized, and activities are categorized into four levels of participation (none, weak, medium and strong), based on the cost of participating and how unconventional the activity is. Empirical analysis points to individuals who are more open to change and more self-transcendent, being more likely to participate. Sub-sample analysis, contrasting East and West Europe, suggests that the role for personal values is more subdued in the East, with respect to moving individuals from not participating to at least voting. Furthermore, the use of a generalized ordered logit model in this study illustrates the complex nature of many of the determinants of political participation. In particular, we find that the influence of the majority of individual characteristics is not monotonic in nature, as you move up through the political participation hierarchy. These findings are important for researchers and policy-makers who may be interested in understanding determinants of and/or enhancing the level of political participation in an economy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','gail.pacheco@aut.ac.nz','2014-11-19 23:04:16','2014-11-20 14:06:19','','Waiting'),(1621,'Education, Mental Health, and Education–Labor Market Misfit','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Higher-educated people experience enhanced mental health. We ponder whether the mental health benefits of educational attainment are limitless. At the individual level, we look at the impact of job-education mismatch. At the societal level, we hypothesize that diminishing economic returns on education limit its mental health benefits. Using a subsample of individuals aged 20 to 65 years (N = 28,288) from 21 countries in the European Social Survey (ESS 2006), we estimate the impact on depressive symptoms of characteristics at both the employee level (years of education and job-education mismatch) and the labor market/country level (the gap between the nontertiary and tertiary educated in terms of unemployment risks and earnings). The results show that educational attainment produces mental health benefits in most European countries. However, in some of the countries, these benefits are limited or even completely eliminated by education–labor market misfit.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Piet.Bracke@UGent.be','2014-11-20 09:45:22','2014-11-20 14:20:56','','Waiting'),(1622,'A Capability Perspective on Employability of Higher Education Graduates in Bulgaria','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper examines the employability of higher education graduates in Bulgaria in the context of higher education expansion and economic crisis. It adopts a comparative perspective by placing Bulgaria among other post-communist countries – Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. The paper contributes to previous research on graduate employability by applying the theoretical framework of the capability approach to the extent that it takes into account the qualitative side of employability and is sensitive to diverse contexts. It is argued that the high employment rates among graduates mask the problems that they are currently experiencing in the labour market. The paper draws on data from the European Social Survey (2006-2010) and uses descriptive statistics, logistic and linear regressions for the analysis. Results demonstrate the usefulness of giving a capability perspective towards graduates employability and reveal huge disparities in graduate employability among the most qualified in these six countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2014-11-21 12:01:16','2014-11-21 16:26:37','','Waiting'),(1623,'Immigrants’ Attitudes Toward Homosexuality: Socialization, Religion, and Acculturation in European Host Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With increasing diversity of migrants in Europe, questions around cultural integration are gaining importance. This study focuses on attitudes towards homosexuality amongst first and second generation immigrants from 186 origin countries to examine the role of religion,origin country socialization and acculturation. There is clear evidence for intra-and intergenerational acculturation of attitudes with declining importance of origin country context. While individual characteristics of migrants and origin country context can explain a substantial part of religious group differences particularly amongst the first generation, Muslims and to a lesser extent other non-Christian and Eastern Orthodox migrants hold overall more negative attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'online first publication (no issue assigned yet)','roedera@tcd.ie','2014-11-26 12:24:58','2014-11-27 16:17:40','','Waiting'),(1624,' Beliefs, media exposure and policy preferences on immigration: Evidence from Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article studies the joint determination of beliefs about the economic impact of immigration and immigration policy preferences, using data from the five rounds of the European Social Survey (2002–2010). In addition to standard socio-economic characteristics, this analysis takes individual media consumption into account, as a determinant of opinion about immigration. Our results stress the important role of the endogenous determination of beliefs, which appears as a major determinant of policy preferences. Moreover, media exposure appears as a key determinant of beliefs: individuals who spend more time to get informed on social and political matters through newspapers and radio have a better opinion on the economic impact of immigration compared with individuals who devote time to other types of content.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','gilles.spielvogel@univ-paris1.fr','2014-11-27 09:57:51','2014-11-27 16:21:05','','Waiting'),(1625,'The Irish and immigration before and after the boom','The Irish and immigration before and after the boom',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During the past few decades, immigration in Ireland has been steadily increasing. This column discusses how this change affects public attitudes towards immigration, and the factors that influence these attitudes. Not surprisingly, the recent economic crisis has had a negative impact on the perception towards immigration. At the same time, the Irish are becoming more tolerant towards people from very different backgrounds.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article is here:\nhttp://www.voxeu.org/article/attitudes-towards-immigration-ireland\n','kevin.denny@ucd.ie','2014-11-27 10:11:12','2014-11-28 08:53:53','','Waiting'),(1626,'Political Trust and Job Insecurity in 18 European Polities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Abstract: Several decades of trust research has confirmed that difficult national economic conditions help explain citizens’ low levels of political trust. But research points to a much less important role for personal economic factors. The latter finding, it is argued, is a result of flawed survey questions and model misspecification. We actually know very little about the precise economic concerns that may generate low levels of trust and about the mechanisms via which they do so, resulting in a rather thin causal story. This paper seeks to address this lacuna, focusing on an issue of increasing importance in advanced economies: job insecurity.\nUsing individual-level data from 18 European polities at two different time points, the paper finds that job insecurity generates lower levels of trust in politicians, political parties and political institutions and lower levels of satisfaction with democratic performance. Importantly, job insecurity’s effect does not diminish as one moves from specific to more diffuse objects of political trust, as previous research suggests it should. The paper also finds that the effect of job insecurity is exacerbated if citizens have negative perceptions of the performance of the wider economy. Finally, and drawing on the occupational psychology literature, the paper proposes a novel causal mechanism to link job insecurity to political trust. The intuition is that job insecurity violates a ‘psychological-democratic’ trust contract between workers and the state. The mechanism is consistent with the observed results. The paper thus contributes to both the empirical and theoretical debates on the linkages between political trust and economic performance. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a.j.wroe@kent.ac.uk','2014-11-27 10:44:22','2014-11-27 16:27:15','','Waiting'),(1627,'Media Usage and Civic Life: The Role of Values','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous research has observed that media usage influences civic outcomes, including trust and political behavior. However, this research has rarely examined the social psychological mechanisms underlying the relationship between media and civic life. The current study focuses on values as potential explanations for how media usage impacts civic engagement. Using data from Round 5 of the European Social Survey (2010) and employing two-level structural equation modeling, this paper examines whether entertainment TV watching, political TV watching and Internet use are related to civic life outcomes measured by social trust, voting, and non-traditional political participation through two value dimensions: openness to change vs. conservation and self-transcendence vs. self-enhancement. Results showed that media usage was associated with values, which in turn accounted for a small portion of the effects of media on civic engagement. This study identifies a significant factor contextualizing the relationship between media and civic life that has thus far been overlooked in studies of civic life or political behavior. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','rfirat@gmail.com','2014-11-27 11:05:02','2014-11-28 09:02:14','','Waiting'),(1628,'To What Extent Do Financial Strain and Labour Force Status Explain Social Class Inequalities in Self-Rated Health? Analysis of 20 Countries in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Introduction: Nordic countries do not have the smallest health inequalities despite egalitarian social policies. A possible explanation for this is that drivers of class differences in health such as financial strain and labour force status remain socially patterned in Nordic countries.\n\nMethods: Our analyses used data for working age (25–59) men (n = 48,249) and women (n = 52,654) for 20 countries from five rounds (2002–2010) of the European Social Survey. The outcome was self-rated health in 5 categories. Stratified by gender we used fixed effects linear regression models and marginal standardisation to instigate how countries varied in the degree to which class inequalities were attenuated by financial strain and labour force status.\n\nResults and Discussion: Before adjustment, Nordic countries had large inequalities in self-rated health relative to other European countries. For example the regression coefficient for the difference in health between working class and professional men living in Norway was 0.34 (95% CI 0.26 to 0.42), while the comparable figure for Spain was 0.15 (95% CI 0.08 to 0.22). Adjusting for financial strain and labour force status led to attenuation of health inequalities in all countries. However, unlike some countries such as Spain, where after adjustment the regression coefficient for working class men was only 0.02 (95% CI -0.05 to 0.10), health inequalities persisted after adjustment for Nordic countries. For Norway the adjusted coefficient was 0.17 (95% CI 0.10 to 0.25). Results for women and men were similar. However, in comparison to men, class inequalities tended to be stronger for women and more persistent after adjustment.\n\nConclusions: Adjusting for financial security and labour force status attenuates a high proportion of health inequalities in some counties, particularly Southern European countries, but attenuation in Nordic countries was modest and did not improve their relative position.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dr.richard.shaw@gmail.com','2014-11-27 11:10:49','2014-11-28 09:29:48','','Waiting'),(1629,'Are we working harder than ever?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This fourth publication in the Megatrends series asks whether we are working harder than ever. Employees seem to think they are.  This is not because they are working longer hours.  Rather it seems to be a sense of work becoming a more intense experience with greater workloads and pressures to meet deadlines, customer demands and performance targets.\nOur analysis suggests that the recession has played a part in increasing work intensity with greater job insecurity creating extra pressures for some employees.  However, longer term forces are also at work.  Technological change and the expectations of customers and service users have made work more demanding.  How people are managed makes a huge difference.  Where jobs are poorly designed, give employees little control over their work and offer little or no support for employees, the feeling of pressure can result in poor work performance, discontent and, in some cases, poor health.  In contrast, the right combination of management practices, line management behaviour and organisational culture can unleash the enthusiasm, energy and creativity of committed employees.\nOur purpose at CIPD is to champion better work and working lives.  We all need to recognise that the increases in productivity that we rely on to improve our standard of living arise in part because technology finds ways of making us work harder as well as smarter.  The challenge to employees, employers and policy makers is to manage this in a way that enhances, rather than diminishes, our lives in and out of work.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','m.beatson@cipd.co.uk','2014-11-27 15:25:57','2014-11-28 10:13:55','','Waiting'),(1630,'Temporary Jobs and Subjective Well-being','Tijdelijke banen en welzijn',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Government policies in European countries have the objective of creating a flexible labour market to combat or prevent unemployment. Temporary work, however, affects well-being negatively. Our research goal is to determine how the well-being of temporary workers compares to that of unemployed workers. We compare the loss of well-being in temporary jobs to that of unemployment, and explore the causes of the differences between temporary and permanent workers. We find a significant negative effect of temporary jobs on well-being, but this effect is relatively small in comparison to the six times larger negative effect of unemployment. The negative effect of temporary jobs is caused by both the worse quality of the jobs and by job insecurity. The negative effects, however, do not reinforce but reduce each other. The bad quality of the jobs appears to be less of a problem for well-being because the job is temporary. The conclusion is that the negative effects of temporary jobs on well-being are small in comparison to those of unemployment. It is, nevertheless, noted that job insecurity leads to considerable losses of well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','p.h.van.der.meer@rug.nl','2014-11-28 13:27:37','2014-12-01 10:15:27','','Waiting'),(1631,'Inverting the Logic of Economic Migration: Happiness Among Migrants Moving from Wealthier to Poorer Countries in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Migration from a poorer country to a wealthier one often results in a lower relative economic status for the migrant (even when it increases their incomes in an “absolute” sense) – and thus perhaps results also in a decrease in his/her happiness.  By the same logic, migration from a wealthy country to a poorer one might bring a higher status position for the migrant and so might raise his/her happiness.  This paper investigates happiness among migrants who move from northern European countries to Spain, Portugal, Greece and Cyprus, comparing them to stayers in the origin countries (Belgium, Switzerland, France, Germany, Britain, and the Netherlands).  The analysis shows that migrants are less happy than stayers, in a bivariate comparison and a conventional regression model.  A consideration of results from “treatment models” and matching analyses suggests that the difference represents a decrease in happiness for the migrants (and not a difference in happiness prior to migration), contrary to an expectation rooted in an anticipated increase in economic status.  Migrants have lower relative incomes than stayers; when relative income is controlled, the happiness disadvantage of migrants is smaller.  Controlling additionally for absolute income does not lead to further change in that difference. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','d.bartram@le.ac.uk','2014-12-01 11:06:35','2014-12-01 13:17:36','','Waiting'),(1632,'Happiness and ‘economic migration’: A comparison of Eastern European migrants and stayers','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One might expect economic migrants to experience an increase in happiness after migration: life in wealthier countries might be better, particularly for migrants who succeed in improving their financial situation.  From the perspective of \'happiness studies\', however, migration motivated by the prospect of economic gain is perhaps a misguided endeavor.  In general, people do not gain happiness from an increase in their incomes, and migration as a means of gaining an increased income might not amount to an exception to that general pattern.  This paper explores happiness among migrants and stayers in a number of European countries, investigating individuals from eastern European countries who went to western Europe.  Migrants generally appear to be happier than those who have remained in the countries of origin – but there is evidence that this difference is the result of a greater tendency towards migration among people with higher levels of happiness (thus not a matter of happiness increasing as a consequence of migration).  In addition, there is significant variation by country: migrants from Russia, Turkey and Romania are happier than stayers, but migrants from Poland are significantly less happy than stayers.  Models that determine whether a correction for endogeneity is necessary suggest that those country-level differences represent increases and decreases (respectively) in happiness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','d.bartram@le.ac.uk','2014-12-01 11:12:40','2014-12-01 13:41:33','','Waiting'),(1633,'The bigger the worse? A comparative study of the welfare state and employment commitment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates how welfare generosity and active labour market policies relate to employment commitment. As social policy is increasingly directed towards stimulating employment in broader sections of society, this article particularly studies employment commitment among groups with traditionally weaker bonds to the labour market. This is also theoretically interesting because the employment commitment in these groups may be more affected by the welfare context than is the employment commitment of the core work force. A welfare scepticism view predicts that disincentive effects and norm erosion will lead to lower employment commitment in more generous and activating welfare states, while a welfare resources perspective holds the opposite view. Using multilevel data for individuals in 18 European countries, the article finds increasing employment commitment as social spending gets more generous and activating. This was also evident for weaker groups in the labour market, although the effect was less pronounced in some groups.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kjetil.wel@hioa.no','2014-12-01 14:11:27','2014-12-01 15:26:18','','Waiting'),(1634,'Measuring Trust in European Public Institutions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The problem of measuring the general level of trust in public institutions is addressed. A very general framework to compute an index of trust in public institutions is proposed and it is shown how to perform an uncertainty analysis of an index of trust to test its robustness. An application to data from the sixth round of the European Social Survey is presented. It is found that Scandinavian countries are the most trustful European countries in public institutions, whereas former communist countries as well as Iberian and Mediterranean ones are much less trustful. The governments of the least trustful countries in public institutions should be very careful in monitoring this issue and should think about introducing reforms to improve citizens\' trust. Improving trust in public institutions is central to improve social capital, participation in civic activities and law--abiding behavior and then governmental legitimacy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Send an email to me for a free pdf copy of the paper.','marco.marozzi@unical.it','2014-12-01 16:33:00','2014-12-02 10:15:07','','Waiting'),(1635,'Modelling the relationships between work-to-family conflict, work and family stressors and well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The current study examines three structural equation models concerning work-to-family conflict. The predictors and outcomes of work-to-family conflict pertained to family domain, represented by family stressors such as partnership disagreements; to work domain, represented by work stressors such as work demands; and to affective domain, represented by subjective well-being perception. We focus on the relationship between the three domains (work, family, and affective) and work-to-family conflict using the European Social Survey R2 (2004/2005) data. The aim of the study is to explore the bidirectional links between work-to-family conflict and selected factors: work demands, partnership disagreement and subjective well-being. Our results support the spill-over theory (Eby et al. 2010; Champoux, 1978) claiming that the domains of work and family spill over and that work stressors and family stressors can both explain work-family conflict as predictors and be explained by work-family conflict as its outcomes. The results also show reciprocal effects of the affective domain on work-to-family conflict and vice versa.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dfedak@saske.sk','2014-12-02 09:30:28','2014-12-02 10:22:34','','Waiting'),(1636,'Perception of safety in Slovakia and in the neighbouring countries in five rounds of European Social Survey','Vnímanie bezpečia na Slovensku a v susedných krajinách v piatich kolách Európskej sociálnej sondy',41,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper focuses on the perceived safety and expected terrorism threat in Slovakia and its neighbouring countries. Data from the ESS integrated data file 1-5 were analysed. Results indicate that the level of perceived safety is almost similar across the neighbouring countries except the decreased level of safety in Ukraine. Slovak respondents worry most about the criminal acts as burglary and physical attack. Finally the respondents´ prediction of the terrorist attack in Europe and in their own country was analysed. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dfedak@saske.sk','2014-12-02 09:37:55','2014-12-02 10:28:27','','Waiting'),(1637,'Civic returns to education: its effect on homophobia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper addresses the question of whether higher levels of education contribute to greater tolerance of homosexuals. Using survey data for Ireland and exploiting a major reform to education, the abolition of fees for secondary schools in 1968, it is shown that increases in education causes individuals to be significantly more tolerant of homosexuals. Ignoring the endogeneity of education leads to much lower estimates of the effect of education. Replicating the model with data for the United Kingdom generates very similar results. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Link is here:\nhttp://www.ucd.ie/geary/static/publications/workingpapers/gearywp201109.pdf\n','kevin.denny@ucd.ie','2014-12-02 09:53:57','2014-12-02 10:32:51','','Waiting'),(1638,'The translation procedure in Flanders related to the European Social Survey - Round 6','De vertaalprocedure in Vlaanderen in het kader van het Europees Sociaal Onderzoek Ronde 6',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report gives an overview of the translation procedure that has been followed for the European Social Survey Round 6 in Flanders. In the first paragraph the content and the structure of the questionnaire in Round 6 is discussed. In the second paragraph the translation procedure is elaborately explained. And at last we take a look at the actual translation of the Flemish questionnaire.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dries.tirry@soc.kuleuven.be','2014-12-04 14:32:15','2014-12-04 15:09:02','','Waiting'),(1639,'European Social Survey Round 6 Belgium. Process evaluation for the data collection','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this report is to provide an overview of the data collection activities undertaken within the context of the sixth round of the European Social Survey (ESS) implemented in Belgium between September and December 2012. It provides an overview of the daily activities and decisions taken, and constitutes an evaluation of the entire implementation process including sampling, fieldwork activities, and the resulting final dataset.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dries.tirry@soc.kuleuven.be','2014-12-04 14:37:44','2014-12-04 15:48:24','','Waiting'),(1640,'10 years of European Social Survey. Some results from the first six rounds (2002-2012) ','10 jaar \'European Social Survey\'. Enkele resultaten van de eerste zes rondes (2002-2012)',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Booklet containing substantive results from the European Social Survey (ESS) on a variety of issues (citizenship, politics and democracy; trust in institutions; subjective wellbeing; work and economic crisis; attitude towards immigration). Specific focus on the results for Belgium compared to other European countries.\n\nThe aim of the booklet it to enhance the awareness of the existence of the ESS to the general public and researchers in Flanders, Belgium. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dries.tirry@soc.kuleuven.be','2014-12-04 14:44:31','2014-12-04 15:53:14','','Waiting'),(1641,'Correlation of perceived safety and value orientation. ','Vzťah medzi vnímaním bezpečia a hodnotovou orientáciou',41,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study focuses on correlation of perceived safety and preference of types of values. For this purpose we used ESS data from Round 4, specifically Slovak sample consisting of 1810 respondents. The results showed only low levels of correlations in variables of interest, but still significant. We found out that the polarity of the dimensions shown in the Schwartz values model affects the perception of safety.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','tomkova@saske.sk','2014-12-10 11:01:45','2014-12-11 15:51:26','','Waiting'),(1642,'Use of childcare services in the EU Member States and progress towards the Barcelona targets','Use of childcare services in the EU Member States and progress towards the Barcelona targets',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report provides a current analysis of Member States\' progress towards meeting the \'Barcelona targets\'. It initially examines the progress towards reaching the Barcelona targets by comparing and then extending the results presented in 2008. However, it also extends the previous 2008 analysis in a number of ways, namely it examines: the impact of parenthood on employment, public spending on childcare and the cost, affordability and quality of childcare. The report also summarises the extent to which the Barcelona targets have been met by Member States by the agreed deadline of 2010. Where possible, data were examined for 27 EU Member States and where available, EFTA countries Norway and Iceland, the cost, affordability and quality of childcare.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','patrick.prag@sociology.ox.ac.uk','2014-12-13 19:57:04','2014-12-15 10:50:56','','Waiting'),(1643,'Local government: Does it belong to the people or the state? A comparative study of the UK, France and Portugal','Poder local: Do povo ou do estado? Estudo comparativo: Reino Unido, França e Portugal',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Abstract\nThis investigation develops a study on the theme of Local Government in Portugal and seeks the answer to the inevitable question: is there Local Government in Portugal? It analyzes the local authority as a phenomenon whose distinguishing traits are based on a democratic regime, which calls for the increase in the political participation of citizens. Through a Comparative Study of Local Power in European contexts in the UK, France and Portugal, the extent to which our country is presented as a sui generis case will be assessed at the Local Government level. Highlighting that, in addition to the Central State losing economic and social force, before the political effects of globalization through European enlargement, on the other hand, unlike the UK and the France, it retains its strength in the dependence created at the local level. We consider that we have an unfinished Local Authority which is under construction as a real power to the citizens. The data presented are the result of a comparative study between the Local Authorities in the three countries, through a comparison of the models, reveal that the Local Government in Portugal does not have the same degree of consistency and financial ability we found in other european countries.\nGiven the refocusing of the Central State and the European Union despite not having in Portugal meant the introduction of a new equation, based on new possibilities and potentials in terms of local administration, a model which we consider to be a viable alternative in the political system of Local Government is presented, based on participatory democracy. \nFor this investigation the European Social Survey (ESS) conducted every two years throughout Europe since 2001 was used, having been adapted from the original European transnational inquiry ESS6 applied in 2012 in more than 20 countries. In this study of comparative content, were considered the data collected with the same instrument in the UK, France and Portugal in 2012, and were analyzed citizens\' views of the three countries, considering how the government of their country and their participation in political life (interests, preferences, experiences and criticism) and the implications and effects of that on Local Government, and it was found that the differences are more significant between Portugal and the United Kingdom than with France. \n\nKeywords: Local Government - State – Citizenship - Democracy - Participation\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','cristina.simoes@isdom.pt','2014-12-14 20:47:14','2014-12-15 11:09:55','','Waiting'),(1644,'Sampling for the European Social Survey Round 7 - Belgium','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this report the sampling procedure in Belgium for the European Social Survey in round 7 is outlined. The characteristics of the sample described in this report are: the target population, the sample frame, the sample size, the sample design and the sample validity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dries.tirry@soc.kuleuven.be','2014-12-17 09:27:12','2014-12-17 13:31:43','','Waiting'),(1645,'Europe as a value-based community? An east-west comparison based on the Schwartz Value Inventory','Europa als Wertegemeinschaft? Ost und West im Spiegel des `Schwartz Value Inventory',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While liberal values matter in all European societies, \'security\' trumps almost everything all in Central and Eastern Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','arzheimer@politik.uni-mainz.de','2014-12-22 12:02:48','2014-12-22 14:29:18','','Waiting'),(1646,'Social Policy and Perceived Immigrant Labor Market Competition in Europe: Is Prevention Better Than Cure? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous research on attitudes toward immigrants has so far focused on composite outcome measures instead of dealing with more specific forms of perceived threat and prejudice. The present article approaches this gap by investigating the antecedents of the perception that immigrants take jobs away from the host-country population. This form of perceived economic competition is a fundamental feature of immigrant-native relations in many countries, and it is embedded in the institution of the labor market. Accordingly, the main interest of this study lies in the influence of two central aspects of labor market policy, employment protection legislation and unemployment benefit level. European Social Survey data are used in multilevel models that include individual-, regional-, and country-level factors. The results indicate that unemployment benefits abate perceived competition, and the impact is strong. This finding is robust against the inclusion of several other policy indicators, including integration policies, welfare regime types, and other structural factors such as unemployment rates and unionization figures. Employment protection affects perceived economic threat only indirectly by mitigating the impact of regional unemployment. Furthermore, it actually increases perceived competition for unemployed persons. These findings challenge the notion that prevention is always better than cure. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Boris.Heizmann@wiso.uni-hamburg.de','2015-01-08 16:02:55','2015-01-08 16:38:25','','Waiting'),(1647,'Health in Europe and Russia: Societal Context and Social Inequalities','Состояние здоровья в Европе и России: общественный контекст и социальные неравенства',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article is devoted to health differences in the European states and social inequalities in health in Europe.  The analysis of the European Social Survey 2008 data (representative samples of the population of 28 countries) and statistics of World Bank and WHO, carried out with methods of two-level logistic modeling, shows that in the postcommunist countries health is, as a rule, significantly worse, than in other parts of the continent.  The reason of such differences is rather low level of their development (inefficient - economy, welfare state, public administration) and low social integration.  It is found also that health in Europe is structured on demographic and social variables, and such structuring depends on a macro context – a country level of social development.  With growth of this level, social inequalities in health start smoothing out.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nrusinova@gmail.com','2015-01-12 13:29:34','2017-12-20 14:36:01','','Waiting'),(1648,'Neo-Nationalism in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The increasing popularity of radical right parties in Western Europe has received widespread attention. Despite a rather large literature on parties with explicitly anti-immigrant platforms, there is surprisingly little consensus about the underlying political ideology of this party family and its sup- porters. Particularly lacking is cross-national research that maps party positions in two-dimensional political space over time. Using Manifesto Project Data (1970–2010), we analyse election platforms of parties the literature has identified as radical right and show that they have qualitatively changed be- tween 1970 and 2010. Current parties differ fundamentally from their predecessors in that nationalist claims are paramount. We use the European Social Survey (2002–2010) to confirm that voters’ attitudes are consistent with contemporary parties’ platforms. Our results point to a coherent political ideology, which may partially explain these parties’ recent electoral successes. Based on our combined analyses, we conclude that contemporary anti-immigrant parties constitute a new and distinct party family, which we term neo-nationalist.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'First published online December 12, 2014','Maureen.Eger@sociology.su.se','2015-01-26 21:49:45','2015-02-12 12:09:38','','Waiting'),(1649,'Old Age Stigmatization','Old Age Stigmatization',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Surprisingly, the discourse on ageism hardly profits from stigma research despite their common denominator—discrimination. The goal of this article is to discuss the stigma concept developed on micro-level interactions and apply it to ageism research on the macro level, i.e. using Round 4 data of the representative international European Social Survey (2008). The data analysis is focused on dominant opinions of the Lithuanian population (N=2002) and usual behavior toward older people, while international comparison is used for interpretation of results. The results show that old age in the Lithuanian society is an \"open secret\" type of stigma: verbal praise of older people, high assessment of their morals and polite declaration of respect conceal intolerance, disregard and discrimination on the behavioral level. The old age stigma is widespread in Lithuania and stronger than in advanced European countries. Its level is close to discrimination particular to other post-communist and Mediterranean countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','grazina.rapoliene@fsf.vu.lt','2015-01-27 20:06:41','2015-01-28 11:43:46','','Waiting'),(1650,'Is Old Age Stigma?','Is Old Age Stigma?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'„What means to be old? What is ageing identity in Lithuania?“ – questions raised in recently defended dissertation, based on analysis of media texts (N=1106), qualitative interviews with elderly (N=24) and ESS Round 4 data. The ageing identity both in Lithuanian public discourse and by older people themselves is associated with chronological age and constructed negatively, relating ageing to the loss of social status, social roles (except family) and value, also to the health decline. The dominant ageing identity theories and the concept of reflexive self of A.Giddens poorly explain the old age identity in today\'s Lithuania. More suitable for this purpose is E.Goffman‘s stigma concept. Old age in Lithuania is stigma: verbal praise of older people, high assessment of their morals and polite declaration of respect conceals intolerance, disregard and discrimination on the behavioral level. In everyday interactions old age stigmatization is manifested by denial of old age, by marginalizing behavioral norms, direct and indirect age discrimination, institutionalized in private and public structures. The old age stigmatization and discrimination in Lithuania is stronger than in advanced European countries, and its level is close to other postcommunist and in Mediterranean countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','grazina.rapoliene@fsf.vu.lt','2015-01-27 20:27:29','2015-01-28 11:53:52','','Waiting'),(1651,'Poland - Europe. Findings from the European Social Survey 2002-2012','Polska - Europa. Wyniki Europejskiego Sondażu Społecznego 2002-2012',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book presents findings from the European Social Survey 2002-2012 with special focus on Polish results and longitudinal and cross-national comparisons. Chapters cover the following topics: social trust, trust towards institutions, participation in the social protests (Henryk Domanski), subjective opinions on health conditions (Antonina Ostrowska), religion (Zbigniew Mikolejko), perception of the immigration issues (Kinga Wysienska), satisfaction with individual and social life (Franciszek Sztabinski, Anna Dyjas-Pokorska). It contains also: the Introduction (Andrzej Rychard), Information about European Social Survey (Pawel Sztabinski) and Documentation by Theme.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','psztabin@ifispan.waw.pl','2015-02-03 14:39:25','2015-02-05 13:21:29','','Waiting'),(1652,'Social trust in education in European countries, 2002–2010','Social trust in education in European countries, 2002–2010',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social trust in education is at least partly rooted in the legitimacy of the principal institutions which organise the social order, such as the political system, democracy and economy. Easton formulated the theoretical justification for this hypothesis in the 1960s, while empirical confirmation was delayed until the first decade of this century, when the data was collected in the European Social Survey. The results of ESS confirmed the hypothesis that trust in education is influenced by the legitimacy of the more fundamental state institutions but the mechanisms of this effect vary across Europe. In countries where schools are autonomous and control over them is located at community level, trust in education becomes independent from social support for the state. However, in countries where education is considered to be a government agency, strongly shaped by political goals, people tend to evaluate education together with other state institutions. The ESS data also provide insight into factors determining trust in education at the level of the individual. Surprisingly, the lowest degree of trust was shown by the upper classes, including the educated, whom the education system had benefited most. This is not conducive to the involvement of such people in countries that are building their educational resources.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','z.sawinski@ibe.edu.pl','2015-02-03 14:58:12','2016-09-14 10:54:17','','Waiting'),(1653,'Age norms of childbearing. Early, ideal and late childbearing in European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyzes the questions related to the timing of life events –particularly certain phases of becoming adults – in the third wave of European Social Survey. It focuses on the first cohabitation and marriage as well as the timing and the ideal age of becoming parents. Nowadays, the timing of the first childbearing has shifted to older ages all over Europe; therefore, we consider it important to examine whether the attitudes toward the ideal age of childbearing have adjusted to this trend. First of all, we analyze attitude type questions, we focus on when people think it is ideal, too late or too early to become a mother or a father. We have examined the ideal time of childbearing not only from age aspect but also regarding when it would be ideal compared to other life events of becoming adults (cohabitation, marriage) in each of the countries. We have found out whether in Europe the first childbearing is actually considered part of the process of becoming adults or not. We have paid special attention to the Hungarian data: we have examined how the educational level, the age groups, the type of residence, the religion and the gender variables influence the attitudes towards age norms of childbearing in Hungary.This paper analyzes the questions related to the timing of life events –particularly certain phases of becoming adults – in the third wave of European Social Survey. It focuses on the first cohabitation and marriage as well as the timing and the ideal age of becoming parents. Nowadays, the timing of the first childbearing has shifted to older ages all over Europe; therefore, we consider it important to examine whether the attitudes toward the ideal age of childbearing have adjusted to this trend. First of all, we analyze attitude type questions, we focus on when people think it is ideal, too late or too early to become a mother or a father. We have examined the ideal time of childbearing not only from age aspect but also regarding when it would be ideal compared to other life events of becoming adults (cohabitation, marriage) in each of the countries. We have found out whether in Europe the first childbearing is actually considered part of the process of becoming adults or not. We have paid special attention to the Hungarian data: we have examined how the educational level, the age groups, the type of residence, the religion and the gender variables influence the attitudes towards age norms of childbearing in Hungary.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','iszalma@gmail.com','2015-02-05 11:19:35','2015-02-05 12:04:57','','Waiting'),(1654,'Analysis of the Hungarian labor market by deliberative methods','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European welfare states are under increasing pressure from a number of directions. Population ageing and shifts in family patterns increase needs, while the pressures of globalization on national competitiveness restrict the capacity to finance expansive welfare policies. In comparison to other EU member states, Hungary is characterized by a low employment rate, high inactivity and moderate unemployment. Hungary is a post-socialist country in which the capitalist regime has been around for almost 20 years. As Dahrendorf (1994) elaborated upon this, different spheres pass through the transition phase with different speeds: while the fundamentals and institutions of political democracy can, in principle, be enforced in six months, and transition to the market economy can be carried out in six years, the (re)emergence of the values and norms takes a whole generation (60 years). It is a question whether the heritage of the socialist regime is still vivid in Hungary, in addition to whether people expect the government to take care of them in several aspects or whether they are ready to take care of themselves and have lower expectations of the state. It is another question what other European, non-postsocialist countries think about the role of the state and what connections can be detected between current expectations and a nation’s past.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','iszalma@gmail.com','2015-02-05 12:08:23','2015-02-05 14:05:51','','Waiting'),(1655,'Homophobia and same-sex partnership legislation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: This paper seeks to answer the practical question whether the institutionalisation level of same-sex relationships can affect the social acceptance of lesbian women and gay men in Europe, and highlight some of the factors that can potentially determine the incidence of homophobia in 26 European countries.\n\nDesign/methodology/approach: The study contributes to the literature on acceptance of lesbian women and gay men in Europe by using the European Social Survey dataset, focusing especially on a key variable measuring the agreement level with the statement that gay men and lesbians should be free to live their own life as they wish. For data analyses, explanatory models were constructed by applying multilevel mixed-effects linear regression.\n\nFindings: The study presented empirically tested arguments that the introduction of same-sex partnership legislation can lead to a decrease of anti-gay/lesbian attitudes, as has happened in the European countries examined in this study.\n\nResearch limitations/implications: Future research in more societies is needed to examine the long-term effects of the introduction of same-sex partnership legislation on homophobia.\n\nSocial implications: A key policy implication of highlighting that the provision of equal rights for gay and lesbian citizens in the form of same-sex marriage and registered partnership can positively influence attitudes, is to urge policy-makers to introduce these legal frameworks in order to create a more inclusive society.\n\nOriginality/value: The content presented in this paper is based on the authors’ own original research.\n\nKeywords: Sex and gender issues, Laws and legislation, Europe, Discrimination',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','iszalma@gmail.com','2015-02-05 12:12:48','2015-02-05 14:23:07','','Waiting'),(1656,'How to Measure Homophobia in an International Comparison?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How to measure homophobia in internationally comparable ways is a central issue of the present study. Our main goal was to compare attitudes on homophobia in 27 European countries as measured by different variables within two large-scale longitudinal surveys, the European Social Survey and the European Values Study, with both following multistage probabilistic sampling plans, in order to enable a better understanding of the main determinants of homophobic attitudes at the individual as well as country levels. Our dependent variables were the following: the ‘ justification’ of homosexuality, non-preference for homosexual neighbours, and acceptance of gay men and lesbian women (agreement with the statement that gay men and lesbians should be free to live their own life as they wish). We constructed multilevel fixed-effects linear regression and multilevel logistic regression models in order to test our hypotheses regarding the validity of our homophobia measurement instruments as well as the effects of socio-demographic, attitudinal and country-level variables on homophobic attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','iszalma@gmail.com','2015-02-05 12:16:54','2015-02-05 14:38:16','','Waiting'),(1657,'Should men have more rights…? Gender role-related attitudes before and during the 2008 crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In different types of European welfare states there are great differences regarding women’s labour market position, their fertility-related behaviour, and the division of housework. In the Nordic social democratic welfare states, gender equality is the most developed in comparison to the rest of Europe: labour force participation rates of women and men are nearly the same, and the difference between time devoted to housework by women and men is the smallest. According to previous research findings in present day Europe, gender inequalities regarding labour market participation and domestic division of labour are most widespread in the postsocialist countries. For example, in Hungary, Slovakia and the Check Republic mothers having children under 3 have the lowest maternal employment rates in the EU (OECD 2012). Our starting point is the assumption that European countries are characterized by different gender role attitudes and that these attitudes are developed not only at the individual level but also at the level of society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','iszalma@gmail.com','2015-02-05 12:29:37','2015-02-05 15:12:11','','Waiting'),(1658,'Measuring National Well-being, An Analysis of Social Capital in the UK','Measuring National Well-being, An Analysis of Social Capital in the UK',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article provides a baseline analysis of social capital in the UK, using the latest available data. The data are based on 25 headline measures proposed by ONS, which cover four key aspects of social capital: personal relationships, social network support, civic engagement and trust and cooperative norms.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nationalwell-being@ons.gsi.gov.uk','2015-02-06 16:41:57','2015-02-06 17:05:33','','Waiting'),(1659,'Patterns of Family Life Courses in Europe – between Standardisation and Diversity: A Cross-national Comparison of Family Trajectories and Life Course Norms in European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Throughout recent decades, a gradual shift away from an early contracted and simple life course pattern which dominated in the 1950s and 1960s to late protracted and more complex patterns could be observed within European countries. Yet, despite multiple cross-national similarities in the changes of individual life course patterns, there exist considerable differences in the form and frequency of these changes. We argue that one possible way of better understanding these variations is to examine the connection between family formation choices and value orientations. Using data from the European Social Survey 2006 we empirically investigate to what extent the family trajectories have changed across generations and how these practiced family trajectories correspond to cross-cohort changes in socially established norms about family transitions. Our results corroborate the assumption of an increasing restandardisation of family lives: Even though family trajectories have become more turbulent involving more stages and stage changes for the younger generation, “deviations” from traditional family patterns (such as unmarried cohabitation) are turning into majority behaviour, i.e. into a “new standard”. Contrasting these trends with developments in family-related norms reveals that the liberalisation in norms appears to precede such changes in actual demographic behaviour, even though European countries differ in the degree and pace to which such normative and behavioural changes have yet taken place.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jana.chaloupkova@soc.cas.cz','2015-02-09 12:02:16','2015-02-09 16:37:37','','Waiting'),(1660,'Political Participation in Europe: Societal Context and Socio-Cultural Inequalities','Политическое участие в странах Европы: Общественный контекст и социально-культурные неравенства',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article is devoted to a comparative study of political participation and political inequalities in Europe and their dependence on societal context. European Social Survey 2008 data - nationally representative surveys, 28 countries, - and information from the European statistics and research projects on the economic, social and political differences between these countries were analyzed using statistical methods of two-level modeling. It was found that the ESS countries are very different in terms of political participation. These differences depend primarily on the development of the welfare state, a society\'s ability to control corruption and the level of economic development of the country - with the growth of these indicators, more and more citizens are involved in politics. Political participation is higher in those countries where activities of the government institutions are closely linked to the interests of most citizens and accountable to them. The article also discusses the political inequality arising from the social structuring and modern ideological conflicts in European societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2015-02-12 11:54:49','2015-08-28 10:39:14','','Waiting'),(1661,'Religiosity in times of Insecurity: An analysis of Irish, Spanish and Portuguese trends in European Social Survey data, 2002 to 2012','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Secularisation theory would suggest that with increasing economic development, industrialisation and modernity, the influence of the church should be waning. However, more recent theories regarding religiosity in times of personal and contextual insecurity have suggested that secularisation is not a linear process. Existential security theory  predicts that religiosity and religious practice are higher in times of insecurity. Given the economic crisis of 2008, the changes in many governments and subsequent austerity measures, it could be argued that all households in austerity countries are facing more uncertain times than they were before 2008, both personally and contextually. However, analysis of Irish, Spanish and Portuguese data from the European Social Survey (2002–12) using ordinary least squares regression and logistic regression generally does not support this theory in terms of contextual insecurity. There is some support for the link between personal insecurity and religiosity; recent immigrants are significantly and substantially more religious in terms of subjective religiosity, frequency of prayer and frequency of attendance at religious services than earlier immigrants and those who were born in a country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','michael.breen@mic.ul.ie','2015-02-12 12:28:47','2015-02-12 12:52:00','','Waiting'),(1662,'Political Legitimacy in Ireland during Economic Crisis: Insights from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since the 2008 economic crisis, there has been upheaval across Europe. In Ireland, the collapse of the banking, construction and property sectors, and the 2010 EU/International Monetary Fund loan and attached austerity conditions resulted in a dramatic election in 2011 that saw the removal of the dominant political party from power. Ireland provides an important case study to examine political legitimacy given the perceived culpability of political authorities in the recession and the effects of austerity on the population’s welfare. In this article, we examine data from the European Social Survey over a ten-year period (2002– 2012) to ascertain the impact of the crisis on political legitimacy. We measure change in trust in political institutions, satisfaction with government and the link between social trust and political legitimacy. The analysis is repeated separating ‘winners’ (those who voted for the parties in power) from ‘losers’ (those who did not vote for the parties in power). We find that trust in political institutions and satisfaction with government has declined since 2008. However, while satisfaction with government is increasing since the 2011 election, trust in government continues t ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','michael.breen@mic.ul.ie','2015-02-12 12:33:55','2015-02-12 12:39:02','','Waiting'),(1663,'Secularization in Ireland: Analyzing the relationship between religiosity and demographic variables in Ireland from the European Social Survey 2002-2012','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey (the ESS) is an academically-driven social survey designed to chart and explain the interaction between Europe\'s changing institutions and the attitudes, beliefs and behavior patterns of its diverse populations. The core elements are Trust in Institutions; National, Ethnic, and Religious Identity; Political Engagement; Well-being, Health and Security; Socio-political Values; Demographic Composition; Moral and Social Values; Education and Occupation; Social Capital; Financial Circumstances; Social Exclusion; and Household Circumstances. This research includes five rounds of data from 2002 to 2012. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','michael.breen@mic.ul.ie','2015-02-12 12:37:16','2015-02-12 12:56:32','','Waiting'),(1664,'Political Participation in Europe: Societal Context and Socio-Cultural Inequalities','Политическое участие в странах Европы: Общественный контекст и социально-культурные неравенства',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article is devoted to a comparative study of political participation and political inequalities in Europe and their dependence on societal context. European Social Survey 2008 data - nationally representative surveys, 28 countries, - and information from the European statistics and research projects on the economic, social and political differences between these countries were analyzed using statistical methods of two-level modeling. It was found that the ESS countries are very different in terms of political participation. These differences depend primarily on the development of the welfare state, a society\'s ability to control corruption and the level of economic development of the country - with the growth of these indicators, more and more citizens are involved in politics. Political participation is higher in those countries where activities of the government institutions are closely linked to the interests of most citizens and accountable to them. The article also discusses the political inequality arising from the social structuring and modern ideological conflicts in European societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2015-02-24 10:21:49','2015-03-02 11:23:26','','Waiting'),(1665,'Gendering social mobility: a comparative perspective on the nexus of education and class across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on social mobility typically acknowledges the relevance of gender. However, gender-based differences still lack extensive description and explanation. This article starts by reviewing a number of influential contributions on social mobility, educational systems and employment change, as well as important critiques raised in feminist scholarship with regard to these topics of enquiry. We argue that class analysis should not only document asymmetry between men and women in greater detail, but also incorporate it as a piece of explanatory value in the understanding of social mobility at large. This is attempted by examining the data of the European Social Survey covering 22 countries. Drawing on this large-scale data set, we will demonstrate that the transformation of employment structures favours particular forms of upward mobility, which coexist with the resilience of gender inequality in accessing affluent classes. The impact of gender on the nexus between social background, educational attainment and class position is far from uniform in Europe, with significant variation across classes, countries and fields of study.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','pedro.abrantes@iscte.pt','2015-02-25 13:59:22','2015-03-02 11:34:42','','Waiting'),(1666,'Cross-national analysis of gender differences in job-satisfaction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines the so-called “gender paradox” using data from the European Social Survey for a subset of fourteen countries in the European Union. We focus on the hypothesis that women place higher values on certain work characteristics than men, which explains their higher satisfaction despite lower pay. Using estimates from Probit models, we conduct Blinder-Oaxaca decompositions which suggest that a relatively small share of the gender differential is attributable to gender differences in the weights placed on working conditions in most countries. Rather, gender differences in job characteristics contribute relatively more to explaining the gender job-satisfaction differential.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','laetitia.hauret@liser.lu','2015-03-03 16:33:39','2015-03-04 09:15:35','','Waiting'),(1667,'Estonian residents think that the governing parties are not punished in elections for poor performance','Eesti elanike arvates valimistel valitsuserakondi halva töö eest ei karistata',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, Estonian residents think that the governing parties are not punished in elections for poor performance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.ohtuleht.ee/663384/eesti-elanike-arvates-valimistel-valitsuserakondi-halva-too-eest-ei-karistata ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 11:21:55','2015-03-04 11:47:24','','Waiting'),(1668,'Estonians are socially least active nation in Europe','Eestimaalane on Euroopa kõige passiivsem suhtleja',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, Estonians are socially least active nation in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://forte.delfi.ee/news/maa/eestimaalane-on-euroopa-koige-passiivsem-suhtleja?id=70735227 ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 11:25:45','2015-03-04 11:48:44','','Waiting'),(1669,'The Estonian population appreciate the kindness','Eestimaalased hindavad heasoovlikkust',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey showed that the Estonian people\'s satisfaction with democracy is below the European average. At the same time Estonians appreciate the kindness of other people. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.eestikirik.ee/eestimaalased-hindavad-heasoovlikkust/ ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 11:29:44','2015-03-04 11:50:05','','Waiting'),(1670,'Estonian men feel more discriminated against than women','Eesti mehed tunnetavad diskrimineerimist naistest rohkem',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, men feel more discriminated against than women in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/400067/eesti-mehed-tunnetavad-diskrimineerimist-naistest-rohkem ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 11:33:55','2015-03-04 11:53:12','','Waiting'),(1671,'Estonian women feel more excluded because of their age than their gender','Eesti naised tunnetavad ealist tõrjumist soolisest enam',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, Estonian women feel more discriminated against because of their age than because of their gender. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://naine24.postimees.ee/400077/eesti-naised-tunnetavad-ealist-torjumist-soolisest-enam ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 11:41:39','2015-03-04 11:55:47','','Waiting'),(1672,'Estonians are becoming more positive towards immigrants','Eestlased suhtuvad immigrantidesse üha positiivsemalt',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, Estonians are becoming more positive towards immigrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://uudised.err.ee/v/eesti/0c40c047-98e3-40fe-bffa-ee1db3e7ba90','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 11:45:36','2015-03-04 12:01:01','','Waiting'),(1673,'Estonians are becoming more positive towards immigrants','Eestlased suhtuvad immigrantidesse üha positiivsemalt',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, Estonians are becoming more positive towards immigrants. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/2710330/eestlased-suhtuvad-immigrantidesse-uha-positiivsemalt','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 11:47:47','2015-03-04 14:46:40','','Waiting'),(1674,'Estonians not very involved in civil society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the data collected by the European Social Survey (ESS), people are most socio-politically involved in Iceland, Germany and Norway. The citizens are the least active in Portugal, Hungary and Lithuania. Estonia shows a level of involvement characteristic of most post-communist countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://news.err.ee/v/5cd88d3b-be78-4ee8-89e3-f07e38f6cfee ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 11:54:05','2015-03-04 12:04:37','','Waiting'),(1675,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonian residents think that the governing parties are not punished in elections for poor performance ','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanike arvates valimistel valitsuserakondi halva töö eest ei karistata',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, Estonian residents think that the governing parties are not punished in elections when they have done a bad job. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/c86b376e-846f-4b16-8e6e-4fee1fb2dddb','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 11:59:56','2015-03-04 12:06:50','','Waiting');
INSERT INTO `publication` VALUES (1676,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonians not very involved in civil society','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanike ühiskondlik aktiivsus on kesine',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the data collected by the European Social Survey (ESS), people are most socio-politically involved in Iceland, Germany and Norway. The citizens are the least active in Portugal, Hungary and Lithuania. Estonia shows a level of involvement characteristic of most post-communist countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://news.err.ee/v/5cd88d3b-be78-4ee8-89e3-f07e38f6cfee','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 12:05:31','2015-03-04 14:49:59','','Waiting'),(1677,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonians are socially least active nation in Europe','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: eestimaalane on Euroopa kõige passiivsem suhtleja',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, Estonians are socially least active nation in Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/c83007db-d86b-4069-8d72-bb2341e9f5d6','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 12:12:37','2015-03-04 14:52:41','','Waiting'),(1678,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Only the rich can afford worldview in Estonia','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eestis saavad endale maailmavaadet lubada ainult jõukad',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, only the rich can afford worldview in Estonia. Poor Estonians who consider themselves right wing supporters are actually the greatest advocates of state interventions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/6b5f6212-6423-48aa-a877-046e5f29efc6','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 12:21:42','2015-03-04 14:55:44','','Waiting'),(1679,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Muslims and non-Muslims in Europe have similar attitudes','Fakte Euroopa Sotsiaaluuringust: Euroopas on moslemite ja mittemoslemite hoiakud sarnased',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, Muslims and non-Muslims in Europe share similar attitudes towards the importance of press freedom. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/50953c16-0789-4f72-925f-c31fef10b2d8 ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 12:26:41','2015-03-04 15:18:28','','Waiting'),(1680,'Facts from the European Social Survey: young, well-educated and more affluent have more tolerant attitude towards immigrants','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: sisserändajatesse suhtuvad paremini noored, haritud ja jõukamad',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, young, well-educated and more affluent have more tolerant attitude towards immigrants in Estonia. Estonians are becoming more positive towards immigrants. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/b1fa3eb6-314d-4a5d-898c-1b440919b57c','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 12:30:34','2015-03-04 15:21:22','','Waiting'),(1681,'Residents of Ida-Virumaa are less satisfied with democracy than others','Idavirulased on demokraatiaga teistest vähem rahul',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'ESS data shows that residents of Ida-Virumaa (county in Eastern Estonia) are less satisfied with democracy than other Estonians. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 13:46:25','2015-03-04 15:24:56','','Waiting'),(1682,'Is there class society in Estonia? Who are the rich, who are the poor','Kas Eestis on klassiühiskond? Kes on rikas, kes vaene',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How much of our destiny depends on the family we are born into? Do children of the company\'s owners become the new owners and children of the line workers become laborers? Or has the class society disappeared and there are equal opportunities for all?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.ohtuleht.ee/604992/kas-eestis-on-klassiuhiskond-kes-on-rikas-kes-vaene','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 13:55:34','2015-03-04 15:33:48','','Waiting'),(1683,'Is Putin’s mine ticking in Estonia?','Kas Eestis tiksub Putini miin?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Russian President Vladimir Putin has promised to protect the rights of Russian minorities in other countries. In this context, the Western media have asked in recent weeks, whether this might be a small town of Narva, which breaks a large NATO. European Social Survey shows that Estonians and Russians living in Estonia have quite different expectations for democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.novaator.ee/ET/uhiskond/kas_eestis_tiksub_putini_miin/','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 14:03:04','2015-03-04 15:35:54','','Waiting'),(1684,'Who have the right to live as a family in Estonia?','Kellel on Eestis õigus elada perena?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In summer 2014, the project of new cohabitation law is hot topic in Estonia. Attitudes towards same-sex couples in Estonia are analyzed in this article. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://ekspress.delfi.ee/news/arvamus/eveliis-kurs-mare-ainsaar-kellel-on-eestis-oigus-elada-perena?id=69613763','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 14:15:16','2015-03-04 15:38:11','','Waiting'),(1685,'Middle age begins at ...55!','Keskiga algab… 55-aastaselt!',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In affluent countries, people can afford an unusually long middle age. In poorer countries, people think old age begins shortly after the end of the youth.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.epl.ee/news/arvamus/anu-realo-keskiga-algab-55-aastaselt.d?id=65128220','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 14:21:11','2015-03-04 15:42:00','','Waiting'),(1686,'Environmental Sociologist: Climate leaves Estonians indifferent','Keskkonnasotsioloog: kliima jätab eestlased külmaks',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Climate change-related issues have left Estonians relatively indifferent. Kati Orru, researcher at the University of Tartu, explains why it is like that.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/keskkond/b98b4652-cb72-4cfd-9543-56c74c0d300a','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 14:27:26','2015-03-04 15:43:55','','Waiting'),(1687,'In which part of the world we want to belong? ','Millisesse väärtusilma soovime kuuluda?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research results show that the attitudes towards homosexuality are not separated from the other basic values and attitudes that person holds. People, who value independent thinking and action, accept a variety of people.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://arvamus.postimees.ee/2945467/anu-realo-millisesse-vaartusilma-soovime-kuuluda','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 14:43:58','2015-03-04 15:45:30','','Waiting'),(1688,'The Generation of Peter Pans: Grown Up, but Still Under the Wing of the Mother ','Peeter Paanide põlvkond: juba suured, aga ikka ema tiiva all',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'After the graduation from higher education, young people are still living in their parent’s home. Or they take a backpack to travel around the world and live from odd jobs. Getting married, having children, finding a permanent job, and home is not on the top ten in their to-do-list. Meet the generation of Peter Pans.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://naine24.postimees.ee/2721466/peeter-paanide-polvkond-juba-suured-aga-ikka-ema-tiiva-all','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 14:53:34','2015-03-04 15:47:57','','Waiting'),(1689,'Satisfaction with democracy in Estonia is below the European average','Rahulolu demokraatiaga Eestis on Euroopa keskmisest madalam',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey reveals that satisfaction with democracy in Estonia is below the European average. The satisfaction with democracy is higher among the Estonian-speaking population than among the Russian-speaking population. On the positive side, it appears that both Estonian and Russian-speaking residents of Estonia prioritize kindness towards other people. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.telegram.ee/eesti/rahulolu-demokraatiaga-eestis-on-euroopa-keskmisest-madalam#.VCEpWxBeOu4','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 15:01:57','2015-03-04 15:49:37','','Waiting'),(1690,'Satisfaction with democracy in Estonia is below the European average','Rahulolu demokraatiaga Eestis on Euroopa keskmisest madalam',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Satisfaction with democracy in Estonia is below the European average, it appears from the European Social Survey data from 2012/2013. Ratings for democracy are similar in Cyprus, Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/2596624/rahulolu-demokraatiaga-on-eestis-euroopa-keskmisest-madalam','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 15:06:54','2015-03-04 15:51:01','','Waiting'),(1691,'The population scientist recommends early retirement system for Estonia','Rahvastikuteadlane soovitab Eestile eelpensionide süsteemi',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Estonians are rather optimistic about the pension system in the country. According to European Social Survey data, Estonians generally believe that the state can afford the current pension system in next ten years.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://uudised.err.ee/v/eesti/43ab8b2b-ed10-49d9-af4e-6479cd92375c','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 15:14:52','2015-03-04 15:52:10','','Waiting'),(1692,'Young, well-educated and more affluent have more tolerant attitude towards immigrants in Estonia','Sisserändajatesse suhtuvad paremini noored, haritud ja jõukamad',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data, young, well-educated and more affluent have more tolerant attitude towards immigrants in Estonia. Estonians are becoming more positive towards immigrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://forte.delfi.ee/news/maa/sisserandajatesse-suhtuvad-paremini-noored-haritud-ja-joukamad?id=70680259','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 15:23:58','2015-03-04 15:54:02','','Waiting'),(1693,'Estonians the least social nation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey (ESS) reveals that Estonians have the least active social lives in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://news.err.ee/v/bc46bc52-0e61-446d-9ddb-7c486622f6a5','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-04 15:26:26','2015-03-04 15:55:36','','Waiting'),(1694,'Mediapolis, Where Art Thou? Mediated Cosmopolitanism in Three Media Systems Between 2002 and 2010','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article addresses the extent to which cosmopolitan dispositions are cultivated in news consumption, and how this relationship differs between three media systems and over time (2002–2010). It is based on a study using European Social Survey-data covering 14 European countries and over 70,000 respondents in search of a media culture that fosters cosmopolitan sensibilities among citizens – what Roger Silverstone referred to as the ‘mediapolis’. The study contributes to contemporary debates on the conditions under which cosmopolitan dispositions are cultivated since the results put into question the assumption of a ‘mediated cosmopolitanism’, existing on the level of mass mediation across various media systems. This challenge suggests that the ‘mediapolis’ is more of a normative category than an empirical one, and that the theorizing on the relationship between media and cosmopolitanism is in need of recalibration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','johan.lindell@kau.se','2015-03-05 16:02:31','2015-03-06 10:17:18','','Waiting'),(1695,'‘Being Old and Ill’ Across Different Countries: Social Status, Age Identification and Older People’s Subjective Health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objective: It has been suggested that the extent to which older adults identify with ‘old-age’ is associated with greater subjective ill-health. Based on social identity theory, we hypothesise that the societal social status of older people should moderate this relationship, such that the effect of age-identification on subjective health should be stronger in countries in which older people have lower social status.\nDesign and main outcome measures: Subjective health, age identification and the perceived status of people over 70 were assessed in a subsample of older respondents (N = 6185) of the 2008/2009 European Social Survey. We examined whether country-level differences in the perceived status of older adults moderated the effect of age identification on subjective ill-health.\nResults: 20% of the total variance in older people’s subjective ill-health was due to country differences. The hypothesised cross-level interaction was significant in that the negative association between old age identification and subjective health was stronger in countries where the social status of older people is perceived to be lower.\nConclusion: The results provide an important insight into being ascribed a higher social status is likely to have a protective function for older people.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sibila.marques@iscte.pt','2015-03-06 11:46:30','2015-12-07 14:11:56','','Waiting'),(1696,'Perceived Age Discrimination as a Mediator of the Association Between Income Inequality and Older People\'s Self-Rated Health in the European Region','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives. The relative income hypothesis predicts poorer health in societies with greater income inequality. This article examines whether the psychosocial factors of perceived age discrimination and (lack of) social capital may help explain the adverse effect of inequality on older people’s health.\nMethods. Self-rated health, perceived age discrimination, and social capital were assessed in the 2008/9 European Social Survey (European Social Survey Round 4 Data, 2008). The Gini coefficient was used to represent national inequalities in income in each of the 28 European Social Survey countries. Mediation analyses (within a multilevel structural equation modeling paradigm) on a subsample of respondents over 70 years of age (N = 7,819) were used to examine whether perceived age discrimination mediates the negative effect of income inequality on older people’s self-rated health.\nResults. Perceived age discrimination fully mediated the associations between income inequality and self-rated health. When social capital was included into the model, only age discrimination remained a significant mediator and predictor of self-rated health.\nDiscussion. Concrete instances of age discrimination in unequal societies are an important psychosocial stressor for older people. Awareness that the perception of ageism can be an important stressor and affect older patient’s self-reported health has important implications for the way health practitioners understand and treat the sources of patient’s health problems in later life.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Melanie.Vauclair@iscte.pt','2015-03-06 11:52:26','2015-03-06 13:23:14','','Waiting'),(1697,'Subjective Social Status of Older People Across Countries: The Role of Modernization and Employment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives. To test and expand upon modernization theory’s account of subjective social status (SSS) of older people in society. It was   hypothesized that perceptions of older people’s social status should be higher in more modernized countries and that the proportion of older people in employment should moderate the relationship between modernization and SSS of older people.\nMethods. Data were from the “Experiences and Expressions of Ageism” module in the fourth round of the European Social Survey. The sample analyzed included 45,706 individuals from 25 countries in the European region. Multilevel modeling was used to test the hypotheses.\nResults. The SSS of older people (aged 70 years and older) was perceived to be higher in countries with very high levels of modernization and in countries with a higher proportion of older people in employment. The positive association between modernization and SSS of older people was stronger within countries with a lower proportion of older people in employment.\nDiscussion. The proportion of older people who are employed is an important factor that is related to perceptions of the social status of older people in less modern societies. The individual and societal implications are discussed, specifically in relation to policies promoting active aging.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Melanie.Vauclair@iscte.pt','2015-03-06 11:57:59','2015-03-06 13:31:39','','Waiting'),(1698,'Revisiting the Paradox of Well-being: The Importance of National Context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives. Despite age-related changes or declines in circumstances, health or income, many older people are able to maintain subjective well-being (SWB) in later life. This is known as the paradox of well-being. To date, much research has focused on either individual- (e.g., age, health, and income) or country-level (e.g., national wealth, inequality) differences in SWB. The present research investigates how these levels combine, and whether the paradox of well-being persists across different economic contexts.\nMethod. This research uses the 2008–2009 European Social Survey to test the multilevel hypothesis that economic circumstances, reflected by a country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP), affect the paradox of well-being, that is, the relationship between age and SWB. Analyses also account for other relevant psychological, individual, and country differences. Possible avenues by which GDP affects SWB are also explored.\nResults. The multilevel analysis revealed that GDP disproportionally affects the SWB of older people relative to younger people, and that the paradox of well-being is only observed in countries with higher GDP.\nDiscussion. The findings clarify the relationship between age and SWB by demonstrating that the paradox of wellbeing is conditional on the economic context. Implications for individual- and country-level strategies for successful aging are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','H.J.Swift@kent.ac.uk','2015-03-06 12:06:36','2015-03-06 13:39:35','','Waiting'),(1699,'Predictors of attitudes to age across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the context of Europe’s ageing population an important challenge is how to respond to people’s assumptions and expectations about age and ageing. Attitudes to age can affect people of all ages, and involve people’s views both of themselves and of others. These attitudes have important implications for individual well-being, for age equality and for social cohesion. Understanding attitudes to age is essential if governments are to develop appropriate strategies for an ageing population.\n\nThis research explores how people’s age and other demographics combine with different characteristics of the countries in which they live to affect responses to the following topics:\n\n- Age categorisation and identification       \n- Perceived status of people over 70  \n- Perceived threat from people over 70  \n- Perceptions of stereotypes of people aged over 70  \n- How positively or negatively people feel towards those aged over 70 (direct prejudice)  \n- People’s personal experiences of age prejudice.\n\nUnderstanding both the individual and the country-level factors that influence these measures can help us to predict and understand where problems of ageism or age misperception are most likely to arise. The research for this study was conducted using European Social Survey (ESS) 2008/09 data, which provides representative samples from 28 countries belonging to the European region.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','D.Abrams@kent.ac.uk','2015-03-06 12:15:39','2015-03-06 13:50:36','','Waiting'),(1700,'Facts from the European Social Survey: a flexible and reliable work and the satisfaction with the government affect fertility','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: paindlik ja kindel töö ning rahulolu valitsusega mõjutavad sündimust',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A recent paper on European Social Survey data found that a flexible and reliable work and the satisfaction with the government affect fertility.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/1896bdcf-955f-4dad-8500-7c7ae1d649eb','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 10:44:16','2015-03-09 14:46:30','','Waiting'),(1701,'Survey: Estonian residents consider democracy very important','Uuring: Eesti elanikud peavad demokraatiat väga oluliseks väärtuseks',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent international survey results demonstrate that four-fifths of the Estonian population considers it important that the country is ruled democratically. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://teadus.err.ee/v/yhiskond/5973d6de-d78a-4ebe-b7e5-8e98552f1c86','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 10:51:12','2015-03-09 14:48:03','','Waiting'),(1702,'Survey: Estonian and Russian-speakers in Estonia see the importance of democracy differently','Uuring: eesti ja vene keelt kõnelejad näevad demokraatia tähtsust erinevalt',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Researchers from the University of Tartu have published a study which shows that Estonian and Russian-speakers in Estonia see the importance of democracy differently.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://uudised.err.ee/v/eesti/3241f1c1-ae5e-4e72-99ab-8e83475cf484','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 10:59:42','2015-03-09 14:50:41','','Waiting'),(1703,'Survey: Only the rich can afford worldview in Estonia','Uuring: Eestis saavad endale maailmavaadet lubada ainult jõukad',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to European Social Survey data only the rich can afford worldview in Estonia. Poor Estonians who consider themselves right wing supporters are actually the greatest advocates of state intervention.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.pealinn.ee/tarbija/uuring-eestis-saavad-endale-maailmavaadet-lubada-ainult-joukad-n31239','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 11:02:17','2015-03-09 14:53:05','','Waiting'),(1704,'Survey: residents of Estonia do not consider country very democratic','Uuring: elanikud ei pea Eestit väga demokraatlikuks',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A survey conducted in 30 countries reveals that residents of Estonia consider democracy less important than people in other European countries. Furthermore, Estonian residents do not consider Estonia to be very democratic country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/2753828/uuring-elanikud-ei-pea-eestit-vaga-demokraatlikuks','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 11:09:29','2015-03-09 14:55:28','','Waiting'),(1705,'Survey: less educated and less well-off people consider democratic governance unimportant ','Uuring: vähemharitud ja halvemini kindlustatud inimesed peavad demokraatlikku valitsemist ebaoluliseks',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Researchers from the University of Tartu newly published report “Estonian residents’ attitudes towards democracy”, which is based on European Social Survey data. The study showed that although democratic norms are widely appreciated in society, democratic values are not yet universal. The less educated and less well-off people consider democratic governance unimportant. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://maaleht.delfi.ee/news/maaleht/elu/uuring-vahemharitud-ja-halvemini-kindlustatud-inimesed-peavad-demokraatlikku-valitsemist-ebaoluliseks?id=68396877','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 11:23:50','2015-03-09 14:57:06','','Waiting'),(1706,'Formula for happiness ','Õnne valem',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Why has happiness research gained so much importance and popularity in recent decades? A simple answer to this question is provided by American psychologists Sonja Lyubomirsky, Ed Diener ja Laura King who demonstrated that happy people have more successful marriages, more friends, better social relations, larger income, they manage better their work tasks, they are more involved in their community and voluntary work, and most importantly, they have better health and they live longer. In present article the sources and positive outcomes of happiness are discussed, based on the recent survey data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.sirp.ee/s1-artiklid/c9-sotsiaalia/nne-valem-2/','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 11:36:47','2015-03-09 14:58:49','','Waiting'),(1707,'A comparative analysis of gender differences in self-rated health: is the Baltic Sea a frontier of the East–West Health Divide in Europe?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Women have less access to and control over resources than most men. Such a pressure on men has implications for women’s and men’s health status. This paper explores the East–West health divide in Europe focusing on comparison of gender differences in self-rated health (SRH) in geographically close, historically highly connected but socially, politically and economically very different countries. Post-socialist Estonia, Lithuania and Russia are juxtaposed with highly developed social-democratic Finland. The first three countries belong to different strands of Christian culture, share 50 years common history, while moving away from the socialism in rather distinct directions and representing two different types of neo-liberal regimes. Data from the fifth way of the European Social Survey on 5 480 individuals from Estonia, Lithuania, Russia and Finland was used to test the gender differentials in exposure and vulnerability to neo- materialist and psychosocial factors of health inequalities. In general, results confirm the existence of the East–West health divide along the Baltic Sea with regard to gender differences in SRH. But the shape of this divide largely depends on particularities of the compared countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/getdocument.aspx?logid=5&id=07ba20b0d1644950baab38d8431bbd8a','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 11:51:05','2015-03-09 15:04:57','','Waiting'),(1708,'Changes in Mythic Patterns in Estonian Religious Life Stories','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Statistics on religion in Estonia point to extensive changes over the last half-century. Research based on 77 religious life stories considered the nature of these changes, their implications on the individual level, and how the changes have taken place, with the conclusion that the bases of identity formation have been transformed. The Christian myth, which still underpins the life stories of members of the older generation and of Bible-based free congregations, has been partially or totally replaced by the New Age myth in the majority of the life stories of the younger generation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://scp.sagepub.com/content/58/1/77','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 12:04:15','2015-03-10 09:42:01','','Waiting'),(1709,'Civic experiences and public connection : media and young people in Estonia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How do young people in Estonia experience the political, politics and citizenship? How are these civic experiences connected to young peoples’ experiences with the media? Anne Kaun’s thesis Civic Experiences and Public Connection presents a theoretical and empirical investigation of how civic experiences, particularly public connection, emerge in the context of contemporary Estonia. Employing open-ended online diaries and in-depth interviews, she aims to develop an in-depth understanding of how young people experience democracy today, and how they express themselves as citizens; expression not only through the physical performance of citizenship, but also through orientation, interest in, and reflection about issues that are of common concern or should be seen as such. The empirical investigation of public connection as critical media connection, playful public connection and historical public connection, is based on narrative analysis and embedded in a theoretical exploration of key concepts in the context of civic culture studies, namely the political, politics and citizenship.\n\nCombining Chantal Mouffe’s conflict theory with Paul Ricoeur’s narrative identity, Kaun aims to shed light on contemporary democracy from the citizens’ perspective. The author proposes a holistic approach to both civic experiences and the role that media might play in relation to them. Following a non-media- centric approach, she shows that media, despite their ubiquity, are an important but not exclusive source of the civic experiences of young adults in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://oru.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A512500&dswid=3298','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 12:12:35','2015-03-10 09:45:53','','Waiting'),(1710,'Competition for people as drivers of future economic growth: European people’s attitudes towards migration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper follows an argument that the key elements of global competition are no longer trade of goods and services and flows of capital, but the competition for people. We claim that economic growth is driven by educated and innovative people, who prefer to live and migrate to countries that are diverse, tolerant and open to newcomers. Countries should compete for educated and diverse people and therefore a positive attitude to migration is an important argument for future economic growth. We analysed peoples’ attitudes to migration in 23 European countries based on the micro-data of the European Social Survey fourth round database. The outcomes of the empirical analysis show that European peoples’ attitudes toward immigrants vary depending on 1) personal characteristics of the respondents; 2) country’s characteristics; 3) peoples’ attitudes towards countries’ institutions. The results of the study provide empirical evidence based grounds for development of policy measures for improving peoples’ attitudes to immigration and to ethnically diverse human capital that support future economic growth.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://ojs.utlib.ee/index.php/TPEP/article/view/416/409','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 13:54:31','2015-03-12 11:44:19','','Waiting'),(1711,'Estonian residents\' attitudes towards democracy in the European Social Survey data. Study report','Eesti elanike suhtumine demokraatiasse Euroopa Sotsiaaluuringu andmete põhjal. Uuringu aruanne',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present report examines Estonian residents\' attitudes towards democracy using data from the 6th wave of the European Social Survey. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/eesti_elanike_suhtumine_demokraatiasse_euroopa_sotsiaaluuringu_andmete_pohjal.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 16:15:04','2015-03-12 11:48:17','','Waiting'),(1712,'Values of Estonians and Russians in Estonia in European comparison ','Eestlaste ja eestivenelaste väärtused teiste Euroopa rahvastega võrreldes',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the values of Estonians and Russians in Estonia in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 16:26:19','2015-03-12 14:19:33','','Waiting'),(1713,'Employment status influences suicide mortality in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: The present study attempted to assess the relationship between suicide mortality and employment status in Europe.\nMethods: Suicide trends were obtained from the World Health Organization, employment rates from the Conference Board Total Economy Database, and questions about citizens’ attitudes towards employment from the European Social Survey. Correlations were analysed. Differences between mean scores for attitudes in Western and Eastern Europe were calculated.\nResults: Employment and suicide trends are negatively correlated in most countries. Suicide mortality is associated with unemployment risk and expectations of inadequate financial resources during unemployment, and negatively correlated with an assured high sdard of living for the unemployed. Suicide mortality and the degree of conviction that the government should ensure jobs for all are weakly correlated. Attitudes towards employment and unemployment in Eastern and Western Europe diverge.\nConclusions: Changes in employment rates influence suicide mortality in many European countries. Factors that increase suicide mortality include lack of confidence in employment status and unemployed people’s expectations of insufficient income and low living standards. Suicidal behaviour is more strongly related to attitudes linked with employment status among males than females. In Eastern Europe the status of being unemployed is feared more, and people rely more on the government.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://isp.sagepub.com/content/58/1/62.full.pdf+html','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-09 16:33:41','2015-03-12 14:21:56','','Waiting'),(1714,'Ethnicity as a risk factor for ill health: self-reported health among Russian-speaking population in Estonia 2004-2012','Etniline kuuluvus kui terviserisk: Eesti venekeelsete elanike hinnangud oma tervisele 2004-2012',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Inequalities in health are considered to be one of the biggest unsolved public health problems in developed countries. Ethnic origins are considered as one particular factor in shaping health inequalities. Investigations on this topic are important to public health as a discipline, but also to support political decision-making.\n\nThe purpose of this paper is to analyze health differences between Estonians and Russians living in Estonia. In particular, the analysis focuses on the socio-economic, regional and origin-specific differences, describing the situation during 2004-2012. While ethnic differences in Estonia have been studied in the past, then this paper examines the situation for the first time since 2004.\n\nThe paper is a cross-sectional study based on European Social Surveys Estonian data from 2004-2012. Survey sample is representative for the population of Estonia and composes of 15- year-olds and older participants. The sample is based on the national population register. \n\nThe main dependent variable in the analysis is the respondents\' subjective self reported health. The differences between different demographic, socio-economic etc groups are examined. In addition, origin and integration-related differences among Russians are studied. Differences between groups in poor health are analyzed using logistic regression and distribution data. Results are presented as odds ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals (95% CI) and frequency-tables. \n\nThe results show that among Russians living in Estonia, the odds for poor health are higher than among Estonians and during 8 years the ethnic differences have increased three-fold. Russians have higher odds to poor health in nearly all socio-demographic groups and differences are even wider among women. Ethic differences in women are strongly correlated to level of education and income. Among Russians the differences by ethnic origin and level on integration exist, but the reason for it is the respondents’ age, not ethnic origin.\n\nRussians living in the North East of Estonia have higher odds for poor health than the rest of Russians living elsewhere in Estonia. Economic differences raise the odds for poor health several times more in North-Estonian Russians than elsewhere in the country.\nFuture research should examine more closely the reasons for Russian women\'s poorer subjective health and try to find answers why education has less impact on Russians health than Estonians. Also, correlations between perception of discrimination and health in Russian-speaking community need more studying.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/bitstream/1/5837/1/Aaben2014.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 09:54:55','2015-03-12 14:25:54','','Waiting'),(1715,'Formalisation of organisational structure as a subject of path dependency: an example from Central and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines the characteristics of organisational structures in Central and Eastern Europe using the example of Estonia. In particular, the formalisation level of the structures as a subject of path-dependent developments is observed. Quantitative and qualitative research methods are combined for the empirical evidence and data from three different sources are employed: the European Social Survey, the survey of Estonian managers and interviews with managers from Estonian software companies. The authors show that the communist past still affects organisational life today. The path this past created affects the organisational structures in the present in two ways: first, a kind of structural inertia can be observed, where the Soviet style of management with its high formalisation is still present today and limits employees\' freedom to deal with their work. Second, an opposite trend can be revealed for the other actors in the same game, the managers, as another kind of path dependency exists – a process where the past has caused a powerful response, forcing the actors to react against the Soviet management style. We demonstrate that this path dependency can be perceived differently by different actors in an organisation and we show that the path dependency is a complex issue with many nuances within it.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2015.992229','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 10:02:41','2015-03-12 14:29:54','','Waiting'),(1716,'Education','Haridus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines Estonian residents\' opinions about the education in the country using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 10:09:49','2015-03-12 14:34:16','','Waiting'),(1717,'How people perceive immigrants\' role in their country\'s life: a comparative study of Estonia and Russia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper aims to conduct a comparative analysis of possible determinants of peoples’ attitudes towards immigrants depending on individual’s socio-demographic and economic characteristics in Estonia and Russia. The empirical part of the paper relies on information provided in the European Social Survey (ESS) fifth round database. The results of the study show that on average the attitudes towards immigrants are lower in both Estonia and Russia than in the European countries with advanced economies. Estonian peoples’ attitudes towards immigrants are somewhat better in all aspects of country’s life – economy, culture and country as living place, comparing to Russia. Ethnic minorities, people with higher income and religious people are more tolerant to immigrants in both countries. Socio-demographic characteristics (age, gender) and education are valid determinants of peoples’ attitudes towards immigrants only in the case of Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www-sre.wu.ac.at/ersa/ersaconfs/ersa13/ERSA2013_paper_00569.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 10:17:13','2015-03-12 14:38:26','','Waiting'),(1718,'Individual-Level Determinants of Social Capital in Europe: Differences between Country Groups','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates the effect that various individual-level determinants have on social capital, this in order to find out whether there are differences between transition and non-transition countries in Europe. The novelty lies in more comprehensive sets of both the determinants and the dimensions of social capital covered. Data from the World Values Survey of 31 European countries (including 16 transition countries) are analysed. Based on estimates of the measurement and structural model of all countries individually, the countries are clustered within three groups to facilitate comparison of transition and non-transition countries. In contrast to previous results, the findings of this study provide support for the argument that the sources of social capital are remarkably different between transition and non-transition countries. Moreover, the results indicate that subgroups have to be distinguished within both of these country groups. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 10:21:35','2015-03-12 14:42:55','','Waiting'),(1719,'Is institutional trust related to pro-immigrant attitudes? A pan-European evidence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines the factors that are related to attitudes toward immigrants in Europe, with a particular focus on the role of institutional trust in shaping these attitudes. We go one step further compared to previous studies by investigating separately two different groups of people – members of the ethnic majority and ethnic minority populations in European countries. We use data from the European Social Survey fifth round database for 25 countries. The results of the paper show that trust in institutions is the variable that is most strongly associated with the attitudes toward immigrants implying on the importance of fair and supportive operation of political institutions to move toward more immigrant-tolerant environment and become an attractive destination country in the global competition of talents. The findings also indicate that not all of the main determinants of the attitudes toward immigrants drawn from the most common theoretical explanations seem to explain the variation of the attitudes toward immigrants among ethnic minority populations the same way as they explain it in the case of ethnic majority populations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15387216.2014.908313#.VP64WmOfsZc','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 10:28:04','2015-03-12 14:49:51','','Waiting'),(1720,'Analysis of Civic Education and the Voluntary Sector','Kodanikuhariduse ja vabatahtliku tegevuse analüüs Euroopa Sotsiaaluuringu põhjal. Vabatahtliku tüpoloogia',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The report provides an analysis of civic education and the voluntary sector in Estonia using data from the European Social Survey. Typology of volunteers is developed. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 10:35:31','2015-03-12 14:56:24','','Waiting'),(1721,'Analysis of the studies on situation of the LGBT people','LGBT inimeste olukorra uuringute analüüs',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The report provides an overview of the studies on situation of the LGBT people in Estonia. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.erinevusrikastab.ee/et/materjalid/uuringud?id=210','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 10:40:31','2015-03-12 15:05:43','','Waiting'),(1722,'Mechanism of attaining professional and managerial positions and gender. The case of Estonia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Estonia is a country where the gender segregation and gender wage cap are the greatest in Europe (European Institute for Gender Equality 2013). Previous research shows that men and women also have to use different strategies to reach the highest positions in the labour market(Roots 2011a; Titma, Roots, and Soidla 2010). Estonian data from European Social Survey 2010 show that occupation attainment to managerial and professional strata are indeed predicted by different factors, but after adding the variable of gender segregation in the immediate work place the occupation attainment mechanisms of men and women start to resemble. Therefore the main reason of the different occupation attainment mechanisms is labour market segregation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ave.roots@ut.ee','2015-03-10 11:55:58','2015-03-12 15:10:00','','Waiting'),(1723,'Flexible forms of managing work and family life conflict ','Paindlikud töövormid töö- ja pereelu ühitamisel',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter provides overview different forms of managing work and family life conflict using ESS data.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 12:42:08','2015-03-12 15:13:21','','Waiting'),(1724,'Perceptions of Unreported Economic Activities in Baltic Firms. Individualistic and Non-Individualistic Motives','',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses managerial dishonesty in the form of economic activity not reported to the authorities. We employ data from a survey of Baltic firm managers, who were asked to assess the prevalence of unreported profits, employment and wages in their industry and to give their views on a range of questions related to various reasons for dishonest behaviour. Unreported economic activities are perceived to be widespread, although their extent and composition vary across the three countries. We employ a principal component analysis of the survey answers and identify three clusters capturing both individualistic and nonindividualistic motives for dishonest behaviour: 1) reciprocity towards government; 2) rational choice related motives; and 3) norms towards society as proxied by the tolerance of illegal activities. The econometric analysis indicates that all three motives are related to perceptions of unreported activities in the Baltic countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.eestipank.ee/sites/default/files/publication/en/WorkingPapers/2012/wp8_2012.pdf ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 12:48:13','2015-03-12 15:19:52','','Waiting'),(1725,'Predictors of well-being, happiness and health depending on social activity by gender and country: a comparative study','',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is to analyse well-being, happiness and health in a light of social activity. Social activism is often analysed in the framework of social capital, based a trust in institutions and social activity (Putnam 2000). Glaeser et al (1999) confirmed that individuals who spend more time volunteering and have more close friends have better trustworthy behaviour, while a basis for belonging is built on trust. The data analysis tests welfare model (Having, Being and Loving) proposed by Allardt (1976).\n\nThe findings of this study contribute to the research on civic activism in contemporary society. Data analysis shows a strong influence of social activism and socialising to happiness and health. As to take into account different history and socio-economic context of European countries, the lower ability for voluntary work and resources for socialising is in Eastern European countries. A feeling of closeness with people from neighbourhood has no gender specificity (except Austria, Finland and Spain). Political interests and activism do not matter for feeling closer to the people in local area, but ability to help others matters in the most of countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.ut.ee/gender/pdf/LaasMerisalu_Draft_S5_COST.pdf ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 12:53:37','2015-03-12 15:26:31','','Waiting'),(1726,'Prevention of social exclusion of elderly people and support for active and dignified ageing','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article reviews studies undertaken on issues of the elderly population in Europe and Estonia, and what their findings are. The authors also use the European Social Survey and its data to establish how the elderly assess their health situation, who their closest family members are, how they assess their economic coping, opportunities for participation on the labour market, and how active they are in society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.theseus.fi/bitstream/handle/10024/85076/B83_Sustainable%20welfare%20in%20a%20regional%20context.pdf?sequence=1#page=139 ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 13:02:37','2015-03-12 15:34:57','','Waiting'),(1727,'Public trust towards national parliaments in European countries','Rahva usaldus parlamendi vastu Euroopa riikides',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this master thesis was to determine which variables and to what extent effect people’s trust towards their national parliaments.\nI concentrated on trust towards parliament, as parliament is perceived as a central political institution, a cornerstone and a symbol of democracy. Thus, attitudes towards parliament should indicate the general legitimacy of the political system in the eyes of the citizens.\nIn my research, I take a multidimensional perspective towards political trust, considering it to be a result of an interplay between individual and macro level, as well as exogenous and endogenous (in relation to political system) variables. \nIn empirical analysis I use up-to-date data from the 6th wave of European Social Survey, also combining it with some macro indicators of regime performance.\nEmpirical results confirm the direct effects of most variables, except the political history of the country. Trust towards parliaments is higher in countries where the living standard is higher and which are perceived to be less corrupt. Problems with fiscal discipline might also have a negative effect on trust, starting from a certain threshold. GDP per capita, corruption perception index and a dummy variable for countries that have had an international bailout altogether explain 85% of the variance between trust scores among countries.\nOn the individual level, results indiate that people with higher education and higher satisfaction with their household income; who are interested in politics and prioritize democracy highly; support government parties and are satisfied with the political and economic performance of the regime, have higher trust towards parliament. The dominant variable in the model is clearly satisfaction with the economic situation in the country. The unique effect of that variable is more than three times the size of any other variable. Thus, I also investigate which variables determine satisfaction with regime economic performance. I find that it is very strongly related to country level variables, as more than one third of the variation among individuals is attributable to country level. Also, feeling towards household income has a significant effect on it, as people who are not coping with their present income perceive also state economy as being in worse shape. It is noteworthy that egocentric and sociotropic economic evaluations are included in the same model to explain individual trust towards parliament, the former loses almost all of its effect. It is clear that there is a big overlap between the effect of these two variables on institutional trust. Thus, it is shown that individual economic perceptions mediate the effect of objective regime performance and also individual living conditions, giving empirical support to the theoretical model built in the first chapters of the thesis. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.riigikogu.ee/public/Riigikogu/MSI/Magistritoo_reiljan_andres_2014.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 14:45:57','2015-03-12 15:36:58','','Waiting'),(1728,'Public trust towards national parliaments in European countries','Rahva usaldus parlamendi vastu Euroopa riikides',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this article was to determine which variables and to what extent effect people’s trust towards their national parliaments.\nIn empirical analysis I use up-to-date data from the 6th wave of European Social Survey, also combining it with some macro indicators of regime performance.\nEmpirical results confirm the direct effects of most variables, except the political history of the country. Trust towards parliaments is higher in countries where the living standard is higher and which are perceived to be less corrupt. Problems with fiscal discipline might also have a negative effect on trust, starting from a certain threshold. GDP per capita, corruption perception index and a dummy variable for countries that have had an international bailout altogether explain 85% of the variance between trust scores among countries.\nOn the individual level, results indiate that people with higher education and higher satisfaction with their household income; who are interested in politics and prioritize democracy highly; support government parties and are satisfied with the political and economic performance of the regime, have higher trust towards parliament. The dominant variable in the model is clearly satisfaction with the economic situation in the country. The unique effect of that variable is more than three times the size of any other variable. Thus, I also investigate which variables determine satisfaction with regime economic performance. I find that it is very strongly related to country level variables, as more than one third of the variation among individuals is attributable to country level. Also, feeling towards household income has a significant effect on it, as people who are not coping with their present income perceive also state economy as being in worse shape. It is noteworthy that egocentric and sociotropic economic evaluations are included in the same model to explain individual trust towards parliament, the former loses almost all of its effect. It is clear that there is a big overlap between the effect of these two variables on institutional trust. Thus, it is shown that individual economic perceptions mediate the effect of objective regime performance and also individual living conditions, giving empirical support to the theoretical model built in the first chapters of the thesis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.riigikogu.ee/rito/index.php?id=16794','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 14:52:34','2015-03-12 15:39:46','','Waiting'),(1729,'Regional Cultural Differences Within European Countries: Evidence from Multi-Country Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this study is to investigate the patterns of regional cultural differences within European countries. This study extends our previous work (Kaasa et al. 2013) that used data from the European Social Survey (ESS), by using more recent data and combining the ESS and the European Values Study (EVS) as data sources. We aim to study how much attention should be paid to within-country differences and how they differ across countries. The indicators of cultural dimensions were created using confirmatory factor analysis based on the initial indicators selected relying on Hofstede’s cultural dimensions. The extent and character of within-country cultural differences were examined. Our results reveal a wide diversity of regional cultural variability among the observed countries. We identified countries where within-country cultural variability is larger (Spain, Portugal, France) and smaller (Finland, Sweden, Norway) than cross-national variability. Also, in many countries a more detailed regional division (more and smaller regions) brought out larger differences, although this cannot be taken as a rule. Patterns along regions differ across cultural dimensions, making grouping regions difficult. Studying regional cultural differences within countries is important. The extent of the optimal depth of regional division applied depends on the particular country, its regional cultural variability, and the needs and aims of the researcher.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11575-014-0223-6','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 14:59:20','2015-03-12 15:43:02','','Waiting'),(1730,'Religion: Not declining but changing: What do the population censuses and surveys say about religion in Estonia?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates religious affiliation in Estonia, considered to be one of the most secularized countries in the world and in which less than one third of the population affiliates with a religion on population censuses. Firstly, the article scrutinizes these data methodologically, comparing census results with findings from other survey and opinion polls. It finds that census data correlate with those from face-to-face surveys, while postal surveys tend to show considerably higher rates of religiosity and affiliation. Secondly, the article considers the findings themselves. According to census data, 29 percent of the population remained religiously affiliated between 2000 and 2011. However, the census also captures interesting changes over that period that illuminate the situation further. Significantly, Estonia is the first European country in which the traditional majority church has been usurped by a denomination associated with the largest ethnic minority group and which makes a strong connection between cultural and national identities. The article places this finding in the context of Central and Eastern European census data to argue that religious affiliation tends to remain high in societies where religious and national or ethnic identities have close ties, whereas traditional denominations have been declining in societies where these kinds of connections are weak. This factor helps explain variation between experiences of religious change in post-Socialist contexts.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0048721X.2014.914635','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 15:02:57','2015-03-12 15:47:08','','Waiting'),(1731,'Social inclusion affects elderly suicide mortality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: National attitudes towards the elderly and their association with elderly suicide mortality in 26 European countries were assessed, and Eastern and Western European countries compared. Methods: For each country, mean age-adjusted, gender-specific elderly suicide rates in the last five years for which data had been available were obtained from the WHO European Mortality Database. Questions about citizens’ attitudes towards the elderly were taken from the European Social Survey. Correlations between attitudes and suicide rates were analyzed using Pearson\'s test. Differences between mean scores for Western and Eastern European attitudes were calculated, and data on labor-market exit ages were obtained from the EUROSTAT database. Results: Perception of the elderly as having higher status, recognition of their economic contribution and higher moral standards, and friendly feelings towards and admiration of them are inversely correlated with suicide mortality. Suicide rates are lower in countries where the elderly live with their families more often. Elderly suicide mortality and labor-market exit age are inversely correlated. In Eastern European countries, elderly people\'s status and economic contribution are seen as less important. Western Europeans regard the elderly with more admiration, consider them more friendly and more often have elderly relatives in the family. The data also show gender differences. Conclusions: Society\'s attitudes influence elderly suicide mortality; attitudes towards the elderly are more favorable among Western European citizens; and extended labor-market inclusion of the elderly is a suicide-protective factor.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 15:10:07','2015-03-12 15:57:08','','Waiting'),(1732,'The Complex Impact of Risk and Protective Factors on Suicide Mortality: A Study of the Ukrainian General Population','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives: This study assesses the complex impact of risk and protective factors on suicide mortality in the Ukrainian general population.Methods: Data on suicide rates and socioeconomic and medical factors were obtained from the Ukrainian State Statistical Office, WHO and the European Social Survey. Structural equation modeling was used for data analysis.Results: Religion and education were negatively associated with suicide. The relationship between drug addiction/alcoholism and suicide was positive. The association between urbanization and suicide mortality was negative. The relationship between GRP and female suicide was slightly negative.Conclusions: Religiosity was the protective factor most strongly linked with suicide mortality followed by urbanization. The harmful role of drug addiction and alcoholism was confirmed. The role of education and GRP is controversial. No striking gender differences were found.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13811118.2015.1004471#.VP78tmOfsZc','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 15:20:31','2015-03-12 16:01:43','','Waiting'),(1733,'Töö- ja pereelu tasakaalustamine Eesti infotehnoloogiaettevõtetes','Balancing Work and Family in Estonian Information Technology Organizations',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Finding the right balance between work and family life is important for every working person. Each organization should be, as well, interested in having employees who are satisfied with their work-family balance. An employee whose work and family life are not in balance and who continuously feels stress and lack of time, might eventually feel burnout, which, in turn, affects his or her work productivity. In some information technology field organizations the worktime is flexible, which makes is easier to plan the schedule in order to fulfill the requirements of work domain and family domain. On the other hand there might occur the need to work extra hours during off-time due to upcoming deadline or emerged errors. Depending on the project, there might occur the need to work for the whole weekend due to urgent problems which cannot wait until the next official working day. Thus the flexible schedule, which might provide a possibility to fulfill worktasks easier, can on the same time affect family life and in turn exacerbate family relationships and capacity to work.\nThe aim of this thesis is to evolve methods which could be used to help to balance work and family life in Estonian information technology organizations. In order to reach the aim, following tasks are set:\n- To provide an overview of the essence of balancing work and family, and the factors affecting it;\n- To provide an overview of managing the work-family balance;\n- To provide an overview of idiomaticalness of balancing work-family in information technology organizations; \n- To carry out an empirical survey in Estonian information technology organizations;\n- To carry out an empirical analyze of balancing work-family in Estonian information technology organizations;\n- To work out suggestions for balancing work and family among the employees of information technology organizations.\nBased on the empirical analyze, it came out, that there were some statistically significant differences between the sample of IT-workers and the sample provided by European Social Survey. It appears that IT-workers make more extra hours, work more during evenings and nights and have to follow up for work more frequently than control group. Though IT-workers have more freedom in choosing when they work. Besides that, IT-workers are more worried about work-problems during off-time and they have greater difficulties in concentrating to work due to family duties. The author concluded that these findings refer that IT-workers face more time-based and strain-based conflict between work and family domains. Thus it is more complicated for IT-workers to balance work and family life.\nThe author proposed several strategies which in her opinion are the most suitable for balancing work and family life among the workers of information technology organizations. These strategies incorporate different tactics that either employees or organizations can implement in order to reduce time-based and strain-based conflict or to mitigate the consequences of conflict. To reduce time-based conflict, an employee can use the tactic of setting expectations and to set oneself a certain routine while in need while having flexible working schedule. To reduce strain-based conflict, an employee can use the tactic of confronting violators or to avoid reading work e-mails during off-time. Thereat to reduce time-based conflict, an organization can organize the training of time-planning; to fix interim-deadlines; to set certain limits for the workload; or to use family-friendly policies. To reduce strain-based conflict, an organization can raise employees’ awareness of consequences of working with overload and burnout by organizing workshops on these topics. To mitigate the consequences of strain-based conflict, an organization can use the tactics of high-involvement work practices which incorporate different means for motivating the employee. \nConclusions and suggestions proposed in this thesis could be useful for the managers and human resource managers of information technology organizations, as well as for the employees of these organizations. Proposed suggestions can be useful to help better manage work-family balance among the employees of information technology organizations or to direct attention to the problems. Thereat the author would like to emphasize, that one should not conclude, based on this thesis, that balancing work-family among the employees of information technology organizations is overly difficult or impossible. Current thesis brings out problematic issues, as focusing on finding problems provides the soil for finding solutions.\nFor further research on the topic of work-family balance among the employees of information technology organizations, one could focus on the topic of balancing work and family in small information technology organizations (1-9 employees), as they seem to work more extra hours and seem to work more in the evenings/nights and on weekends. Thus they might have more difficulties in balancing work and family life. Second possibility for further research could be examining work-family balance among different professions in information technology organizations. Third possibility for further research is to conduct a longitude-survey, where after the first measurement strategies for reducing work-family conflict would be implemented. Thus the second measurement could analyze whether and how implemented strategies had effect.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://dspace.utlib.ee/dspace/bitstream/handle/10062/32036/taba_nele.pdf?sequence=1','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 15:28:20','2015-03-12 16:05:02','','Waiting'),(1734,'What explains people\'s attitudes towards immigrants? A comparative study of Estonia and Russia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper focuses on a comparative analysis of people’s attitudes towards immigrants’ role in several aspects of countries’ life depending on individual’s socio-demographic and economic characteristics in Estonia and Russia. The empirical part of the paper relies on the European Social Survey (ESS) fifth round database. The results of the study show that Estonian peoples’ attitudes towards immigrants are, on average, better in all aspects of the country’s life – economy, culture and the country as a living place, compared to Russia. Both economic and non-economic factors explain the observed variation of individual’s opinions about the role of immigrants in countries’ life. Ethnic minorities, religious people and people with higher income are more tolerant to immigrants in both countries. Socio-demographic characteristics such as age, gender and education are valid determinants of people’s attitudes towards immigrants only in Estonia. Better educated people have more positive attitudes towards immigrants compared to less educated people in the case of Estonia but not Russia. The results of the analysis therefore highlight the necessity to take different factors into account for the design of migration and integration policies in the countries with ethnically diverse population.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.mtk.ut.ee/sites/default/files/mtk/dokumendid/febawb94.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-10 15:40:20','2015-03-12 16:11:39','','Waiting'),(1735,'Life and job satisfaction of 60-69 old people','60–69aastaste meeste ja naiste töö ja eluga rahulolu',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper analyses the factors contributing the choice in favor of job career in age 60-69. Data of seven countries that age and health are the universal factors why people decide stop working. Also higher educational level predicts longer career. Working/ not working did not influence the life satisfaction of elderly.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.sh.ut.ee/sites/default/files/sh_files/Sooline%20ebav%C3%B5rdsus%20t%C3%B6%C3%B6elus%20III%20kogumik.pdf','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2015-03-10 16:12:49','2015-03-12 16:14:36','','Waiting'),(1736,'ESS Mixed Mode Experiment Results in Estonia (CAWI and CAPI Mode Sequential Design)','ESS Mixed Mode Experiment Results in Estonia (CAWI and CAPI Mode Sequential Design)',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report gives the first overview of the main result of the European Social Survey (ESS) mixed mode experiment in Estonia conducted in 2012. The mixed mode experiment in Estonia was carried out as a part of the European Social Survey (ESS) Mixed Mode Methodology Programme. The aim of the experiment was to investigate the feasibility of using a mixed mode data collection process compared to traditional face-to-face data collection methodology. The mixed mode data collection was organised as CAWI (online) and CAPI mode sequential design. The experiment proved that the online mode does indeed capture the younger and educated urban population better. This population is difficult to reach with the traditional face-to-face mode. Several data quality indicators proved the benefits of the online mode as well. However, preliminary analyses also detected mode effects, which could make it challenging to combine the data of the two modes. The success of the Estonian mixed mode experiment stemmed from active data collection via the Internet.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.ssi.ut.ee/sites/default/files/ssi/ess_dace_mixed_mode_ee_report.pdf','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2015-03-10 16:21:11','2015-03-12 16:18:47','','Waiting'),(1737,'Estonian Population 2007-2020','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A report of the Office of the Minister of Population Affairs gives an overview about population trends in Estonia in 2007-2020. European Social Survey in used for description of migration attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://ebookbrowsee.net/estonian-population-2007-2020-pdf-d54381023','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2015-03-10 16:32:15','2015-03-12 16:21:03','','Waiting'),(1738,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Russian-speaking women feel most depressed','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eestis tunnevad kõige rohkem masendust vene keelt kõnelevad naised',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the European Social Survey data, Russian-speaking women constitute a group feeling most often depressed in Estonia. Estonian-speaking young men feel least depressed. In general, women feel more often depressed than men, older people feel more depressed than young people, and Russian-speaking population feel more depressed than Estonian-speaking population in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/536e30fb-6eeb-408f-9365-dc538c693476 ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-13 12:35:56','2015-03-13 15:05:08','','Waiting'),(1739,'Estonian people feel moderately depressed ','Eesti rahvas on keskmiselt masendunud',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the European Social Survey data, Russian-speaking women constitute a group feeling most often depressed in Estonia. Estonian-speaking young men feel least depressed. In general, women feel more often depressed than men, older people feel more depressed than young people, and Russian-speaking population feel more depressed than Estonian-speaking population in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://tervis.postimees.ee/3122009/eesti-rahvas-on-keskmiselt-masendunud','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-16 10:18:28','2015-03-17 11:07:26','','Waiting'),(1740,'Survey: Russian women feel most depressed and Estonian men least depressed in Estonia','Uuring: kõige rohkem on Eestis masendunud vene naised ja kõige vähem eesti mehed',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the European Social Survey data, Russian-speaking women constitute a group feeling most often depressed in Estonia. Estonian-speaking young men feel least depressed. In general, women feel more often depressed than men, older people feel more depressed than young people, and Russian-speaking population feel more depressed than Estonian-speaking population in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.ohtuleht.ee/666094/uuring-koige-rohkem-on-eestis-masendunud-vene-naised-ja-koige-vahem-eesti-mehed ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-16 10:23:05','2015-03-17 11:09:21','','Waiting'),(1741,'Human values, legal regulation, and approval of homosexuality in Europe: A cross-country comparison','Human values, legal regulation, and approval of homosexuality in Europe: A cross-country comparison',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although research has revealed a trend toward liberalization of attitudes toward homosexuality in Western countries, acceptance of homosexuality differs remarkably among individuals and across countries. We examine the roles of individual value priorities and of national laws regarding homosexuality and the interaction between them in explaining approval of homosexuality. Data are drawn from the European Social Survey and include representative national samples of 27 European countries in 2010. As hypothesized, individuals who prioritized openness to change and universalism values approved of homosexuality more, whereas those who prioritized conservation and power values exhibited more disapproval. Approval was greater in countries whose laws regarding homosexuality were more progressive. In addition, legal regulation of homosexuality moderated the associations of individual value priorities. In countries with more progressive laws, both the positive effect of openness to change values and the negative effect of conservation values on approval of homosexuality were weaker. However, the positive effect of universalism values and the negative effect of power values did not vary as a function of national laws regarding homosexuality. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kuntz@soziologie.uzh.ch','2015-03-16 16:54:14','2015-03-17 11:13:30','','Waiting'),(1742,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonian people believe that other people are trustworthy and helpful','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanikud usuvad, et inimesed on ausad ja abivalmid',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey data indicate that the Estonians’ faith in trustworthiness, honesty and helpfulness of other people is higher than European average.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/p2evafakt/d11d664b-6561-45cd-a64c-578548c8b97a ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 10:15:08','2015-03-24 14:09:47','','Waiting'),(1743,'What makes Estonians happy?','Mis teeb eestlase õnnelikuks?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Happiness and life satisfaction are more and more measurable and numerous studies are dealing with this issue. Also, a number of countries and politicians find happiness and life satisfaction desirable goal. In this article European Social Survey data is used to find out which groups are happy in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/3129867/mis-teeb-eestlase-onnelikuks','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 13:03:08','2015-03-24 14:12:32','','Waiting'),(1744,'Respect for the elderly fosters their higher employment rate','Austus vanemaealiste suhtes soodustab nende kõrgemat tööhõivet',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the European Social Survey data, respect for the elderly fosters their higher employment rate. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/3129837/austus-vanemaealiste-suhtes-soodustab-nende-korgemat-toohoivet','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 13:13:25','2015-03-24 14:15:03','','Waiting'),(1745,'Who would lead the country if parents could vote for their children?','Perevalimised Eestis – kes juhiks riiki siis, kui vanemad saaks hääletada oma laste eest?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article European Social Survey data is used to analyse hypothetical situation and predict what would happen and who would lead the country if parents could vote for their children. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/3129533/perevalimised-eestis-kes-juhiks-riiki-siis-kui-vanemad-saaks-haaletada-oma-laste-eest ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 13:24:48','2015-03-24 14:27:18','','Waiting'),(1746,'Our living environment have become more secure ','Meie elukeskkonna turvalisus on suurenenud',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article European Social Survey data is used to analyze how secure people feel in their living environment and how much they trust institutions which are responsible for their safety.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/3129563/meie-elukeskkonna-turvalisus-on-suurenenud','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 13:34:21','2015-03-24 14:58:58','','Waiting'),(1747,'Attitudes towards Immigration','Hoiakud immigratsiooni suhtes',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the attitudes towards immigration in Estonia in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:01:01','2015-03-24 15:01:46','','Waiting'),(1748,'The attitudes towards employment of men and women ','Hoiakud meeste ja naiste töö ja töötamise suhtes',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the attitudes towards employment of men and women Estonia in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:03:38','2015-03-24 15:03:16','','Waiting'),(1749,'Family','Perekond',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the situation of Estonian families in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:06:11','2015-03-24 15:04:32','','Waiting'),(1750,'Life satisfaction and general attitudes','Rahulolu ja üldised hoiakud',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the life satisfaction and general attitudes in Estonia in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:08:48','2015-03-24 15:05:41','','Waiting'),(1751,'Religion','Religioon',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the religious beliefs of Estonians in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:11:08','2015-03-24 15:07:25','','Waiting'),(1752,'Social and political trust and political participation ','Sotsiaalne ja poliitiline usaldus ning poliitiline aktiivsus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the social and political trust and political participation in Estonia in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:14:21','2015-03-24 15:08:25','','Waiting'),(1753,'Social contacts and support','Sotsiaalsed kontaktid ja toetus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the social contacts and support in Estonia in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:16:23','2015-03-24 15:09:47','','Waiting'),(1754,'Health','Tervis',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the health issues in Estonia in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:18:43','2015-03-24 15:11:05','','Waiting'),(1755,'Healthcare','Tervishoid',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the healthcare issues in Estonia in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:20:29','2015-03-24 15:12:07','','Waiting'),(1756,'Work and subsistence','Töö ja toimetulek',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the work and subsistence issues in Estonia in European comparison using data from the 2nd wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://rahvatervis.ut.ee/handle/1/1547','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:24:18','2015-03-24 15:13:19','','Waiting'),(1757,'Assessing the Estonian police','Hinnangud Eesti politseile',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines people’s assessments for the work done by police in Estonia using data from the 5th wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:35:29','2015-03-24 15:14:59','','Waiting'),(1758,' Courts and judges','Kohtute ja kohtunike töö',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines people’s attitudes towards courts and judges in Estonia using data from the 5th wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:38:50','2015-03-24 15:18:07','','Waiting'),(1759,' Crime victimization and worries about crime','Kuriteo ohvriks langemine ja mure kuritegevuse pärast',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines crime victimization and worries about crime in Estonia using data from the 5th wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:44:12','2015-03-24 15:19:13','','Waiting'),(1760,'Attitudes towards punishments','Suhtumine karistustesse',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines attitudes towards punishments in Estonia using data from the 5th wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:47:10','2015-03-24 15:20:24','','Waiting'),(1761,'The trust in legal system ','Usk õigussüsteemi õiglusesse ja inimeste lojaalsus süsteemile',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines trust in legal system in Estonia using data from the 5th wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:51:05','2015-03-24 15:21:53','','Waiting'),(1762,'Factors affecting the obedience to the law','Õiguskuulekust mõjutavad tegurid',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present chapter examines the factors affecting the obedience to the law in Estonia using data from the 5th wave of the ESS.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 14:55:25','2015-03-24 15:22:57','','Waiting'),(1763,'The factors affecting the response rate of European Social Survey in Estonia ','Euroopa Sotsiaaluuringu vastamise määra kujundavad asjaolud Eestis',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In current report the factors affecting the response rate of European Social Survey in Estonia are analyzed. Response rates of different ESS rounds are compared. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 15:43:05','2015-03-24 15:24:24','','Waiting'),(1764,'Environmental risks - actual risks or emotional issues?','Keskkonnariskid -  kas tegelik oht või tunde küsimus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article the perception of environmental risks are analyzed using the European Social Survey data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-23 15:46:43','2015-03-24 15:25:51','','Waiting'),(1765,'The Russian-speaking population is waiting for the better functioning of democracy','Venekeelne elanikkond ootab demokraatia paremat toimimist',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article European Social Survey data is used to explore how the Russian-speaking population in Estonia understands the democracy and what are their expectations. Results indicate that Estonian-speaking population finds democracy more important than Russian-speaking population.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/3129855/venekeelne-elanikkond-ootab-demokraatia-paremat-toimimist','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-24 14:38:30','2015-04-07 11:32:34','','Waiting'),(1766,'Estonians — carriers of European values','Eestlased — euroopalike väärtuste kandjad',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article European Social Survey data is used to compare the values of Estonian-speaking and Russian-speaking population in Estonia. Results indicate that value differences between majority and minority population are the biggest in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/3129849/eestlased-euroopalike-vaartuste-kandjad ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-24 14:44:51','2015-03-24 15:28:40','','Waiting'),(1767,'Perceived discrimination threatens the life satisfaction','Tajutud diskrimineerimine ohustab eluga rahulolu',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey data from 2012 showed an overall pan-European tendency that ethnic minorities are less satisfied with their lives than the majorities. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/3129857/tajutud-diskrimineerimine-ohustab-eluga-rahulolu','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-26 09:49:17','2015-04-07 11:27:14','','Waiting'),(1768,'Estonian is as trusting as Western-European ','Eestimaalane on lääneeuroopalikult usaldav',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey data indicate that most trusting people in Europe live in Denmark and other Nordic countries; least trusting in Eastern and Southern European countries. Estonians are as trusting as people in Western European countries. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.postimees.ee/3129861/eestimaalane-on-laaneeuroopalikult-usaldav ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-27 10:24:50','2015-04-07 11:28:51','','Waiting'),(1769,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonians feel as if a failure','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanikud tunnevad end äpardununa',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey results indicate that Estonians feel quite often as if they were a failure. In comparison, only Finns feel even more failed than Estonians. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/a6cbd4db-1415-4bb6-a1d9-13f4210216ef  ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-27 10:30:35','2015-04-07 11:30:06','','Waiting'),(1770,'Estonians — carriers of European values','Эстонцы являются носителями европейских ценностей?',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article European Social Survey data is used to compare the values of Estonian-speaking and Russian-speaking population in Estonia. Results indicate that value differences between majority and minority population are the biggest in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-27 11:32:40','2015-04-07 11:32:19','','Waiting'),(1771,'The Russian-speaking population is waiting for the better functioning of democracy','Русскоязычное население ожидает более высокого уровня демократии',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article European Social Survey data is used to explore how the Russian-speaking population in Estonia understands the democracy and what are their expectations. Results indicate that Estonian-speaking population finds democracy more important than Russian-speaking population.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-27 11:34:52','2015-04-07 11:33:23','','Waiting'),(1772,'Our living environment have become more secure','Жизнь стала более безопасной',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article European Social Survey data is used to analyze how secure people feel in their living environment and how much they trust institutions which are responsible for their safety.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-27 11:36:37','2015-04-07 11:34:05','','Waiting'),(1773,'Who would lead the country if parents could vote for their children?','Семейные выборы в Эстонии: кто будет руководить государством, если родители смогут голосовать за детей?',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article European Social Survey data is used to analyse hypothetical situation and predict what would happen and who would lead the country if parents could vote for their children. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-27 11:38:42','2015-04-07 11:34:49','','Waiting'),(1774,'Respect for the elderly fosters their higher employment rate','Уважение к пожилым обеспечивает высокую трудовую занятость',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the European Social Survey data, respect for the elderly fosters their higher employment rate. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-27 11:41:36','2015-04-07 11:35:57','','Waiting'),(1775,'What makes Estonians happy?','Что делает эстонцев счастливыми?',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Happiness and life satisfaction are more and more measurable and numerous studies are dealing with this issue. Also, a number of countries and politicians find happiness and life satisfaction desirable goal. In this article European Social Survey data is used to find out which groups are happy in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-27 11:43:52','2015-04-07 11:36:38','','Waiting'),(1776,'Survey: Feelings of failure common in Estonia and Finland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The results of the European Social Survey 2012 show that it\'s the Finns, especially the women, and Estonians who are most like to say they have failed in life.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://news.err.ee/v/society/570d71a5-8935-4099-a5d0-c9bf61e12bfa','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-03-30 11:20:55','2015-04-07 11:37:56','','Waiting'),(1777,'Comparative Cross-National Surveys in Social Sciences: Theory, Methodology, Practice','Сравнительные межстрановые исследования в социальных науках: теория, методология, практика',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book of Dr. Anna Andreenkova, survey methodologist, National coordinator of European Social Survey in Russia since its start in Russia in 2006, working in comparative surveys in post-Soviet countries for more than 20 years in the Institute for Comparative Social Research (CESSI), presents the achievements, issues and limitations of the methodology of comparative cross-national social surveys. It starts from the detailed analysis of why we need to compare countries and cultures, the reasons of fast and expanding growth of cross-country comparisons based on survey data. The author suggests the definition of comparative cross-country surveys, explore the concept of comparability of survey data and the classification of comparative surveys. The book contains detailed history of comparative cross-national surveys, starting from the beginning of it in late 1940s and till large global and regional comparative time-series surveys of recent decades. Part 2 includes the history of comparative surveys in USSR and post-Soviet countries. The chapters of the book cover key components and stages of comparative cross-country survey methodology – designing questionnaire for comparative survey, translation of survey instrument into different languages and adaptation to different socio-cultural context, advanced methods of testing and verifying translations, choice of languages for interviewing in multi-lingual environment, constructing comparable samples of population in different countries, administration of interviews, comparative measurement of contextual variables – education, profession, age etc. Most examples in the book are drawn from the experience and data of comparative cross-country surveys in countries of the former Soviet Union which will be special interest for academic and broader audience in Russia and other post-Soviet countries. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anna.andreenkova@cessi.ru','2015-03-31 11:04:41','2015-04-07 11:43:17','','Waiting'),(1778,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Values of Estonians and Russians in Estonia Differ Significantly ','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: eestlaste ja eestivenelaste väärtused erinevad oluliselt',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey data shows that the difference in basic values between ethnic majority and minority in European countries in biggest in Estonia. The analysis includes ethnic minorities that make up more than five percent of the country’s population. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/p2evafakt/d010b1f8-b877-4502-a66f-5346d78d00cd ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-04-06 10:08:27','2015-04-07 11:44:42','','Waiting'),(1779,'Estonian is as trusting as Western-European','Жители эстонии близки к Западной Европе',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey data indicate that most trusting people in Europe live in Denmark and other Nordic countries; least trusting in Eastern and Southern European countries. Estonians are as trusting as people in Western European countries. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-04-07 12:08:11','2015-04-09 14:57:37','','Waiting'),(1780,'Working Time, Satisfaction and Work Life Balance: A European Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses gender-specific differences in working time mismatches by using three different measures for representing satisfaction and work life balance. Results show that, while male satisfaction with life or work is in general not affected by working for more or less hours, over-time is found to significantly lower male work life balance. Women are more sensitive to the amount of working hours as they prefer part-time employment and they are dissatisfied with changes towards working more or less hours than agreed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','humpert@leuphana.de','2015-04-09 14:32:27','2015-04-09 15:01:50','','Waiting'),(1781,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Finns are least overworked in Europe','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: kõige vähem ületunde tehakse Soomes',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data from 2012, less than half of employees work less than forty four hours in Iceland and Israel but in Finland about 80 percent of the workforce does not work more than forty four hours a week. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/9ff81216-6439-4155-ac73-41d764416d9b ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-04-10 10:08:03','2015-04-10 12:14:48','','Waiting'),(1782,'Finns are least overworked in Europe','Kõige vähem ületunde tehakse Soomes',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to ESS data from 2012, less than half of employees work less than forty four hours in Iceland and Israel but in Finland about 80 percent of the workforce does not work more than forty four hours a week. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://tarbija24.postimees.ee/3151983/koige-vahem-uletunde-tehakse-soomes','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-04-10 13:06:32','2015-04-17 13:21:17','','Waiting'),(1783,'Facts from the European Social Survey: 25-34-year-old men enjoy least restless sleep in Estonia','Fakte euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: kõige rahulikumalt magavad 25–34-aastased eesti mehed ',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As expected, old people have more restless sleep than young; it appears from the European Social Survey. Especially young men are sleeping peacefully.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/p2evafakt/347b8afc-06cb-473f-95bf-592d67769d56 ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-04-17 10:35:29','2015-04-17 13:24:15','','Waiting'),(1784,'European Social Survey: Young men aged 25-34 enjoy the most peaceful sleep in Estonia','Euroopa sotsiaaluuring: kõige rahulikumalt magavad 25–34-aastased Eesti mehed',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As expected, old people have more restless sleep than young; it appears from the European Social Survey. Especially young men are sleeping peacefully.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://forte.delfi.ee/news/maa/euroopa-sotsiaaluuring-koige-rahulikumalt-magavad-2534-aastased-eesti-mehed?id=71266563','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-04-17 10:44:48','2015-04-17 13:52:31','','Waiting'),(1785,'Young men aged 25-34 enjoy the most peaceful sleep in Estonia','Kõige rahulikumalt magavad 25–34-aastased eesti mehed',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As expected, old people have more restless sleep than young; it appears from the European Social Survey. Especially young men are sleeping peacefully.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://tervis.postimees.ee/3160103/koige-rahulikumalt-magavad-25?-34-aastased-eesti-mehed ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-04-17 10:51:24','2015-04-17 13:25:18','','Waiting'),(1786,'European Social Survey provides overview of who is sleeping most peacefully ','Euroopa sotsiaaluuring annab ülevaate, kes Eestis kõige rahulikumalt magavad',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As expected, old people have more restless sleep than young; it appears from the European Social Survey. Especially young men are sleeping peacefully.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://forte.delfi.ee/news/maa/euroopa-sotsiaaluuring-annab-ulevaate-kes-eestis-koige-rahulikumalt-magavad?id=71266563','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-04-17 13:39:07','2015-04-17 13:53:57','','Waiting'),(1787,'The translation procedure in Flanders related to the European Social Survey - Round 7','De vertaalprocedure in Vlaanderen in het kader van het Europees Sociaal Onderzoek Ronde 7',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report gives an overview of the translation procedure that has been followed for the European Social Survey Round 7 in Flanders. In the first paragraph the content and the structure of the questionnaire in Round 7 is discussed. In the second paragraph the translation procedure is elaborately explained. And at last we take a look at the actual translation of the Flemish questionnaire.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'ESS data used: Round 7','geert.loosveldt@soc.kuleuven.be','2015-04-22 09:16:25','2015-04-22 09:16:25','','Waiting'),(1788,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Does health determine the position in the society, or vice versa?','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: kas tervis määrab positsiooni ühiskonnas või vastupidi?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey data indicate that the relationship between perceived general health and social position is particularly strong in Eastern European countries, including Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/p2evafakt/2aed0f93-1bf4-4300-961f-54a873e9f79d','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-05-04 10:45:53','2015-05-06 12:36:59','','Waiting'),(1789,'Facts from the European Social Survey: There is a major gap between the views of Estonian and Russian-speaking inhabitants in Estonia','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eestis on suured käärid eesti- ja venekeelsete elanike arvamuste vahel',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Estonia and Kosovo are two European countries where the understandings of the majority and minority ethnic groups are most diverse when the citizens are asked how well the rights of minority groups in the country are protected. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/80e50b43-d785-460e-963b-26104ae3a706','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-05-04 11:08:07','2015-05-06 12:38:41','','Waiting'),(1790,'European Social Survey: There is a major gap between the views of Estonian and Russian-speaking inhabitants in Estonia','Euroopa sotsiaaluuring: Eestis on suured käärid eesti- ja venekeelsete elanike arvamuste vahel',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Estonia and Kosovo are two European countries where the understandings of the majority and minority ethnic groups are most diverse when the citizens are asked how well the rights of minority groups in the country are protected.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.delfi.ee/news/paevauudised/eesti/euroopa-sotsiaaluuring-eestis-on-suured-kaarid-eesti-ja-venekeelsete-elanike-arvamuste-vahel?id=71377517','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-05-04 11:10:54','2015-05-06 12:39:49','','Waiting'),(1791,'Educational inequality as an example of unsustainable use of human resources','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Sustainable development of human resources includes availability of adequate education and developing people’s talents regardless of their social origins. Contrary to widely held belief that due to the increasing availability of education the upward intergenerational mobility is on the rise all over the world, the findings in Eastern European countries show that the decline in intergenerational mobility is the case in some countries. The present study examines the relationship between people’s social origins and educational pathways in Estonia using data from three recent surveys: The Estonian Survey of High School Graduate’s Educational Preferences (N = 1201), Eurostudent V Estonian data (N = 6418), and European Social Survey (ESS) Estonian data from rounds 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 (N = 9340). Results of Eurostudent V suggest that parents’ (especially mother’s) education level is important predictor of the student’s HEI choice in Estonia. Analysis of the ESS data confirms that mother’s education is stronger predictor of the child’s educational level than father’s education in Estonia. The study of the high school graduates reveals that the education level of the parents is somewhat better in Estonian language high schools than in Russian language high schools. Therefore, social and ethnic origins influence educational outcomes in Estonia and talents of some young people may not be developed just because they come from a wrong family. While the studies on high school graduates and students allow us to analyse the relationship between social origins and educational choices of young people who have recently made important decisions about their educational pathways or who are about to make these choices in the nearest future, the ESS data enables to put these results into historical context and to test whether the importance of social origins has increased or decreased in Estonia in past decades.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.esdconference2015.eu/en/','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-05-04 11:20:07','2015-05-06 12:41:33','','Waiting'),(1792,'Predicting the gross domestic product (GDP) of 289 NUTS regions in Europe with subjective indicators for human and social capital','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Most of the aggregate-level analyses of the relationship between objective and subjective measures for well-being have limited themselves to the measures of national gross domestic product (GDP) and mean life satisfaction. We develop this line of research by embedding the analysis into the context of 289 NUTS (Nomenclature des Unités Territoriales Statistiques) regions in Europe and replacing the simple life satisfaction measure with measures of active human functioning. We suggest that the measures of personal and social well-being, as they are operationalized in the 6th Round of the European Social Survey (ESS) questionnaire, can be treated as subjective indicators for social and human capital and, thereby, can be associated with the regional level GDP in cross-sectional analysis. The empirical analysis shows that the indicator for ‘social trust’ appears to have a positive and significant correlation with regional GDP. The analysis also distinguishes another form of social capital; ‘social contact and support’, reflecting the relative frequency and quantity of social support, which also shows a positive relationship with regional GDP. Concerning subjective human capital, the strongest predictor for regional GDP appears to be the aggregated sense of ‘competence and meaning’ in the regions. These effects proved robust after including the objective control variables (population density, intramural research and development (R&D) expenditure, share of tertiary-educated population and employment).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mikko.weckroth@helsinki.fi','2015-05-05 09:43:09','2015-05-06 13:05:18','','Waiting'),(1793,'Human values and non-adherence to doctors\' instructions across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines the relationships between human values and patient non-adherence. Two types of non-adherence are studied: non-adherent views and non-adherent behavior in response to doctor\'s instructions. The study uses data from the European Social Survey Round 2 from 14 countries: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Iceland, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Sweden, and Switzerland. Correlation analyses and multiple logistic regression analyses were conducted both using the pooled data from these 14 countries and within countries. The sample size ranged from n = 20,012 to n = 21,600 in the analyses of pooled data. Human values were found to be associated with non-adherence. As hypothesized, endorsing openness-to-change values (vs. conservation values) was positively related to non-adherent views and behavior.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','salla.ahola@helsinki.fi','2015-05-07 14:10:18','2015-05-11 16:16:38','','Waiting'),(1794,'Do get married, don\'t kiss. Population attitudes towards lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender individuals in the Netherlands 2015.','Wel trouwen, niet zoenen. De houding van de Nederlandse bevolking tegenover lesbische, homoseksuele, biseksuele en transgender personen 2015.',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The report reviews the latest figures regarding population attitudes towards lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals in the Netherlands. Attention is given to differences between various  sociodemographic groups, changes over time and differences with other countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','l.kuyper@scp.nl','2015-05-11 11:57:21','2015-05-11 16:23:50','','Waiting'),(1795,'Indicators of Fear of Crime in the Czech Social Research','Indikátory obav z kriminality v českých sociálněvědních výzkumech',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While fear of crime is frequently discussed internationally, it is currently addressed by only a limited number of Czech studies. The aim of the paper is to present the main methodological concepts that have influenced the research on fear of crime and the design of indicators by which this phenomenon is measured. Furthermore, we evaluate and compare fear of crime measures in three surveys – the Euro-Justis pilot project, the fifth wave of the large-scale international European Social Survey and a survey of the Public Opinion Research Centre – and provide information about whether and to what extent people fear crime. The results of the analysis suggest that the wording and type of questions could be crucial in measuring fear of crime and that although a significant proportion of respondents declared being fearful, their “fear experiences” are found to be relatively rare.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.moravcova@soc.cas.cz','2015-05-14 11:38:37','2015-06-19 11:44:42','','Waiting'),(1796,'Health and Medicine in Transition','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Apart from extensive theoretical discussion on the role of medicine in the context of the so-called medicalization of society, the book offers comprehensive empirical analysis of public attitudes towards personal health, health system, doctors, prescribed and alternative medications, as well as toward social inequalities in health. The analysis is based largely on the Slovenian public opinion survey and the European social survey. At the theoretical level it discusses the boundaries of the role of medical knowledge which are increasingly being set by politics and capital, and not by inherent logic of the medical profession and science, a process which may ultimately undermine medical knowledge itself. Some experts have observed that the development of the field of medicine is going in the direction of a greater possibility of routinisation and even concluded that medicine is being proletarised. The more technical medical practice becomes, the more its exclusiveness and prestige are reduced. The authors conclude that focusing health policy measures on individuals’ attitudes to health and on the doctor-patient relationship would be an erroneous strategy. The key factor in reducing the insecurity of individuals in such an important field as health is equal access to health services. Equality can be achieved by providing more support to the most vulnerable social categories, and not with the simple provision of formal equality and even less so with the liberalisation of the health care system.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','brina.malnar@fdv.uni-lj.si','2015-05-15 11:54:36','2015-05-18 15:59:08','','Waiting'),(1798,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonians trust the news about the government in media more than Russian-speaking minority ','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: eestlased usaldavad meedia sõnumeid valitsuse kohta venekeelsest vähemusest rohkem ',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Swedes, Norwegians, Finns, Irish, Germans and Swiss consider their domestic media rather trustworthy when it comes to reporting about the government affairs. Estonian residents\' opinion on the reliability of the domestic media in communicating information related to the work of the government remains below the European average.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/p2evafakt/7ce1549f-1f43-4ad2-a05e-1caec8f8cd5f','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-05-18 10:41:32','2015-05-18 16:03:56','','Waiting'),(1799,'Facts from the European Social Survey: It is good to be mother in Estonia regardless of the marital status','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eestis on hea ema olla olenemata peretüübist',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey demonstrates how the life satisfaction of mothers differs depending on their marital status.   ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/p2evafakt/b787057b-71a9-4a8c-a6d8-a9ac1e3f53ef','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-05-18 10:53:08','2015-05-18 16:05:07','','Waiting'),(1800,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonians feel less often than other Europeans that they have achieved something','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanikud tunnevad teistest harvem, et on midagi saavutanud',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to European Social Survey data, Russians, Slovaks, Spanish, and Estonians feel most often that they have not achieved anything. Estonian women feel slightly more often than men that they have not accomplished anything. Swiss, Danes, Swedes and Germans feel most often that they have accomplished something. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/6361a38c-0505-4643-9f28-065c3552928b','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-05-25 10:58:37','2015-05-26 10:33:09','','Waiting'),(1801,'Social Trust and Value Similarity:  The Relationship between  Social Trust and Human Values in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this research was to test whether value similarity may foster the social trust in society and whether people have higher levels of social trust when they emphasize the same values that prevail in their country. The relationship between social trust and human values was examined in a sample of 51,308 people across 29 European countries using data from the European Social Survey round 6. The social trust index is composed of three social trust measures. Schwartz’s (1992) conceptualization of human values is used. Results suggest that value similarity is more important in generating individual level social trust in countries where the overall levels of social trust are higher. There is a stronger positive relationship between value similarity and social trust in Scandinavian countries, which have high social trust levels, while in countries with a very low level of social trust, congruity of the personal value structure with the country level value structure tends to decrease the individuals trustfulness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-05-29 15:53:59','2015-06-02 09:21:31','','Waiting'),(1802,'Facts from the European Social Survey: The trust in public institutions is highest in Denmark and lowest in Ukraine','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: kõige rohkem usaldatakse riigiinstitutsioone Taanis, kõige vähem Ukrainas',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The trust in public institutions is highest in Scandinavian countries (Denmark, Finland, and Norway). The trust in public institutions is lowest in Ukraine and Bulgaria.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/0f5ca97c-dcc1-434d-92d4-1920d8069a83','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-06-01 10:18:29','2015-06-02 09:29:32','','Waiting'),(1803,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonia residents are not more hostile towards immigrants than Europeans on average ','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanikud ei ole immigrantide vastu keskmisest vaenulikumad',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Contrary to popular belief, Estonia residents are not more hostile towards immigrants of a different race or ethnic group than Europeans on average. European Social Survey reveals that Estonia is an average European country in that respect. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/bd372430-71cb-4230-91cc-97e8f7f5b016','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-06-08 10:14:17','2015-06-08 10:57:58','','Waiting'),(1804,'The Social Situation of Farmers in Europe. An Empirical Analysis','Zur sozialen Lage von Landwirten in Europa Eine empirische Analyse',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Traditional rural ways of life are, as a result of modernization processes in many European countries, in transition. This article, based on data of the European Social Survey (ESS), deals with the question of whether social context conditions are reflected in orientations and values of farmers, and how these differ from other occupational groups. Empirical results show that farmers significantly differ from other occupational groups in the assessment of their material resources as well as in their attitudes and values, and that the manifestations of these perceptions are only slightly influenced by macro variables (welfare-type).\nKeywords: Agriculture, Europe, social position, values, welfare states, multilevel analysis',NULL,NULL,NULL,'article available at \nhttp://www.sgs-sss.ch/upload/other/revue/revue_37_3_2011.pdf','sigrid.haunberger@fhnw.ch','2015-06-11 10:19:20','2015-06-11 10:47:18','','Waiting'),(1805,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonian residents think that the government does not explain its decisions to voters','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanikud arvavad, et valitsus ei seleta valijale oma otsuseid ',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the European Social Survey data from 2012, Estonian residents think that the government does not explain its decisions to voters.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/2d970296-322f-48f8-8086-5625d6e792a2','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-06-12 12:00:22','2015-06-12 12:31:41','','Waiting'),(1806,'The Role of Electoral Systems for the Translation of Political Trust into Electoral Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Common wisdom would predict the politically disenchanted to abstain from voting on Election Day, and various studies have shown that crumbling political trust or negative evaluations of democracy affect turnout negatively. From a comparative perspective, however, there is a considerable and non-explained variation across Western democracies with regard to political trust, dissatisfaction with democracy, and turnout. Some countries still have high turnout in general and high turnout among the disenchanted in particular, while other countries face declining turnout among the disenchanted while keeping overall turnout at middle-rate levels, and another group of countries suffer from low turnout as a general phenomenon.\n\nI argue that these differences are explained by the electoral system and its mode of operation. Electoral systems with majoritarian rules or high thresholds indeed make the dissatisfied abstain, while highly proportional systems with low or no thresholds keep disenchanted and dissatisfied democrats at the ballots. This is because the latter systems offer alternatives for the dissatisfied as protest parties or parties on the fringes have low entry costs, providing cynical voters alternatives to abstention. In contrast, majoritarian systems or high electoral thresholds offer no competitive alternatives for dissatisfied voters, meaning that these voters stay home on Election Day. Another related effect is that highly proportional and open systems produce a lower number of cynical voters, as their interests and preferences are represented in the political system, and these voters therefore reinvest their trust in the political system.\n\nUsing a series of multilevel logit analyses, the paper applies data on political trust and turnout from the European Social Survey (ESS) for 14 European countries. I find support for the suspected difference between open proportional systems and majoritarian systems. In the former, lower levels of political trust still produce higher levels of turnout compared to majoritarian systems. Proportional systems applying high thresholds either through formal thresholds or low district magnitudes were expected to fall in between, but surprisingly showed more unclear patterns. The analysis yielded mostly additive effects of the electoral systems and the trust index, but there were also signs for a multiplicative effect in case of the PR systems with low entry costs. Moreover, if we take three model countries for each electoral system (Denmark, Germany and the UK), we observe clearer differences in the translation of distrust into abstention across the distinguished electoral systems.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','arndt@ps.au.dk','2015-06-26 11:48:45','2015-07-16 09:13:46','','Waiting'),(1807,'Workplace Characteristics and Working Class Vote for the Old and New Right','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article focuses on the role of plant size for working class vote. We argue that workplace size does matter for political behaviour. Workers in smaller plants are less unionised and therefore base their voting decisions more strongly on their cultural attitudes, which undermines the support for social democratic parties. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002-2010), we find that workers in small plants have more right-wing attitudes and, consequently, vote for new and old right parties, contrarily to workers in larger plants. Our research points towards important structural explanations of working class support for the right and its cross-national differences.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','arndt@ps.au.dk','2015-06-26 11:53:01','2015-09-08 10:20:37','','Waiting'),(1808,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonian citizens consider their opportunities for advancement at workplace better than people in any other European country','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eestis hinnatakse oma arenemisvõimalusi töökohal kõrgemalt kui üheski teises Euroopa riigis',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Nearly 60 percent of Estonian citizens agree that their current job provides them good opportunities for advancement.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/32fc4bae-1601-4e9e-8407-bce552bd78aa','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-07-06 09:37:55','2015-07-16 09:18:55','','Waiting'),(1809,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonian residents condemn tax evasion, but cheat despite that','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanikud taunivad maksudest kõrvale hoidmist, kuid petavad sellest hoolimata',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey data reveals that, on the one hand, Estonians are among the European nations who condemn tax evasion most strongly, but on the other hand, they admit more often than other Europeans that they have paid cash with no receipt so as to avoid paying VAT or other taxes. However, the data does not reveal whether Estonians are really more likely to cheat with taxes or are they just more honest about their misbehavior than other European nations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/25220700-48da-4312-bc0b-6fc39bd81603','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-07-06 10:02:12','2015-07-16 09:20:40','','Waiting'),(1810,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Youth believe that the courts treat everyone the same','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Noorte arvates kohtlevad kohtud kõiki võrdselt',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The belief that the courts treat everyone the same is strongest in Scandinavian countries, Switzerland and Netherlands. The strongest disbelief in judiciary prevails on Ukraine and Bulgaria.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/beefe226-40f5-4dc0-83e5-618fa534570f','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-07-06 10:11:52','2015-07-16 09:21:56','','Waiting'),(1811,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Ukrainians and Bulgarians are least satisfied with the functioning of democracy','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: demokraatia toimimisega ollakse kõige vähem rahul Ukrainas ja Bulgaarias ',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analyzing attitudes towards the importance of democracy, European Social Survey data reveal that democratic governing is more important to citizens of Cyprus and Scandinavian countries, and least important in Russia. The general satisfaction with how democracy works is higher in countries where democratic governance is considered more important. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/f5d3b84f-7098-4ecd-96c0-5307134b68f9','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-07-10 13:27:39','2015-07-16 09:23:15','','Waiting'),(1812,'Investigating the structure of Schwartz’s Human Values Scale','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: To investigate the dimensionality and psychometric properties of the Schwartz Human Values Scale Short Form included in the European Social Survey (ESS) questionnaire.\nMethod:  Greek and Slovenian ESS data of 2002 were used. Each sample was split randomly into two halves and Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) was performed on one half-sample in order to assess the construct validity of the scales. The structure was validated by carrying out Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) on the second half.  \nResults: In both countries, EFA resulted in a three-factor solution but the third subscale was found not to be reliable. In the case of Greece, CFA showed acceptable fit for a 16-item model defined by two first-order correlated factors, Openness to change and Self-transcendence. In the case of Slovenia, CFA showed best fit for a 13-item model defined by three first-order correlated factors, Openness to change, Self-transcendence and Self-enhancement.\nConclusions: Although our analysis did not confirm the dimensionality of the Schwartz Human Values Scale as proposed in the literature, it did produce two subscales for Greece and three subscales for Slovenia that were reliable and valid. Our results suggest that further research is necessary in each country in order to provide subscales suitable for use in analyses. \n \nKeywords: Schwartz’s human values scale (PVQ-21); Reliability; Construct validity; Exploratory Factor Analysis; Confirmatory Factor Analysis\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','natashaharal@yahoo.gr','2015-07-10 16:01:55','2015-07-16 09:28:53','','Waiting'),(1813,'Value Similarity and Social Trust: The Relationship between Social Trust and Human Values in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this research was to test whether value similarity may foster the social trust in society and whether people have higher levels of social trust when they emphasize the same values that prevail in their country. The relationship between social trust and human values was examined in a sample of 51,308 people across 29 European countries using data from the European Social Survey round 6. The social trust index is composed of three social trust measures. Schwartz’s (1992) conceptualization of human values is used. Results suggest that value similarity is more important in generating individual level social trust in countries where the overall levels of social trust are higher. There is a stronger positive relationship between value similarity and social trust in Scandinavian countries, which have high social trust levels, while in countries with a very low level of social trust, congruity of the personal value structure with the country level value structure tends to decrease the individuals trustfulness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-07-19 18:08:56','2015-07-27 12:00:45','','Waiting'),(1814,'Values and Behaviour in the Context of Culture - The moderating effect of cultural tightness-looseness on value-behaviour associations in 18 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The relationship between personal values and behaviour constitutes an important part of social psychological research as values have been found to predict behaviour. Despite the abundance of research on values, and the increase of cross-cultural research in psychology, the understanding of culture’s influence on value-behaviour associations remains limited. As social norms have been found to affect certain value-behaviour associations, it is plausible that normative aspects of a society may moderate the relationship on a macro-contextual level (Bardi & Schwartz, 2003; Roccas & Sagiv, 2010).\n\nCultural tightness-looseness (Pelto, 1968) refers to how strong and pervasive social norms are in a society, and to what degree deviant behaviour is tolerated. The objective of the present study was to examine the moderating effect of tightness-looseness on the relationship between personal values and behaviour. Placed within the theoretical framework of the Schwartz (1992) value theory, the study assessed the relative strength of the value-behaviour association in 18 national samples of the European Social Survey (Round 2), and conducted a cross-cultural comparison between three groups of countries with differing degrees of tightness-looseness.\n\nThe national samples were categorized as either low (loose), average or high (tight) in cultural tightness according to an index developed by Gelfand et al. (2011). Strength of value-behaviour associations for each national sample was established by regression analysis. Variances in value-behaviour associations between the three tightness-looseness level groups were assessed by repeated measures analysis of variance, independent t-tests, and nonparametric analysis by chi-square test.\n\nThe results from regression analyses of a wide range of behaviours indicated that value-behaviour associations were in general weak. Comparison of the three tightness-looseness level groups showed no moderating effect of cultural tightness-looseness on value-behaviour associations. However, failure to detect a moderator effect may have been due to the weak main-effect of value-behaviour associations. The results suggest that further examination of the nature of value-behaviour associations, in particular for value-ambivalent behaviours (Lönnqvist et al., 2013) is needed. Methods of systematically assessing value-behaviour associations on a broad scale need to be developed to better facilitate the study of cultural-level contextual moderators.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','camilla.lonnqvist@alumni.helsinki.fi','2015-07-20 17:58:01','2015-07-27 12:05:48','','Waiting'),(1815,'The effect of perceived cultural and material threats on ethnic preferences in immigration attitudes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper shows that cultural and material threats exist side by side, serving different psychological functions, and that they manifest in differential attitudes towards immigrants from different ethnic or racial origins. While culturally threatened individuals prefer immigrants akin to themselves, as opposed to those from different races and cultures, the materially threatened prefer immigrants who are different from themselves who can be expected not to compete for the same resources. We test our hypotheses using multilevel structural equation modelling, based on data from twenty countries in the 2002 wave of the European Social Survey. The disaggregation of these two types of perceived threat reveals responsiveness to the race of immigrants that is otherwise masked by pooling the two threat dimensions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','gizem.arikan@yasar.edu.tr','2015-07-22 09:04:39','2015-07-27 12:11:25','','Waiting'),(1816,'Satisfaction with the Society and the Economy: Israel in the European Social Survey 2002-2010','שביעות רצון מתפקוד החברה והכלכלה- ישראל בסקר החברתי: 2002-2010 ',21,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report presents comparative findings for Israel in the European Social Survey, which has participated in three rounds (2002, 2008 and 2010). The report presents satisfaction levels of the Israelis from the way the democracy, the government, the economic, education and the health systems work in their country, and levels of overall satisfaction level from life as a whole, compared with other European countries.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','iriad@post.tau.ac.il','2015-07-23 07:52:34','2015-07-27 13:14:58','','Waiting'),(1817,'Trust in the Police and Courts: Israel in the European Social Survey 2002-2010','מידת האמון במשטרה ובבתי המשפט - ישראל בסקר החברתי: 2002-2010 ',21,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report presents an international comparison for the perception of safety and of the degree of trust in the police and the courts of the Israelis compared with other European countries. The findings show that the Israeli people enjoy high levels of safety in their immediate surroundings, but they do not attribute it to the work of the police.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','iriad@post.tau.ac.il','2015-07-23 08:09:02','2015-07-27 13:11:22','','Waiting'),(1818,'The comparability of the universalism value over time and across countries in the European Social Survey: exact versus approximate measurement equivalence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the last decades, large international datasets such as the European Social Survey (ESS), the European Value Study (EVS) and the World Value Survey (WVS) have been collected to compare value means over multiple time points and across many countries. Yet analyzing comparative survey data requires the fulfillment of specific assumptions, i.e., that these values are comparable over time and across countries. Given the large number of groups that can be compared in repeated cross-national datasets, establishing measurement invariance has been, however, considered unrealistic. Indeed, studies which did assess it often failed to establish higher levels of invariance such as scalar invariance. In this paper we first introduce the newly developed approximate approach based on Bayesian structural equation modeling (BSEM) to assess cross-group invariance over countries and time points and contrast the findings with the results from the traditional exact measurement invariance test. BSEM examines whether measurement parameters are approximately (rather than exactly) invariant. We apply BSEM to a subset of items measuring the universalism value from the Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ) in the ESS. The invariance of this value is tested simultaneously across 15 ESS countries over six ESS rounds with 173,071 respondents and 90 groups in total. Whereas, the use of the traditional approach only legitimates the comparison of latent means of 37 groups, the Bayesian procedure allows the latent mean comparison of 73 groups. Thus, our empirical application demonstrates for the first time the BSEM test procedure on a particularly large set of groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 09:26:06','2016-12-02 14:35:33','','Waiting'),(1819,'The comparability of attitudes toward immigration in the European Social Survey: Exact versus approximate equivalence ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'International survey data sets are analyzed with increasing frequency to investigate and compare attitudes toward immigration and to examine the contextual factors that shape these attitudes. However, international comparisons of abstract, psychological constructs require the measurements to be equivalent; that is, they should measure the same concept on the same measurement scale. Traditional approaches to assessing measurement equivalence quite often lead to the conclusion that measurements are cross-nationally incomparable, but they have been criticized for being overly strict. In the current study, we present an alternative Bayesian approach that assesses whether measurements are approximately (rather than exactly) equivalent. This approach allows small variations in measurement parameters across groups. Taking a multiple group confirmatory factor analysis framework as a starting point, this study applies approximate and exact equivalence tests to the anti-immigration attitudes scale that was implemented in the European Social Survey (ESS). Measurement equivalence is tested across the full set of 271,220 individuals in 35 ESS countries over six rounds. The results of the exact and the approximate approaches are quite different. Approximate scalar measurement equivalence is established in all ESS rounds, thus allowing researchers to meaningfully compare these mean scores and their relationships with other theoretical constructs of interest. The exact approach, however, eventually proves to be overly strict and leads to the conclusion that measurements are incomparable for a large number of countries and time points.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 09:36:59','2015-07-27 14:28:50','','Waiting'),(1820,'Individual values, cultural embeddedness, and anti-immigration sentiments: Explaining differences in the effect of values on attitudes toward immigration across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During the last decade, many European countries have faced sizeable immigration inflows accompanied by high prevalence of negative sentiments toward immigrants among majority members of the host societies. We propose that basic human values are one important determinant of such negative attitudes, and we seek to explain variation across countries in the strength of the effects of values. Based on Schwartz’ (1992, 1994) basic human value theory, we hypothesize that universalism values are conducive to positive attitudes toward immigration, while conformity-tradition reinforce anti-immigration sentiments. We furthermore hypothesize that these value effects are moderated by two contextual variables. Both value effects are expected to be weaker in countries with a higher level of cultural embeddedness. Furthermore, negative effects of conformity-tradition values are hypothesized to be cushioned by a lower proportion of immigrants in the country. A multilevel analysis of data from 24 countries from the fourth round of the European Social Survey (2008–2009) supports these hypotheses. Moreover, we demonstrate that the measurement properties of the theoretical constructs exhibit equivalence across countries, thereby justifying statistical comparisons. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.\n\nVolume: It\'s \"66 (Suppl)\" instead of only \"66\"','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 09:55:24','2015-07-27 15:19:01','','Waiting'),(1821,'Evaluating Measurement Invariance for Social and Political Trust in Western Europe over Four Measurement Time Points (2002-2008) ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is a well-documented fact that social trust, i.e., the extent to which people trust others, and political trust, i.e., trust in political institutions, are key factors in social capital theory. However, to compare these concepts in cross-national or longitudinal frameworks, it is important to first establish whether the measurements of these concepts are compatible across countries or over time. This paper tests the measurement and cross-national and longitudinal invariance properties of social and political trust. We use multiple-group confirmatory factor analyses (MGCFA) to evaluate the different levels of invariance (configural, metric and scalar) using data from the European Social Survey (ESS) measured at four different time points (2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008) in seven Western European countries. In a second step, the country mean rankings of social and political trust are computed based on the latent scores and compared with those based on traditional sum score measurements. This comparison illustrates the potential inaccuracy of sum scores for country mean comparisons when measurement invariance is not supported by the data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 10:04:13','2015-07-27 15:29:30','','Waiting'),(1822,'Measurement Equivalence Across Subnational Groups: An Analysis of the Conception of Nationhood in Switzerland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Because of their higher status, members of national majorities (e.g., linguistic, ethnic, or religious) are likely to develop a stronger sense of ownership of the nation than members of national minorities (Sidanius, Feshbach, Levin, & Pratto, 1997), which is reflected in a stronger attachment to the nation as a whole (e.g., Staerkle´, Sidanius, Green, & Molina, 2010). Accordingly, members of national majorities are expected to hold a stricter conception of nationhood, that is, to be stricter regarding who should or should not belong to the national community (Kunovich, 2009). Based on data from two large surveys (European Social Survey [ESS] 2002 and International Social Survey Programme [ISSP] 2003), the present study tests this expectation by comparing conceptions of nationhood across the two largest linguistic subnational groups in Switzerland.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.\n\nAbstract: There is no official abstract. This is just the beginning of the article..','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 10:14:17','2015-07-27 15:38:14','','Waiting'),(1823,'Using a Multilevel Structural Equation Modeling Approach to Explain Cross-Cultural Measurement Noninvariance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Testing for invariance of measurements across groups (such as countries or time points) is essential before meaningful comparisons may be conducted. However, when tested, invariance is often absent. As a result, comparisons across groups are potentially problematic and may be biased. In the current study, we propose utilizing a multilevel structural equation modeling (SEM) approach to provide a framework to explain item bias. We show how variation in a contextual variable may explain noninvariance. For the illustration of the method, we use data from the second round of the European Social Survey (ESS).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 10:28:52','2015-07-27 16:34:25','','Waiting'),(1824,'How Harmful are Survey Translations? A Test with Schwartz’s Human Values Instrument','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One major challenge in international survey research is to ensure the equivalence of translated survey instruments across different cultures. In this study, we examine empirically the extent to which equivalence of survey instruments to measure human values can be established across cultures sharing the same language as opposed to cultures having a different language. We expect cultures using the same language to exhibit higher levels of equivalence. Our examination made use of a short (i.e., a 21-item) survey instrument to measure Schwartz’s human values based on data from the second and the third rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS). The empirical results support our expectations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 10:40:27','2015-07-27 16:39:44','','Waiting'),(1825,'The Measurement of Values with the \"Portraits Value Questionnaire\"','Die Messung von Werten mit dem “Portraits Value Questionnaire”',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study we use two samples (N = 321, N = 395) to validate a 40-item German version of the \"Portraits Value Questionnaire\" (PVQ). The PVQ is an instrument newly developed by Shalom Schwartz to test his theory on basic human values. The 40-item PVQ is conceptually different from the \"Schwartz Value Survey\" (SVS), which has been so far the applied standard instrument. The new instrument is especially suitable for respondents with low to medium levels of education. Our results validate the postulated Schwartz value theory. A comparison with the SVS supports convergent and discriminant validity of the ten values measured by the PVQ. Statistical relations found between the value types and two external variables support the construct validity of the PVQ. A confirmatory factor analysis does not confirm the postulated number of values, since only nine instead of ten values are empirically identified. An external validation with data from the representative European Social Survey 2003 in Germany and a confirmatory factor analysis (with only 21 items) confirm the Schwartz values scale; however, four value types have to be unified. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 11:23:16','2015-07-28 09:59:58','','Waiting'),(1826,'Some methodological challenges of cross-national social research: conceptual and measurement validity ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Chapter 5 by Jaak Billiet, Bart Meuleman, and Eldad Davidov discusses a number of challenges regarding conceptual validity. Multilevel study of the relation between individual value orientations, cultural embeddedness, and attitudes toward immigration (IVCEA) is used as a stepping-stone example. This study characterized by an individual level dependent variable, and a mix of direct and derived measures offers an ideal opportunity to clarify and discuss several challenges to validity. Some validity challenges related to other designs characterized by a higher level dependent variable, are also discussed. The specific character of the borrowed context variable embeddedness in the IVCEA study draws attention to the necessity of equivalent measures at both the lower and the higher level. Billet et al. also emphasize important questions such as a requirement for studies that include mixed measures – across levels direct and derived, the need for a substantive theory, and for arguments concerning the causal mechanisms at the macro level. Other important questions concern the large amount of unexplained residual variance at the country level, i.e. unobserved heterogeneity when the number of potential relevant variables is too high given the small number of cases at the macro level, and the failure to accommodate causal complexity in conventional variable-centred explanatory models.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 11:37:21','2016-02-04 14:24:03','','Waiting'),(1827,'Social location and value priorities. A European-wide comparison of the relation between socio-demographic variables and human values ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'-',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 11:45:15','2015-07-28 10:07:59','','Waiting'),(1828,'Comparing Basic Human Values in East and West Germany ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Even 20 years after the fall of the Iron Curtain, studies in the social sciences point to persisting differences in attitudes and values between citizens in East and West Germany. These differences are attributed to the different paths of political and social development that East and West Germany followed from the end of World War II until the reunification in 1990. In West Germany, a liberal democratic regime and a market economy were installed, while in East Germany a socialist regime and centrally planned economy were established. Both German states, the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) were strongly integrated into the respective coalitions of the Cold War.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 11:50:39','2015-07-28 10:11:51','','Waiting'),(1829,'Testing the invariance of values in the Benelux countries with the European Social Survey: Accounting for ordinality ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'-',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. \n\nThis should replace the following specification on your website: \"Davidov E., Datler G., Schmidt P., Schwartz S.H., 2010. Testing the Invariance of Values in the Benelux Countries with the European Social Survey: Accounting for Ordinality. In: Cross-Cultural Analysis: Methods and Applications, New York: Routledge Academic, pp.151-173\"','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 11:58:50','2015-08-04 15:21:09','','Waiting'),(1830,'Are values in the Benelux countries comparable? Testing for equivalence with the European Social Survey 2004-05 ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'-',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I am updating the publications using ESS data by Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidov. I am a student assistant at his chair at the University of Zurich. Don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions concerning this article.\n\nThis should replace the following specification on your bibliography:\" Davidov E., Schmidt P., 2008. Are values in the Benelux countries comparable? Testing for equivalence with the European Social Survey 2004-05 . In: Measuring meaningful data in social research, Leuven: Acco, pp.373-386\"\n\nThank you in advance for your efforts.\n','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-07-27 12:05:32','2015-07-28 10:23:14','','Waiting'),(1831,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonian residents do not believe that the government protects all citizens against poverty','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanikud ei usu, et valitsus kõiki kodanikke vaesuse eest kaitseb',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey data suggests that in post-communist countries people generally do not think the government protects all citizens against poverty. Citizens of Scandinavian countries, Switzerland, and Netherlands, on the other hand, are rather convinced that the government protects all citizens against poverty. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/8bc53b2a-9984-4b50-b168-71850f478f72 ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-08-03 09:58:57','2015-08-04 15:22:22','','Waiting'),(1832,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Russian-speaking Estonians are more strongly against the restrictions of freedom of expression than Estonian-speaking inhabitants','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: venekeelsed elanikud on tugevamalt sõnavabaduse piiramise vastu kui eestikeelsed',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Approximately two-thirds of both the Estonian- and Russian-speaking population of Estonia considers it important for democracy that everyone is free to express their political views openly. However, Estonian-speaking respondents tend to think somewhat more often than Russian-speaking respondents that those who hold extreme political views should be prevented from expressing them openly.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/226a2474-57dc-44c4-911f-7dd1404238ae','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-08-03 10:29:59','2015-08-04 15:26:04','','Waiting'),(1833,'Russian-speaking Estonians support freedom of expression more strongly than Estonian-speaking Estonians','Venekeelsed elanikud on tugevamalt sõnavabaduse kaitsel kui eestikeelsed',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Approximately two-thirds of both –the Estonian and Russian-speaking population of Estonia– considers it important for democracy that everyone is free to express their political views openly. However, Estonian-speaking respondents tend to think somewhat more often than Russian-speaking respondents that those who hold extreme political views should be prevented from expressing them openly.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://w3.ee/openarticle.php?id=2183999&lang=est','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-08-03 10:33:51','2015-08-04 15:27:23','','Waiting'),(1834,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Russian women living in towns feel the lonliest in Estonia ','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eestis tunnevad end kõige üksildasemana linnas elavad venelannad',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Young men under 25 years of age feel least lonely. Feelings of loneliness increase for both men and women with age and elderly women feel the loneliest. There are also some ethnic differences. Russian-speaking women living in towns feel most lonely when we take also ethnicity and the place of residence into account. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/p2evafakt/4a954965-4a7f-4bea-b4cf-9268d7110e2a/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-eestis-tunnevad-end-koige-uksildasemana-linnas-elavad-venelannad-','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-08-03 10:52:24','2015-08-04 15:28:29','','Waiting'),(1835,'Investigating the dimensionality of the Schwartz scale of human values: Evidence from ESS of 2002 for Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: To investigate the dimensionality, reliability and construct (factorial) validity of the Short Form of the Human Values Scale as proposed by Schwartz.\nMethods:  The Greek European Social Survey data of 2002 (Round 1) was used. First, the sample was split randomly into two halves. For the data of the first split-half sample, item analysis was carried out to examine the distributional properties of the scale and decide on the items to be included in the analysis. For the construct validity of the scale, Exploratory Factor Analysis (promax rotation) was adopted. For the data of the second split-half sample, data screening was carried out and the structure was validated by carrying out Confirmatory Factor Analysis.  \nResults: The Exploratory Factor Analysis resulted in the following three factors solution: Openness to change/Self-enhancement, Self-transcendence/Conservation and Self-enhancement. Three subscales were constructed based on the defining items on the respective factors. Reliability coefficients and internal consistencies of the three subscales showed that the Self-enhancement subscale was not reliable. Confirmatory Factor Analysis indicated poor fit for the three factor solution and better fit for the two factor one.\nConclusions: Our results indicated that a two factor solution is valid; a result that does not confirm the dimensionality of the Schwartz Human Values Scale as proposed in the literature. The implications of our results suggest that further research and analysis is necessary.  \n\nKeywords Schwartz human value scale . PVQ-21. Validity . Factor Analysis',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','natashaharal@yahoo.gr','2015-08-03 11:21:41','2015-08-04 15:51:17','','Waiting'),(1836,'Generalized trust across Europe: The impact of welfare familialism','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Institutional explanations of trust are gaining ground, but have ignored the role of the family. This study explores whether cross-country differences in generalized trust can be explained by welfare familialism. Two theories are put forward connecting familialism to trust. According to contact theory, out-group contacts are crucial for developing trust, but familialism confines contacts to the family. According to fairness theory, trust develops where the combination of welfare practices is in line with individual family values. Multilevel analysis is applied to pooled cross-sectional data from the European Social Survey (2002-2012), supplemented by indices of familialism for 30 European countries. The results reject contact theory and lend some support to fairness theory. A familialistic explanation of trust thus seems promising, but the exact mechanism needs further elaboration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bramhog@gmail.com','2015-08-04 21:04:42','2015-08-05 10:01:43','','Waiting'),(1837,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonians are more likely to admit making false insurance claim than other Europeans','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: eestlased tunnistavad vale kindlustusnõude esitamist teistest eurooplastest sagedamini',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey data reveals that, on the one hand, Estonians condemn making an exaggerated or false insurance claim, but on the other hand, they admit more often than other Europeans that they have made an exaggerated or false insurance claim themselves. However, the data does not reveal whether Estonians are really more likely to cheat with insurance claims or are they just more honest about their misbehavior than other European nations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/05ac27b5-dd36-484a-b3f8-3bc7bf83e5d3/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-eestlased-tunnistavad-vale-kindlustusnoude-esitamist-teistest-eurooplastest-sagedamini','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-08-10 12:47:30','2015-08-17 11:13:00','','Waiting'),(1838,'Pride in Israel','גאווה בישראל',21,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Comparative findings from the ESS 2002-2012 surveys show that in Israel there is a steady rate of respondents who agree that gays and lesbians should be free to live their own life as they wish, with higher rates of women who agree to this compared with men.  The position towards gays and lesbians negatively correlates with degree of religiosity (more religious respondents less agree with this position) and with political position (respondents who place themselves towards the right tend less agree with this position).  At the same time, despite the very low rates of respondents who feel that belong to the victim of discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, Israel has shown the most significant increase in this rate in the decade between 2002 and 2012, an increase primarily reflected in the survey conducted in 2012.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','iriad@post.tau.ac.il','2015-08-13 07:58:24','2015-08-17 11:22:41','','Waiting'),(1839,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Valuing the environment and the environmental sustainability of the country do not go hand in hand','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: keskkonna väärtustamine ja riigi keskkonnasäästlikkus ei käi käsikäes ',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Awareness of environmentally friendly practices and appreciation of nature is considered to be a prerequisite for environmentally friendly behavior. However, the countries where people care about the environment can be characterized by low sustainability index. Comparing the environment values from the European Social Survey and the state level Environmental Performance Index demonstrates that in countries where people consider environment and nature protection more important are actually often characterized by low sustainability index. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/bd8c5a0e-1b7a-4b8f-afe4-3ade5bd4e23f/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-keskkonna-vaartustamine-ja-riigi-keskkonnasaastlikkus-ei-kai-kasikaes ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-08-14 10:36:00','2015-08-17 11:35:55','','Waiting'),(1840,'Acceptance of sexual minorities, discrimination, social capital and health and well-being: a cross-European study among members of same-sex and opposite-sex couples','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background:\nAwareness of health disparities based on sexual orientation has increased in the past decades, and many official public health agencies throughout Europe call for programs addressing the specific needs of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals. However, the acceptance of LGB individuals varies significantly in different countries, which potentially influences health and well-being in this population. We explored differences in self-rated health and subjective well-being between individuals living in same-sex and opposite-sex couples. We also examined the effects of discrimination and country-level variations in LGB acceptance on health and well-being and the potential mediating role of social capital in these associations.\n\nMethods:\nUsing the 2010 European Social Survey (n = 50,781), 315 individuals living with a same-sex partner were matched and compared with an equal number of individuals living in opposite-sex couples. We performed structural equation modeling analyses to estimate path coefficients, mediations and interactions.\n\nResults:\nLGB acceptance was significantly related to better self-rated health and subjective well-being among all individuals, and these associations were partially mediated by individual social capital. No differences in these associations were found between individuals living in same-sex and opposite-sex couples. Sexuality-based discrimination had an additional significantly negative effect on self-related health and subjective well-being.\n\nConclusions:\nThe findings of this study suggest a negative association between exposure to discrimination based on sexual orientation and both health and well-being of individuals living in same-sex couples. Members of same-sex couples and opposite-sex couples alike may benefit from living in societies with a high level of LGB acceptance to promote better health and well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','richard.branstrom@ki.se','2015-08-21 15:06:51','2015-08-21 15:50:36','','Waiting'),(1841,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Person who is satisfied with his life does not necessarily have to feel happy','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: eluga rahulolev inimene ei pea tingimata õnnelik olema',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Across European countries, positive emotions are generally positively associated with life satisfaction, whereas negative emotions are negatively associated with life satisfaction. However, analysis of European Social Survey data shows that the contribution of positive and negative emotions to life satisfaction varies significantly across countries. Positive emotions matter less in determining life satisfaction in countries which score higher on the Human Development Index. Cultural values – specifically the extent to which people value survival, i.e. physical and economic security over self-expression – may also be important. Life satisfaction tends to be more strongly dependent on positive emotions in European countries which place greater emphasis on survival than in countries where self-expression is more highly valued. However, a lack of negative emotions appears to be equally necessary for being satisfied with life regardless of whether countries score high or low in terms of survival/self-expression.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/e2779f3f-491f-4848-bc10-c36e588caa73/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-eluga-rahulolev-inimene-ei-pea-tingimata-onnelik-olema','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-08-24 14:18:40','2015-08-26 12:30:47','','Waiting'),(1842,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonians are satisfied with the functioning of the education system','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanikud on haridussüsteemi toimimisega rahul ',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Throughout the 5 rounds of European Social Survey (2004-2012) Estonians have become more satisfied with the functioning of the education system. Estonian people are generally more satisfied with the functioning of the local education system than Europeans on average.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I used Estonian data from rounds 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6. I also used round 6 data from all the participating countries.\n\nURL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/2001b0cd-2e93-4476-be04-19821c1a603f/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-eesti-elanikud-on-haridussusteemi-toimimisega-rahul','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-08-28 13:07:23','2015-09-02 11:22:24','','Waiting'),(1843,'The European Social Survey: Contents, Design, and Research Potential','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this article is to provide a systematic overview and assessment of the contents, design and research potential of the European Social Survey (ESS). To this end, it outlines the contents of the first seven waves of the ESS, designates exemplary research designs and questions to be analysed with the individual- and contextual-level data provided by the ESS project, and provides information on how to obtain access to the ESS data. In addition, the article highlights the methodology employed by the ESS, giving particular emphasis to questionnaire design and development, sampling procedures, as well as fieldwork, data collection, and data processing. To exemplify the practical implications and challenges of applying the ESS methodology, it also presents a detailed account of the contents and implementation of the ESS in Germany. Furthermore, the article contains information about additional resources connected with the ESS, such as the ESS EduNet online tutorials or the ESS Bibliography. Finally, the article summarises the most important aspects of the ESS and highlights its research potential in comparison with other data sources.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','schnaudt@uni-mannheim.de','2015-09-01 16:00:50','2015-09-02 11:59:58','','Waiting'),(1844,'Explaining Attitudes toward Immigration: The Role of Regional Context and Individual Predispositions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Existing research makes competing predictions and yields contradictory findings about the relationships between natives’ exposure to immigrants and their attitudes toward immigration. Engaging this disjuncture, this article argues that individual predispositions moderate the impact of exposure to immigrants on negative attitudes toward immigrants. Negative attitudes toward immigration are more likely among individuals who are most sensitive to such threats. Because country-level studies are generally unable to appropriately measure the immigration context in which individuals form their attitudes, this article uses a newly collected dataset on regional immigration patterns in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland to test the argument. The data show that increasing and visible diversity is associated with negative attitudes toward immigrants, but only among natives on the political right. This finding improves the understanding of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration and has implications for the study of attitudes toward other policies and for immigration policy itself.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jkarreth@albany.edu','2015-09-04 01:31:35','2015-09-04 09:50:03','','Waiting'),(1845,'Testing the invariance of values in the Benelux countries with the European Social Survey: Accounting for ordinality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'-',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I\'m updating Prof. Dr. Eldad Davidovs publications using ESS data as his student assistant. Please don\'t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions.','celinevalerie.gloor@uzh.ch','2015-09-07 16:30:09','2015-09-08 09:45:17','','Waiting'),(1846,'Can informal economic activities be explained by social and institutional factors? A comparative analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Empirical literature on informal activities often builds on macro-economic country estimates, which impedes testing behavioural hypotheses. The European Social Survey (ESS), documenting self-reported tax evasion in 26 countries, allows us to test individual and institutional factors simultaneously.We model the effect of institutional and social capital factors affecting informal transactions. We predict that informality is fostered by social relations and trust, and curbed by institutional trust. Regulation and taxation fuel informal transactions, while effective enforcement inhibits them. These predictions are simultaneously tested with individual-level data from the ESS, complemented with country-level data on regulation, taxation levels and enforcement. Multilevel binary and multinomial logit, fixed effects, Markov chain Monte Carlo method and adaptive Gaussian quadrature regressions confirm the predictions regarding social capital, trust and tax burden. Contrary to much prior research, we find weak and inconsistent effects of regulation and enforcement, which may also be due to the limited variation of our country sample.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','stef.adriaenssens@kuleuven.be','2015-09-07 18:33:07','2016-12-19 15:33:24','','Waiting'),(1847,'The real heroes of elections','Valgets egentlige helter',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The legitimacy of democracy depends on the losers not becoming so disappointed as to lose faith in democracy itself. It is important for democracy to produce relatively satisfied losers. Political research has demonstrated that one of the best predictors of \"good losers\" is the quality of governance. That is, the running of democracy must be perceived as, and in fact be, fair, transparent and nonpartisan. In these systems, decisions going against one\'s own views tend to be more prone to acceptance. In Norway, as in other comparable countries, (electoral) losers are slightly less happy with how democracy is functioning. Looking at data from the European Social Survey (2012), respondents belonging to the losing side in the Norwegian parliamentary elections in 2009 on average responded 7.0 on a scale from 0 to 10, where 10 means extremely satisfied. The winners, on average, responded 7.6 on the same question. The average for the whole survey, which includes a substantial number of European states, is 5.2. Hence, in Norway, electoral losers are generally happy with how democracy works in the country, and this is a healthy sign for democracy in Norway. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2015-09-14 13:50:28','2015-09-14 13:52:18','','Waiting'),(1848,'Higher Education and Social Trust: A European Comparative Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter focuses on how higher education (HE) influences the construction of social trust. Social trust is defined as one of the most important subjective aspect of people’s well-being. The analysis refers to impersonal trust and institutional trust, and uses various indicators for measuring the two, such as generalized trust, generalized fairness, trust in parliament, and trust in the legal system. The study covers 19 European countries and explores the problem at both aggregate and individual level. It draws on data from the European Social Survey (2006-2010), applying descriptive statistics and multilevel modeling for the analysis of data. The chapter argues that the higher the educational level of people is, the more trustful they are. Our findings clearly show that, at the individual level, HE influences positively the degrees of both impersonal and institutional trust. The results also suggest that the relationship between HE and trust differs substantially across European countries. As regards impersonal trust, the impact of HE is stronger in countries where people without HE have lower average levels of impersonal trust. However, with respect to institutional trust, HE tends to have a strong positive impact in countries with high levels of institutional trust among people without HE. Furthermore, both impersonal and institutional trust among HE graduates is greater in countries with full democracy than in those with a flawed democracy. This fact raises once again the question whether social trust is a characteristic of individuals or of social systems.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2015-10-04 19:35:25','2015-10-05 11:02:27','','Waiting'),(1849,'The Random Effects in Multilevel Models: Getting Them Wrong and Getting Them Right','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Many surveys of respondents from multiple countries or subnational regions have now been fielded on multiple occasions. Social scientists are regularly using multilevel models to analyse the data generated by such surveys, investigating variation across both space and time. We show, however, that such models are usually specified erroneously. They typically omit one or more relevant random effects, thereby ignoring important clustering in the data, which leads to downward biases in the standard errors. These biases occur even if the fixed effects are specified correctly; if the fixed effects are incorrect, erroneous specification of the random effects worsens biases in the coefficients. We illustrate these problems using Monte Carlo simulations and two empirical examples. Our recommendation to researchers fitting multilevel models to comparative longitudinal survey data is to include random effects at all potentially relevant levels, thereby avoiding any mismatch between the random and fixed parts of their models.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alex@alexanderwschmidt.de','2015-10-06 12:12:42','2016-11-21 15:50:14','','Waiting'),(1850,'Pushed out prematurely? Comparing objectively forced exits and subjective assessments of involuntary retirement across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Given the efforts in raising the statutory pension age in an aging Europe, this cross-national analysis investigates constrained retirement from a comparative perspective. Based on a conceptualization of retirement transitions as a multi-faceted phenomenon, the study distinguishes objective (external) constraints and the subjective self-assessment of involuntary retirement. Exploiting two survey items from the fifth round of the European Social Survey (ESS Round 5, 2010/2011), we examine which workers were objectively forced to retire due to economic or health reasons as well as which workers subjectively evaluate their retirement as involuntary as they would have wished to work longer. Using multilevel modeling, the study investigates the impact of national context conditions on both the individual risk to be objectively forced to terminate work and the subjective perception of retirement as occurring too early. We analyze institutional factors such as statutory pension ages and pension generosity, but also explore the role of structural factors such as unemployment and health. At the individual level, the empirical analysis reveals that objectively forced exits and subjective involuntariness do not always overlap. Ojectively forced exits are more readily explained by socio-economic characteristics like social class and unemployment experience. At the macro level, there are considerable cross-national variations that cannot be explained by compositional factors only. Relevant predictors of international differences in constrained retriement include early retirement options, statutory pension conditions, unemployment rates, labor market regulation and life expectancy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ebbinghaus@uni-mannheim.de','2015-10-09 18:00:03','2015-10-12 15:37:57','','Waiting'),(1851,'Educational expansion and the education gradient in health: A hierarchical age-period-cohort analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Researchers have recently been investigating the temporal variation in the educational gradient in health. While there is abundant literature concerning age trajectories, theoretical knowledge about cohort differences is relatively limited. Therefore, in analogy with the life course perspective, we introduce two contrasting cohort-specific hypotheses. The diminishing health returns hypothesis predicts a decrease in educational disparities in health across cohorts. By contrast, the cohort accretion hypothesis suggests that the education-health gap will be more pronounced among younger cohorts. To shed light on this, we perform a hierarchical age-period-cohort analysis (HAPC), using data from a subsample of individuals between 25 and 85 years of age (N = 232,573) from 32 countries in the European Social Survey (six waves: 2002–2012). The analysis leads to three important conclusions. First, we observe a widening health gap between different educational levels over the life course. Second, we find that these educational differences in the age trajectories of health seem to strengthen with each successive birth cohort. However, the two age-related effects disappear when we control for employment status, household income, and family characteristics. Last, when adjusting for these mediators, we reveal evidence to support the diminishing health returns hypothesis, implying that it is primarily the direct association between education and health that decreases across cohorts. This finding raises concerns about potential barriers to education being a vehicle for empowerment and the promotion of health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Piet.Bracke@UGent.be','2015-10-21 10:37:18','2018-03-27 16:09:29','','Waiting'),(1852,'Anti-immigrant Attitudes in a Developing County: Turkey ','Gelişmekte Olan bir Ülke olan Türkiye\'de Yabancı Göçmenlere Karşı Negatif Tutumlar ',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The goal of this study is to explain what factors currently affect the anti-immigrant attitudes that prevail in Turkey. The study is the first study on anti immigrant attitudes in Turkey, considering national samples of two different years. It provides to compare the level of anti immigrant attitudes among Turkish people. The data is drawn from the 2004 and 2008 European Social Survey. Because Turkey has been a rapidly developing country, and has increased its involvement in the global economy over the years, this study compares the Turkish respondents’ anti-immigrant attitudes across two different time periods. In addition, trust in global institutions, media variables, economic variables, religiosity, and political orientation are used as independent variables. The results of OLS regression analyses reveal that global change over the years, trust in global institutions, TV viewing hours, internet use, and satisfaction with the national economy, and political orientation have a significant effect on anti-immigrant attitudes. On the other hand, it is observed that religion has no effect on anti-immigrant attitudes. In addition, comparing to Istanbul, Southeast region of Anatolia appeared as a significant predictor. This study also provides a framework for further studies, as this is the first study on this topic, representing the Turkish nation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ozgursolakoglu@gmail.com','2015-10-23 13:33:15','2015-10-26 16:07:10','','Waiting'),(1853,'The motivation and inhibition of breaking the rules: Personal values structures predict unethicality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We theorized and tested the relationship of personal value systems with unethical attitudes and behavior. Results from three studies using 16 diverse multi-national samples (N = 107,087) demonstrated the complexity of motivations underlying unethicality. Across contexts and cultures, for attitudes (Study 1 meta-analysis) and behaviors in the lab (Study 2) and in real-life (Study 3), we consistently found that the values theory circumplex structure predicted the inhibition and motivation of unethicality. Unethicality was positively associated with self-enhancement values and negatively associated with self-transcendence and conservation values. However, self-transcendence and conservation values were associated with the inhibition of different types of unethicality. The relationship of openness-to-change values with unethicality was generally positive but the effect size varied depending on context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Used at part of the mega-analysis in Study 1. Thank you!','giladfel@gmail.com','2015-10-24 09:37:31','2015-10-26 16:12:03','','Waiting'),(1854,'Formalisation of organisational structure as a subject of path dependency: an example from Central and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines the characteristics of organisational structures in Central and\nEastern Europe using the example of Estonia. In particular, the formalisation level of\nthe structures as a subject of path-dependent developments is observed. Quantitative\nand qualitative research methods are combined for the empirical evidence and data\nfrom three different sources are employed: the European Social Survey, the survey of\nEstonian managers and interviews with managers from Estonian software companies.\nThe authors show that the communist past still affects organisational life today.\nThe path this past created affects the organisational structures in the present in two\nways: first, a kind of structural inertia can be observed, where the Soviet style of\nmanagement with its high formalisation is still present today and limits employees’\nfreedom to deal with their work. Second, an opposite trend can be revealed for the other\nactors in the same game, the managers, as another kind of path dependency exists – a\nprocess where the past has caused a powerful response, forcing the actors to react\nagainst the Soviet management style. We demonstrate that this path dependency can be\nperceived differently by different actors in an organisation and we show that the path\ndependency is a complex issue with many nuances within it.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','merikyll@ut.ee','2015-10-29 09:46:15','2015-10-29 14:10:15','','Waiting'),(1855,'You can\'t always get what you want: actual and preferred ages of retirement in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the European Social Survey fielded in 2010/11, this study presents new evidence on retirement preferences in Europe. It investigates retirees\' preferred and actual ages of retirement, focusing on the retirement window 1995–2011. Moreover, it reports on the prevalence of mismatch in the form of involuntary retirement (retiring earlier than preferred) and involuntary work (retiring later than preferred). The study identifies substantial shares of retirees who are affected by a mismatch between their preferred and actual ages of retirement. In the majority of the countries analysed, at least 30 per cent of retirees would have preferred to continue working past the age at which they retired, while in a number of countries sizeable shares of retirees report involuntary work. The risk factors for involuntary retirement include the experience of late-career job loss, unemployment, job exits for health reasons and, in the case of women, working in higher-status occupations. The risk factors for involuntary work include fatherhood and, in the case of women, part-time work. As a result of rising actual ages of retirement, the risk of involuntary retirement has decreased for more recent retirement cohorts, while due to pension reforms that have tightened eligibility rules for early retirement, men\'s risk of involuntary work has increased. However, involuntary retirement is still more prevalent than involuntary work.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','merikyll@ut.ee','2015-10-29 10:05:24','2015-10-29 14:28:16','','Waiting'),(1856,'Contextualizing the Education Effect on Women\'s Employment: A Cross-National Comparative Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The authors examine how and why the effect of education on women\'s employment varies cross-nationally. First, they present a theoretical model that (a) outlines the micro-level mechanisms underlying education effects on women\'s employment in the couple context and (b) proposes contextual moderators at the country level. Second, they test the theoretical model against survey data from the United Nations\' Generations and Gender Programme for 5 European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Hungary, and Norway). The data comprise 10,048 educationally homogamous heterosexual couples involving a woman age 20–45. The results indicate that more highly educated couples are more likely to have dual-earner arrangements in each country, yet the strength of education effects varies substantially between countries and across the family life cycle. In contrast to prior work, the authors find that education effects are not generally smaller in countries that are supportive of women\'s employment. This relation holds only for later child-rearing phases.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nadia.steiber@univie.ac.at','2015-10-29 10:47:12','2015-10-29 14:43:42','','Waiting'),(1857,'A Re-Assessment of Common Theoretical Approaches to Explain Gender Differences in Continuing Training Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is often argued that gender differences in access to continuing training are a central cause of persisting gender inequalities in occupational attainment. Yet existing empirical work has presented rather mixed evidence regarding a potential sex gap in training participation. In this article, we carry out an empirical test of the central theoretical models commonly used to explain gender differences in continuing training participation. Using the European Social Survey, we find that male employees are more likely to train than their female colleagues, controlling for worker, firm and job characteristics, with some tentative evidence for differences across countries. Common theoretical approaches to understanding gender differences in continuing skill investment to some degree explain men\'s training incidence, while they largely fail to predict that of women.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nadia.steiber@univie.ac.at','2015-10-29 10:51:40','2015-10-29 14:57:21','','Waiting'),(1858,'Overworked or  Underemployed? Actual and  Preferred Household  Employment Patterns in the  Context of the Economic Crisis  ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article revisits work hour mismatches at the couple level. Most of what has been published on actual and preferred employment arrangements of couples in Europe is based on international survey data from the late 1990s. The aim is to present new data on couples’ actual and preferred employment arrangements using data from Round 5 of the European Social Survey (2010-2012). The article discusses trends in the degree to which couples’ employment arrangements are in line with preferences and how work hour mismatches may be related to the current economic crisis.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nadia.steiber@univie.ac.at','2015-10-29 11:00:48','2015-10-29 15:08:38','','Waiting'),(1859,'Democratic institutions and citizen beliefs about democracy: how do they interact?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This is a chapter in a book (Festschrift) honoring Jan W. van Deth from the University of Mannheim. The chapter relates macro data from the Democracy Barometer and data from round 6 of the ESS run in 2012 for 24 countries of those, for reasons laid out in the chapter, only 18 coutries could be used for the analysis. This is a micro-macro study looking at the question to what extent institutional properties of the 18 democracies are systematically related to the democratic attitudes of the citizens in these countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petmaka@aol.com','2015-10-29 15:47:52','2015-10-30 10:00:09','','Waiting'),(1860,'The Nature of Anti-Immigrant Sentiment in Post-Socialist Russia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main aim of this study was to investigate whether the competition and cultural theoretical models that have received solid empirical support in the context of Western European societies can explain anti-foreigner sentiment in post-socialist Russia as a society searching for new national identity borders. Data obtained from the third round of the European Social Survey (2006) indicate a high level of anti-foreigner sentiment in contemporary Russia – more than 60% of Russians claimed that immigrants undermine the cultural life of the country, and almost 60% claimed that immigration is bad for the economy of the country. Our multivariate analysis showed that the two sets of individual-level predictors of anti-foreigner sentiment – the socioeconomic position of individuals (as suggested by the competition model) and conservative views and ideologies (as suggested by the cultural model) – are not meaningful in predicting anti-foreigner sentiment in post-socialist Russia. The results are discussed from a comparative sociology perspective and in the context of the Russian society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anastasiag@post.tau.ac.il','2015-10-30 14:41:40','2015-10-30 15:00:28','','Waiting'),(1861,'Trade unions and migrant workers in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the gap between the unionization rate of local and migrant workers in 14 Western European countries. The analysis reveals that the lower unionization rate of migrant workers can be attributed only in part to the impact of labour market segregation. Moreover, the gap between the unionization rate of local and migrant workers varies substantially across countries. We find that this gap is larger in those countries in which unions enjoy organizational security either in the form of state financing or a single dominant confederation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anastasiag@post.tau.ac.il','2015-10-30 15:00:58','2015-10-30 15:09:45','','Waiting'),(1862,'Union members’ attitudes towards immigrant workers: A 14-country study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Increasing immigration into Europe has presented unions with many dilemmas. A potentially important factor shaping their strategies is their members’ attitudes towards immigrants and immigration. However, these attitudes have not been analysed systematically in Europe. Studies in Australia and North America have assumed that union membership is associated with hostility, resulting from the alleged threat of migrants to wages and working conditions. Yet, we hypothesize that the security gained from union membership should generate less, rather than more, hostility towards migrants. Our hypothesis is confirmed analysing data from the 2012 European Social Survey for 14 Western European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anastasiag@post.tau.ac.il','2015-10-30 15:09:49','2015-10-30 15:20:29','','Waiting'),(1863,'Not Only Competitive Threat But Also Racial Prejudice: Sources of Anti-Immigrant Attitudes in European Societies.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article examines the role of prejudice toward racial and ethnic minorities in shaping attitudes toward immigrants across 19 European countries. Previous studies established that fear of competition (i.e., competitive threat) is likely to increase negative attitudes toward immigrants. Using data from the 2010 European Social Survey, we find that not only competitive threat but also racial prejudice toward non-European/non-White minority population is likely to increase negative attitudes toward all immigrants in Europe. Moreover, racial prejudice does not mediate the effect of competitive threat on anti-immigrant attitudes, but exert an independent additive effect. The impact of racial prejudice on attitudes toward immigrants tends to increase with the relative size of the non-European racial minority population in the country. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anastasiag@post.tau.ac.il','2015-10-30 15:18:18','2015-10-30 15:38:06','','Waiting'),(1864,'Comparing Citizens’ Trust in the Police Across Different Countries: An Assessment of Cross-Country Measurement Equivalence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'International comparative studies on citizens’ trust in the police have become more common. However, they generally tend to ignore the fundamental question of whether comparisons between countries are actually valid. We address this knowledge gap by conducting measurement equivalence tests on trust in the police within the framework of legal and political trust, arguing that a deviant position of trust in the police within this framework in a certain country indicates comparability issues. We analyze data from the European Social Survey in 26 European nations, finding that both trust in the police and trust in other institutions are empirically comparable within most, but not all, of Europe. We also note substantial variation across countries in levels of trust, especially in terms of differences between Eastern Europe and Western Europe. We conclude that future cross-national comparisons of citizens’ trust in institutions, and especially the police, should systematically account for equivalence issues to prevent invalid conclusions and should exercise restraint in including culturally very diverse countries. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','d.schaap@jur.ru.nl','2015-11-02 08:57:46','2015-11-02 12:32:32','','Waiting'),(1865,'The senior condition in Southern Europe and Scandinavia','A condição sénior no Sul da Europa e na Escandinávia',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The extended increasing of life expectancy associated with a significant decline in the birth rate have contributed to a rapid aging of societies and a profound change in the demographic structure of many European countries. We analyze in this article the specific condition of the senior in the countries of Southern Europe and Scandinavia. In the case of countries with a configuration of different models of social protection, we realize that there are different ways of living old age in these societies. For this reason, our analysis uses the results obtained in the European Social Survey (round 5-2010). The analysis reveals the existence of different models that set the senior condition in the referred societies, which means different ways of dealing with the aging process. To conclude, the condition of the elderly does not depend solely on biological factors related to physical limitation, it is also influenced by social configuration that fits the experience of this period of individual life, as well as the way old people face it.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','antoniocalha@hotmail.com','2015-11-02 12:15:23','2015-11-02 12:47:12','','Waiting'),(1866,'Religiosity Moderates the Relationship between Income Inequality and Life Satisfaction across the Globe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper reports two studies that sought to examine whether religiosity moderates the relationship between income inequality and life satisfaction. Practice-based and belief-based aspects of religion were both included in the analyses. Using multi-level analyses on 85 nations across the world (N = 217,591) and 27 European nations (N = 49,763), we found evidence in support of our hypothesis that religiosity mitigates the negative influence of income inequality on life satisfaction. Our results also indicate that it is religious belief, not religious practice, that functions as a buffer in the relationship between income inequality and life satisfaction. The importance and implications of the results are discussed.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mjoshanloo@hotmail.com','2015-11-04 05:20:52','2016-11-24 11:16:04','','Waiting'),(1867,'Influence of a social environment and optimism/pessimism in Russia and other European countries','Восприятие социального окружения и оптимизм/пессимизм в России и других европейских странах',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the context of quantitative macro-psychology the author compares the social psychological situations in Russia and other European countries. The empirical basis for the study is comparison of data from the project “European Social Survey” and from a public opinion poll by the fund “Public opinion” conducted in Russia. The comparison has revealed groups of countries with similar psychological situations. The study has also revealed a high degree of mutual psychological alienation in Russia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Zelenev@yandex.ru','2015-11-11 20:30:52','2016-09-05 10:12:45','','Waiting'),(1868,'The relationship between ethnic threat and economic insecurity in times of economic crisis: Analysis of European Social Survey data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study analyses the relationships between deteriorating economic conditions in times of crisis and the attitude towards immigration. We analyze three questions. How are a vulnerable position on the labor market and recent changes in the individuals’ economic condition related to perceived ethnic threat? What is the role of the nation’s economic and immigration context? Are relations at the individual level between economic conditions and perceived ethnic threat affected by context variables? Data of 23 country sample of ESS round 5 (end 2010-begin 2011) is used. At the micro level, unemployment, job insecurity, and income deterioration during past three years affect perceived ethnic threat, as predicted by group conflict theory. These effects are however rather small. Among the context variables, only Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth shows an effect in the expected direction: perceived threat seems higher in countries in which GDP growth is lower. Our design however does not allow to conclude that changes in the economic context lead to changes in attitudes towards immigrants. The significant cross-level interaction for economic growth indicates that the threat-inducing effect of unemployment is stronger in contexts where GDP growth is high. This finding contradicts our hypothesis. One could explain this by the emergence of a generalized feeling of economic insecurity in countries severely hit by the economic crisis. In these countries, strong feelings of economic insecurity – and the resulting levels of perceived ethnic threat - might be also be present among those who are employed, thereby diminishing the gap with the unemployed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaak.billiet@soc.kuleuven.be','2015-12-01 15:01:45','2015-12-01 15:06:54','','Waiting'),(1869,'tester igjen','',36,NULL,NULL,NULL,'blabla',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ole.voldsater@nsd.no','2015-12-01 15:12:54','2015-12-02 15:13:54','','Waiting'),(1870,'Social Trust and Value Similarity: the Relationship between Social Trust and Human Values in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of the current paper is to test whether value similarity may foster social trust in society and whether people have higher levels of social trust when they emphasise the same values that prevail in their country. The relationship between social trust and human values was examined in a sample of 51,308 people across 29 European countries using data from the European Social Survey round 6. Results suggest that value similarity is more important in generating individual level social trust in countries where the overall levels of social trust are higher. There is a stronger positive relationship between value similarity and social trust in Scandinavian countries, which have high social trust levels, while in countries with a low level of social trust, congruity of the personal value structure with the country level value structure tends to decrease the individuals trustfulness. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://publications.tlu.ee/index.php/stss/article/view/267','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-12-02 13:58:57','2015-12-02 15:18:06','','Waiting'),(1871,'Social Inequality in Political Participation: The Dark Sides of Individualisation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Has the participatory gap between social groups widened over the past decades? And if so, how can it be explained? Based on a re-analysis of 94 electoral surveys in eight Western European countries between 1956 and 2009, this article shows that the difference in national election turnout between the half of the population with the lowest level of education and the half with the highest has increased. It shows that individualisation – the decline of social integration and social control – is a major cause of this trend. In their electoral choices, citizens with fewer resources – in terms of education – rely more heavily on cues and social control of the social groups to which they belong. Once the ties to these groups loosen, these cues and mobilising norms are no longer as strong as they once were, resulting in an increasing abstention of the lower classes on Election Day. In contrast, citizens with abundant resources rely much less on cues and social control, and the process of individualisation impacts on their participatory behaviour to a much lesser extent. The article demonstrates this effect based on a re-analysis of five cumulative waves of the European Social Survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2015-12-07 14:21:56','2015-12-07 14:23:10','','Waiting'),(1872,'Multifamily Housing and Resident Life Satisfaction: Evidence from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Much of the literature on sustainable communities and compact cities calls for higher density housing including multifamily dwellings. Some case studies suggest problems with such dwellings. However, rigorous comparative research on this topic has not been conducted to date. This paper draws on a high quality, comparative dataset, the European Social Survey, to analyse a) the quality of multifamily dwellings in European urban areas, b) the characteristics of residents of these dwellings, c) their life satisfaction compared with those living in detached housing and d) the relative importance of built form in explaining life satisfaction. One of the main findings from the multivariate analyses is that built form, including residing in multifamily housing, is not a statistically significant predictor of life satisfaction when you control for standard predictors of life satisfaction (e.g. health, employment and income) and housing and neighbourhood quality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2015-12-07 15:14:25','2015-12-07 15:15:44','','Waiting'),(1873,'Economic Growth and Changes in Happiness ','Ekonomisk tillväxt och förändringen i upplevd lycka',3,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During recent years there has been a lively discussion about the so called Easterlin Paradox  both among scientists and in media in general. The main result of Easterlin’s studies was that economic growth does not generate more happiness and welfare for people in general. If this is true it has of course significant consequences for the choice of goals for economic policy. In this paper we make an attempt to study the relationship between changes in income and changes in welfare using data from the six first waves of ESS. The results seem to give some support for the critique of the paradox.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','leif.nordberg@abo.fi','2015-12-08 09:19:56','2015-12-08 10:11:11','','Waiting'),(1874,'Trust in and Attitudes towards the Police: Empirical Analyses for Europe with a Special Focus on Switzerland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The question underlying this thesis is what shapes people’s perception of the police. It aims to contribute to the field of trust and attitudinal research in several ways. Firstly, institutional approaches will be considered, perceiving the police as part of wider governmental institutions. Secondly, theories of procedural justice will be looked at. They argue that fair decisions and respectful treatment largely contribute to institutional legitimacy and trustworthiness. To the contrary of procedural justice approaches are instrumental arguments. In them, police’s effectiveness is seen as central to people’s trust in them. Whether the police are doing a good job, fighting crime effectively, is more important than the use of adequate procedures and correct behavior. These approaches enter into the analyses in the way that the global notion of trust in the police will be linked to global statements about police’s procedural fairness and effectiveness. Moreover, the level of satisfaction in concrete interactions with the police will be taken into account.\nIn the trust-building process, institutional representatives play an important role, as mentioned in procedural justice theories. To go one step further, interactions with police officers are expected to be influenced by social trust. A culture marked by a general openness towards strangers may contribute not only to a higher trust in interactions with ordinary people, but may also be transferable to institutional representatives. The link between social trust and institutional trust is widely confirmed, especially for trust in political institutions such as the government or political parties. Since studies dealing primarily with trust in the police are rare, social trust will be taken into account as an explanatory force in the analyses to come.\nStudies within the field of attitudes towards the police are often based on local surveys. Cross-country analyses with data from large opinion polls are rather seldom. More than just global and concrete attitudes towards the police will be linked here. Another aim is to link cross-national analyses with a concrete in-depth country study. A country study of Switzerland will follow the search for correlations at a cross-country level. It will be tested whether the links can be proven in a single country marked by high levels of trust in the police. In addition to the European level, not only police stops but also victim-initiated contact will be analyzed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','silvia.staubli@unifr.ch','2015-12-17 11:23:47','2015-12-17 12:06:12','','Waiting'),(1875,'Work-life Balance, Working Conditions and the Great Recession','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter examines satisfaction with work-life balance in a comparative perspective, drawing on employment and welfare regime theories. The chapter pays particular attention to working conditions and finds that factors such as working hours and level of autonomy are strongly predictive of satisfaction with work-life balance. The chapter also investigates the effects of recessionary factors such as experiences of financial hardship, cut-backs in household income, job insecurity and firm level financial difficulties. A number of key indicators of job quality vary systematically by regime: job control and schedule control are higher and job insecurity lower among employees in the Nordic and Continental regimes than in the Liberal and especially Southern and Transition countries. Employees in Nordic and Continental regimes also report less negative change in the past three years in either their household circumstances, the firms they work in or the jobs they work in. Employees in other regimes, particularly the Liberal regime, but also the Transition and Southern regimes, were much more exposed to deterioration in job quality and income over the crisis period. These results on individual employees suggest that regimes do vary in the quality of work and exposure to the great recession, and how work is organised has a significant influence on employees’ perception of their ability to balance work and family life. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Helen.Russell@esri.ie','2015-12-17 13:42:58','2015-12-17 14:36:45','','Waiting'),(1876,'Identifying Pertinent Variables for Nonresponse Follow-Up Surveys: Lessons Learned from Four Cases in Switzerland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'All social surveys suffer from different types of errors, of which one of the most studied is non-response bias. Non-response bias is a systematic error that occurs because individuals differ in their accessibility and propensity to participate in a survey according to their own characteristics as well as those from the survey itself. The extent of the problem heavily depends on the correlation between response mechanisms and key survey variables. However, non-response bias is difficult to measure or to correct for due to the lack of relevant data about the whole target population or sample. In this paper, non-response follow-up surveys are considered as a possible source of information about non-respondents. Non-response follow-ups, however, suffer from two methodological issues: they themselves operate through a response mechanism that can cause potential non-response bias, and they pose a problem of comparability of measure, mostly because the survey design differs between main survey and non-response follow-up. In order to detect possible bias, the survey variables included in non-response surveys have to be related to the mechanism of participation, but not be sensitive to measurement effects due to the different designs. Based on accumulated experience of four similar non-response follow-ups, we studied the survey variables that fulfill these conditions. We differentiated socio-demographic variables that are measurement-invariant but have a lower correlation with non-response and variables that measure attitudes, such as trust, social participation, or integration in the public sphere, which are more sensitive to measurement effects but potentially more appropriate to account for the non-response mechanism. Our results show that education level, work status, and living alone, as well as political interest, satisfaction with democracy, and trust in institutions are pertinent variables to include in non-response follow-ups of general social surveys.\nKeywords: Nonresponse; nonresponse bias; nornresponse survey; item reliability\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','caroline.vandenplas@soc.kuleuven.be','2015-12-18 09:42:19','2015-12-18 12:20:31','','Waiting'),(1877,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Life satisfactions of Europeans drops at Christmas time','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: jõulude ajal eurooplaste eluga rahulolu langeb',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article introduces the study by Michael Mutz (2015). According to ESS data suggests that the Christmas period is related to a decrease in life satisfaction and emotional well-being. However, Christians, particularly those with a higher degree of religiousness, are an exception to this pattern.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/b7bc3d3d-f6a2-4b3c-a68d-762701628e9e/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-joulude-ajal-eurooplaste-eluga-rahulolu-langeb','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2015-12-21 15:48:17','2015-12-21 17:04:52','','Waiting'),(1878,'Why trade Union\'s members have different attitude towards Immigrants?','¿Por qué los afiliados sindicales tienen actitudes diferentes hacia la inmigración?',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Europe, union members\' attitudes towards immigration are moderately tolerant when they are ideologically located on the political left. This behavior is different from that of non union members\', whose attitude is restrictive. Ideological positions and attitudes draw a U-shaped pattern. At one extreme are the positions of the left-wing, associated with high union membership and moderately tolerant attitudes. At the other extreme are right-wing positions, with low union membership and restrictive attitudes. Factors that influence negative attitudes include unemployment, low wages, temporary job contracts and other forms of precarious employment. Competition for scarce jobs and welfare resources explains these attitudes. Nowadays, the economic crisis and unemployment contribute to restrictive attitudes towards immigration.\n\nKeywords: attitudes, unions, ideology, restriction, tolerance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article was poublishd in Mexican Review. The article compare unions and non unions members and attitude towards immigrants','antonio.martin@uab.es','2015-12-24 18:47:28','2015-12-28 11:09:39','','Waiting'),(1879,'European Social Survey gives answers to questions that are necessary for governing a country','Euroopa Sotsiaaluuring annab vastused riigi juhtimiseks vajalikele küsimustele',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article gives an overview of the activities of the European Social Survey in Estonia in 2004-2015. Collecting of data for the European Social Survey started in Estonia in 2004. Estonia has participated in all subsequent rounds of study. New data for the survey are collected every two years. The survey has turned out to be very successful both by the great number of users and also by the number of publications based on the survey in Estonia. 1200 people use the data of the survey in Estonia, which is the second result per 1000 people in the world after Slovakia. In 2015, every three days an article about Estonia was published in international cooperation in every three days. The article gives an overview of the activities and princi¬ples that have been taken into account in conducting the survey and have contributed to its success. These include, first of all, open use of the data, training of users, and clear and user-friendly web output. For example, in 2012-2015, there were 39 special trainings for 1780 persons in Estonia. The results of the survey are valuable in making decisions for governing the country. A short overview of analyses that deal with two issues and were written on the basis of the data of the survey is given as an example of the usefulness of the European Social Survey in governing a country. The themes of these analyses are \"Stable and Successful State\" and \"Economic Growth, Social Relations and Welfare\".',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.riigikogu.ee/rito/public/documents/32/Mare_Ainsaar_Euroopa_Sotsiaaluuring_annab_vastused_riigi_juhtimiseks_vajalikele_kusimustele1.pdf\n','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2015-12-30 12:51:22','2016-04-27 15:03:19','','Waiting'),(1880,'Health in the European States: Status Inequalities and Social Capital','ЗДОРОВЬЕ В СТРАНАХ ЕВРОПЫ: СТАТУСНЫЕ НЕРАВЕНСТВА И ВЛИЯНИЕ СОЦИАЛЬНОГО КАПИТАЛА ',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is devoted to a problem of social capital’s influence on SES inequalities in health. The European Social Survey data for 27 countries (ESS Round 6, 2012) and statistics for these countries (World Bank, Eurostat, etc.) were analyzed by means of hierarchical two-level modeling. In all states, whatever was the level of their general welfare, there were considerable inequalities in health between the lower and top layers of social structure. Social capital — interaction networks, social support and trust — promotes strengthening of health in any social strata. In many countries the buffer effect is shown — the social capital promotes smoothing of SES inequalities due to more noticeable improvement of health in the lower layers in relation to the top. Nevertheless such effect (statistically highly significant) is not very strong and depends on a context. It can be found with higher probability in the most advanced European countries — with strong economy, low income inequality and “social democratic” regime of welfare state. In less developed parts of Europe presented by Russia and other Post-Soviet states and in countries with “liberal” or “mediterranean” regime, compensatory influence of the social capital, as a rule, is not found.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2016-01-11 11:18:08','2017-12-20 14:37:06','','Waiting'),(1881,'The Israeli Democracy - above the European average - Israel in the European Social Survey','הדמוקרטיה הישראלית- מעל הממוצע באירופה ישראל בסקר החברתי אירופאי (ESS)',21,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analyzing ESS round 6 data show that the Israelis rate the characteristics of Democracy in general and in the way they applies in Israel, higher than the European average in most of the characteristics. It seems that the Israelis feel that the Israeli democracy applies the democratic characteristics better than what residents of other European Countries feel. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bicoheness@tauex.tau.ac.il','2016-01-13 09:39:06','2016-01-13 10:02:20','','Waiting'),(1882,'International Day of Persons with Disabilities - Israel in the European Social Survey','יום הנכה הבינלאומי: ישראל בסקר האירופאי החברתי (ESS)',21,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analyzing ESS data show that despite low rates of respondents that describe themselves as being members of a group that is discriminated against in Israel on ground of disability, this rates increase substantially in Israel in the decade between 2002-2012, increase that put Israel with the highest rate in 2012 of respondents that describe themselves as being members of a group that is discriminated against on ground of disability. Nonetheless, the rate of those who work in paid work among respondents that answered that they are hampered a lot in their daily activities by any longstanding illness, or disability, infirmity or mental health problem puts Israel close to France and the Netherlands.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bicoheness@tauex.tau.ac.il','2016-01-13 10:28:54','2016-01-14 12:05:11','','Waiting'),(1883,'Poverty in the Czech Republic: A Critical Look at EU Indicators','Chudoba v České republice. Kritický pohled na evropské ukazatele',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We use the national and international data from EU-SILC survey to compare different indicators of poverty; to compare this data source with administrative data; to compare the time of remaining in poverty according to various indicators; to compare the situation in the Czech Republic with EU countries. We stress the advantages of a “subjective” poverty indicator based on the percentage of people in households who report they are able make ends meet “with great difficulty” over the EU indicators. The reason is that the \"subjective\" indicator takes into account not only income but also expenditures and other circumstances, so that it provides more balanced results regarding stratification, demographic and spatial structure of the population. It reflects the growing attention to the concept of subjective well-being in social sciences as well as in politics and the increasing respect for subjective indicators. Based on this indicator, the Czech Republic loses the first position among the EU countries as a country with the lowest poverty but maintains a very good place, ranked before other transition countries.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.krulichova@soc.cas.cz','2016-01-14 09:33:02','2016-09-13 15:47:40','','Waiting'),(1884,'Corruption and Wealth: Unveiling a National Prosperity Syndrome in Europe','Corruption and Wealth: Unveiling a National Prosperity Syndrome in Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Data mining revealed a cluster of economic, psychological, social and cultural indicators that in combination predicted corruption and wealth of European nations. This prosperity syndrome of self-reliant citizens, efficient division of labor, a sophisticated scientific community, and respect for the law, was clearly distinct from that of poor countries that had a diffuse relationship between high corruption perception, low GDP/capita, high social inequality, low scientific development, reliance on family and friends, and languages with many words for guilt. This suggests that there are many ways for a nation to be poor, but few ones to become rich, supporting the existence of synergistic interactions between the components in the prosperity syndrome favoring economic growth. No single feature was responsible for national prosperity. Focusing on synergies rather than on single features should improve our understanding of the transition from poverty and corruption to prosperity in European nations and elsewhere. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','juancorrea@usb.ve','2016-01-15 19:29:45','2016-01-18 13:51:29','','Waiting'),(1885,'Worry about Crime in a Cross-National Context: A Model-Supported Method of Measurement Using the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines European Social Survey (ESS) indicators of worry about crime. To scale the measures into a single categorical measure, we use an analytical approach that combines statistical latent class modelling with pragmatic choices for the final classification of the responses. We also undertake an informal examination of the latent class solution in individual countries. Finding the ESS indicators of the frequency and impact of worry to be reasonable cross-national measures of the experience of negative emotions in people’s lives, we close the paper with an estimation of levels of worry in 23 countries. The results display a fairly consistent geographical gradient, with the lowest levels of worry about crime mostly in Nordic countries and Western Europe, and the highest in Eastern Europe and Mediterranean countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','j.p.jackson@lse.ac.uk','2016-01-19 10:50:49','2016-01-19 11:07:27','','Waiting'),(1886,'From derivation to validation: Evidence from the UK and beyond','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'From derivation to validation: Evidence from the UK and beyond',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','SustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-19 11:05:30','2016-01-19 14:24:16','','Waiting'),(1887,'Unhappier, But More Satisfied: Social Comparison and the Paradox of the Immigrant Satisfaction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One of the responses to the challenges posed by the need for immigrant integration is to better understand the socio-psychological mechanisms that govern their attitudes towards the receiving countries. It is known that these people are subjected to adaptation problems and discrimination. Also as a result of their lower socio-economic status, they are unhappier and more unsatisfied with their lives than natives (Melzer, 2011; Olgiati, Calvo, & Berkman, 2012; Safi, 2010). However, when they are asked about the social and political conditions in the host countries, they report higher satisfaction than the natives. This can be called “the immigration paradox” (Baltatescu, 2005, 2007).\n\nThis was mainly explained by social comparison: immigrants compare the conditions in the receiving countries with those from the sending countries, which increase their satisfaction with societal conditions. However, it is expected that this effect will diminish in the second generation: these migrants would adapt their societal quality expectations to those of natives. \n\nIn this study we explore the social psychological processes that underpin immigrant satisfaction, using data from 13 immigration countries collected in the first five rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2010). Results generally confirm that in most of these countries the immigrants from first and second generations report lower levels of life satisfaction than the natives. While first generation immigrants display higher evaluations of the economy, political system, democracy, health and educational systems than the rest of the population, the second generation immigrants have a satisfaction with societal conditions similar with the natives. This partially confirm the assimilation thesis. Finding are discussed in relationship with theory of assimilation and social comparison. We infer that this results in an increase resolution of this group to stay in their receiving countries throughout the crisis, although the levels of dissatisfaction does not exclude the possibility of further riots in European suburbs.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','SustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-19 12:59:10','2016-01-19 14:29:26','','Waiting'),(1888,'Need for security and system fairness on the political extremes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We advance and empirically test the idea that people on both the far right and far left will be more likely than political moderates to perceive the system as fair, as long as it serves their heightened needs for security. We argue that political extremists may be especially drawn to systems that offer certainty and security. As long as ideological extremists are not alienated from the political system in general, they will, therefore, be especially motivated to see the system as fair, in particular, if extremism is coupled with a heightened need for security. We test this notion using data from Iceland, a country with a wide left–right spread in terms of the political opinions of both parties and people and which was, at the time of the study, still reeling from an economic crisis that strongly affected political trust and threatened people’s sense of security. We analyzed nationally representative data from the European Social Survey in 2012 (N = 752). The results showed a significant three-way interaction between political extremism, the need for security, and political trust in predicting perceived system fairness. The people most likely to perceive the system as fair were political extremists, with relatively high political trust and need for security. The results are discussed in light of context effects and how people on the left and right might have higher needs for security with different threats in mind. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Email for second author is: eho@hi.is','huldat@hi.is','2016-01-19 20:40:29','2016-01-20 09:36:30','','Waiting'),(1889,'The comparative measurement of supervisory status','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The comparative measurement of supervisory status',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 10:04:55','2016-01-20 10:47:39','','Waiting'),(1890,'Worry About Crime in a Cross-National Context: A Model-Supported Method of Measurement Using the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines European Social Survey (ESS) indicators of worry about crime. To scale the measures into a single categorical measure, we use an analytical approach that combines statistical latent class modelling with pragmatic choices for the final classification of the responses. We also undertake an informal examination of the latent class solution in individual countries. Finding the ESS indicators of the frequency and impact of worry to be reasonable cross-national measures of the experience of negative emotions in people’s lives, we close the paper with an estimation of levels of worry in 23 countries. The results display a fairly consistent geographical gradient, with the lowest levels of worry about crime mostly in Nordic countries and Western Europe, and the highest in Eastern Europe and Mediterranean countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 10:14:16','2016-01-20 10:56:28','','Waiting'),(1891,'What price fairness when security is at stake? Police legitimacy in South Africa','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The legitimacy of legal authorities – particularly the police – is central to the state’s ability to function in a normatively justifiable and effective manner. Studies, mostly conducted in the US and UK, regularly find that procedural justice is the most important antecedent of police legitimacy, with judgments about other aspects of police behavior – notably, about effectiveness – appearing less relevant. But this idea has received only sporadic testing in less cohesive societies where social order is more tenuous, resources to sustain it scarcer, and the position of the police is less secure. This paper considers whether the link between process fairness and legitimacy holds in the challenging context of present day South Africa. In a high crime and socially divided societ y, do people still emphasize procedural fairness or are they more interested in instrumental effectiveness? How is the legitimacy of the police influenced by the wider problems faced by the South African state? We find procedural fairness judg ments play a key role, but also that South Africans place greater emphasis on police effectiveness (and concerns about crime). Police legitimacy is, further-more, associated with citizens’ judgments about the wider success and trustworthiness of the state.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 10:29:15','2016-01-20 11:20:23','','Waiting'),(1892,'Contextual effect of positive intergroup contact on outgroup prejudice','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We assessed evidence for a contextual effect of positive intergroup contact, whereby the effect of intergroup contact between social contexts (the between-level effect) on outgroup prejudice is greater than the effect of individual-level contact within contexts (the within-level effect). Across seven large-scale surveys (five cross-sectional and two longitudinal), using multilevel analyses, we found a reliable contextual effect. This effect was found in multiple countries, operationalizing context at multiple levels (regions, districts, and neighborhoods), and with and without controlling for a range of demographic and context variables. In four studies (three cross-sectional and one longitudinal) we showed that the association between context-level contact and prejudice was largely mediated by more tolerant norms. In social contexts where positive contact with outgroups was more commonplace, norms supported such positive interactions between members of different groups. Thus, positive contact reduces prejudice on a macrolevel, whereby people are influenced by the behavior of others in their social context, not merely on a microscale, via individuals’ direct experience of positive contact with outgroup members. These findings reinforce the view that contact has a significant role to play in prejudice reduction, and has great policy potential as a means to improve intergroup relations, because it can simultaneously impact large numbers of people. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 10:53:38','2016-01-20 13:32:55','','Waiting'),(1893,'Evaluating Sensitivity of Parameters of Interest to Measurement Invariance in Latent Variable Models','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Latent variable models can only be compared across groups when these groups exhibit measurement equivalence or “invariance,” since otherwise substantive differences may be confounded with measurement differences. This article suggests examining directly whether measurement differences present could confound substantive analyses, by examining the expected parameter change (EPC)-interest. The EPC-interest approximates the change in parameters of interest that can be expected when freeing cross-group invariance restrictions. Monte Carlo simulations suggest that the EPC-interest approximates these changes well. Three empirical applications show that the EPC-interest can help avoid two undesirable situations: first, it can prevent unnecessarily concluding that groups are incomparable, and second, it alerts the user when comparisons of interest may still be invalidated even when the invariance model appears to fit the data. R code and data for the examples discussed in this article are provided in the electronic appendix.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 11:05:13','2016-01-20 13:39:39','','Waiting'),(1894,'The French unhappiness puzzle: The cultural dimension of happiness','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article sheds light on the important differences in self-declared happiness across countries of similar affluence. It hinges on the different happiness statements of natives and immigrants in a set of European countries to disentangle the influence of objective circumstances versus psychological and cultural factors. The latter turn out to be of non-negligible importance. In some countries, such as France, they are responsible for the best part of the country\'s unobserved idiosyncratic source of unhappiness. French natives are less happy than other Europeans, whether they live in France or outside. By contrast, immigrants are not less happy in France than they are elsewhere in Europe, but their happiness fall with the passage of time and generations. I show that these gaps in self-declared happiness have a real emotional counterpart and do not boil down to purely nominal differences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','SustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 11:12:14','2016-01-20 13:46:22','','Waiting'),(1895,'Multiple-Group Factor Analysis Alignment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article presents a new method for multiple-group confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), referred to as the alignment method. The alignment method can be used to estimate group-specific factor means and variances without requiring exact measurement invariance. A strength of the method is the ability to conveniently estimate models for many groups. The method is a valuable alternative to the currently used multiple-group CFA methods for studying measurement invariance that require multiple manual model adjustments guided by modification indexes. Multiple-group CFA is not practical with many groups due to poor model fit of the scalar model and too many large modification indexes. In contrast, the alignment method is based on the configural model and essentially automates and greatly simplifies measurement invariance analysis. The method also provides a detailed account of parameter invariance for every model parameter in every group. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 11:21:51','2016-01-20 13:55:24','','Waiting'),(1896,'The preferred role and perceived performance of the welfare state: European welfare attitudes from a multidimensional perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Welfare state support has two core dimensions: attitudes about what the welfare state should do and beliefs about its actual performance. People can combine any position on one dimension with any position on the other, yielding four opinion clusters: people can combine preferences for a relatively strong role of the welfare state with a perception of a relatively low or high welfare state performance; likewise, people preferring a small role of the welfare state can perceive a high or low performing welfare state. We apply Latent Class Factor Analysis to data of 22 European countries from the 2008/9 European Social Survey. We find that each of the four clusters contains a substantial proportion of respondents that differs between welfare regimes. In addition, cluster membership is also related to covariates that measure people’s structural positions and ideological preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 11:32:18','2016-01-20 14:02:15','','Waiting'),(1897,'Personal Value Priorities and Life Satisfaction in Europe: The Moderating Role of Socioeconomic Development','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present study examined the relations of personal values to life satisfaction (LS) across 25 European nations. Multilevel statistics with country-level Human Development Index (HDI) as a contextual moderator tested its effect on the individual-level relations between personal values and LS. HDI moderated the relations between LS and 8 of the 10 basic values identified by Schwartz’s values theory. Across countries, high benevolence and hedonism values were associated with heightened LS, whereas high power and security values were related to lower LS. Achievement was positively related to LS in low HDI countries, but negatively in high HDI countries, whereas the opposite pattern occurred for universalism values and LS. Our results emphasize the importance of considering the broader context in which personal values are pursued when examining their implications for LS. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','SustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 11:42:55','2016-01-20 14:06:34','','Waiting'),(1898,'Welfare regime, welfare pillar and southern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper uses a variety of methods of statistical cluster analysis to examine how EU countries (other than the new East European members) are grouped. Using the four dimensions, family, market vs state, religion and clientelism, the results of the analysis are that Southern European/Mediterranean (SE/M) countries form a distinct cluster that, both in its existence and in its difference from the conservative cluster, contradicts the notion of ‘three worlds of welfare capitalism’. In addition Ireland, though not geographically contiguous, falls into the SE/M grouping. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 12:07:59','2016-01-20 14:35:21','','Waiting'),(1899,'Under Pressure: The Impact of Recession on Employees in Ireland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ireland is experiencing the worst recession since the foundation of the state, and the effects on the labour market have been dramatic. This article explores the impact of recession for those still in employment by examining work pressure, using two large, nationally representative workplace surveys from 2003 (boom) and 2009 (recession). We find a significant increase in work pressure between 2003 and 2009. Staff reductions and company reorganization are both associated with increased work pressure, as is current job insecurity. Other job changes, like large pay cuts, increases in responsibility and monitoring are also associated with increased work pressure. We argue that negative organizational and job changes in the previous two years play an important role in accounting for the rise in work pressure.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 12:14:53','2016-01-20 14:43:38','','Waiting'),(1900,'Multicultural Policy and Political Support in European Democracies','',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In response to growing demographic diversity, European countries have selectively implemented political multiculturalism, a set of policies that seek to redefine prevailing conceptions of national identity. We explore the consequences of such policies for mass political support. Applying multi-level modeling to the 2002 and 2010 waves of the European Social Survey and analyzing multiple dependent variables including trust in regime institutions and assessments of the government of the day and the political system’s performance, we show that the extensive adoption of multicultural policies magnifies the degree to which hostility to immigration is negatively associated with political support. This finding, robust to multiple specifications, is corroborated using European Values Survey data. It underscores how policies that challenge citizens’ conceptions of national identity strengthen the link between opposition to immigration and political discontent, furnishing ongoing opportunities for rightist fringe parties to capitalize on anti-immigrant sentiment among the politically alienated. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 12:32:34','2016-01-20 14:47:02','','Waiting'),(1901,'Occupations as a Site of Political Preference Formation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political preferences are multi-dimensional, covering topics like redistribution, immigration, and abortion. But what accounts for people’s political preferences? We argue that an individual’s work experiences on the job play an important part in shaping attitudes. In a process of generalization and transposition, people apply the kinds of reasoning, heuristics, and problem-solving techniques they learn and use at work in all realms of life. In this article, we briefly discuss the dimensionality of the political preference space and then explicate our account that links work experiences with attitudes. We use European Social Survey data to establish correlations between work experiences and attitudes and find evidence that is consistent with our account. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 12:41:44','2016-01-20 14:57:42','','Waiting'),(1902,'Compulsory schooling reforms, education and mortality in twentieth century Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Education yields substantial non-monetary benefits, but the size of these gains is still debated. Previous studies report causal effects of education and compulsory schooling on mortality ranging anywhere from zero to large and negative. Using data from 18 compulsory schooling reforms implemented in Europe during the twentieth century, we quantify the average mortality gain and explore its dispersion across gender, time and countries. We find that more education yields small mortality reductions in the short- and long-run for men. In contrast, women seem to experience no mortality reductions from compulsory schooling reforms.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 12:58:06','2016-01-20 15:06:21','','Waiting'),(1903,'Labour market risks and political preferences: The case of temporary employment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The political economy literature has gathered compelling evidence that labour market risks shape political preferences. Accordingly, insecurity fuels support for redistribution and left parties. This article analyses this argument for temporary workers, a so far neglected risk category which has increased dramatically in the past two decades. Temporary workers also have been in the focus of recent insider-outsider debates. Some authors in this line of research have argued that temporary work leads to political disenchantment – for example, non-instrumental responses such as vote abstention or protest voting. This contradicts risk-based explanations of political preferences. The article discusses both theoretical perspectives and derives conflicting hypotheses for the empirical analysis of temporary workers’ policy and party preferences. The review reveals considerable ambiguity regarding the questions which parties temporary workers can be expected to support and what the underlying motives for party choice are. Synthesising arguments from both perspectives, the article proposes an alternative argument according to which temporary workers are expected to support the ‘new’ left – that is, green and other left-libertarian parties. It is argued that this party family combines redistributive policies with outsider-friendly policy design. Using individual-level data from the European Social Survey for 15 European countries, the article supports this argument by showing that temporary, compared to permanent, workers exhibit higher demand for redistribution and stronger support for the new left. Neither the risk-based nor the insider-outsider explanations receive full support. In particular, no signs of political disenchantment of temporary workers can be found. Thus, the findings challenge central claims of the insider-outsider literature.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-20 13:07:36','2016-01-20 15:24:34','','Waiting'),(1904,'Macro-Level Age Norms for the Timing of Sexual Initiation and Adolescents\' Early Sexual Initiation in 17 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose:\n\nTo examine the relationship between country-level age norms for sexual initiation timing and early sexual initiation (ESI) among adolescent boys and girls.\n\nMethods:\n\nNationally representative data from 17 countries that participated in the 2006/2007 European Social Survey (ESS-3, n = 33,092) and the 2005/2006 Health Behaviour in School-Aged Children Study (HBSC, n = 27,702) were analyzed. Age norms were measured as the average country-level response to an item asking the age at which ESS respondents believed someone is too young to have sexual intercourse. HBSC respondents (aged 14–16 years) self-reported age at sexual initiation, which we defined as early (<15 years) or not early (=15 years or no initiation). Control variables included age, family affluence, perceived socioeconomic status, family living arrangement, substance use, school attachment, and country-level legal age of consent. Multivariable three-level logistic models with random intercepts were run separately by sex.\n\nResults:\n\nIn multivariable analyses, higher overall age norms were associated with reduced likelihood of ESI among girls (AOR .60, 95% CI .45–.79); associations with ESI were stronger for parent cohort (ages 31–65 years) norms (AOR .37, 95% CI .23–.58) than for peer cohort (ages 15–20 years) norms (AOR .60, 95% CI .49–.74). For boys, overall norms were also significantly negatively associated with ESI (AOR .68, 95% CI .46–.99), as were parent cohort norms (AOR .66, 95% CI .45–.96). Peer cohort norms were not significantly related to boys\' ESI.\n\nConclusion:\n\nMacrolevel cultural norms may impact adolescents\' sexual initiation timing. Research exploring the sexual health outcomes of early initiators in countries with contrasting age norms is warranted.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-21 11:17:50','2016-01-27 15:58:58','','Waiting'),(1905,'Employment insecurity and life satisfaction: The moderating influence of labour market policies across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article tests whether the link between employment insecurity and life satisfaction is moderated by the generosity of labour market policies across Europe. Employment insecurity provokes anxieties about (a) the difficulties of finding a new job and (b) alternative sources of non-work income. These components can be related to active and passive labour market policies, respectively. Generous policy support is thus expected to buffer the negative consequences of employment insecurity by lowering the perceived difficulty of finding a similar job or providing income maintenance during unemployment. Based on data for 22 countries from the 2010 European Social Survey, initial support for this hypothesis is found. Perceived employment insecurity is negatively associated with life satisfaction but the strength of the relationship is inversely related to the generosity of labour market policies. Employment insecurity, in other words, is more harmful in countries where labour market policies are less generous.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-21 11:26:06','2016-02-02 16:23:45','','Waiting'),(1906,'Economic Crisis, Social Solidarity and the Voluntary Sector in Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'After the onset of the economic crisis in Greece, owing to the government\'s drive towards fiscal consolidation, social protection became sparse. NGOs active in social solidarity started catering to newly impoverished Greek citizens seeking social services and basic consumer goods. In parallel, informal social networks and selfhelp groups emerged and became active in exchange and distribution of goods and services, healthcare, education, food and shelter provision, offering a more critical view towards the state and seeking alternative forms of social organization. Field research and interviews with representatives of NGOs and informal organizations, conducted in 2013 in Athens, show that social solidarity has expanded, organizations have developed and have adapted to the new social needs of the population. The Greek welfare state has partly been supplanted by social solidarity groups, but the crisis may have become a catalyst for the empowerment of the erstwhile weak Greek civil society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-21 11:43:02','2016-02-03 10:06:50','','Waiting'),(1907,'The relationship between issues and an individual’s left–right orientation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The major body of the literature about left–right orientation finds that values and attitudes determine an individual’s position in the left–right dimension. Regarding values, it is assumed that these are stable over (a long period of) time, and hence affect individuals’ left–right orientation. Attitudes are usually measured as issue preferences, which can change over time, cross-nationally and also in their importance for people. Therefore, the relationship between issues and left–right orientation is less clear, and requires more research. We argue and show with data from the European Social Survey Implementing a Panel Component project (2012), conducted in the Netherlands, that the relationship between issue preferences and left–right orientation is conditioned by the importance that people give to the respective issues. Issues that are important for people affect their left–right orientation, while they can use their left–right orientation to form an opinion about an issue which they do not consider important.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustaimUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-21 13:47:19','2016-02-03 10:21:07','','Waiting'),(1908,'Occupational Closure and Wage Inequality in Germany and the United Kingdom','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Rent-based accounts of inequality argue that institutionalized barriers to the access to labour market positions create artificial restrictions on the supply of labour and, in turn, generate wages for workers in protected positions in excess of the wages they would receive in a competitive labour market. In this article, we extend this argument to the comparative context, and elaborate a rent-based explanation of between-occupation wage inequality in Germany and the United Kingdom. We test it with new and unique data on four institutionalized sources of closure (educational credentialing, licensure, unionization, and apprenticeships), matched to newly constructed measures of occupational skills and to national labour force survey data. We show that in both countries, between-occupation wage inequality is substantial, and much of it can be traced to variations across occupations in closure and to the positive association between closure and wages. We also show that the prevalence and the payoff to each of the four closure institutions differ across the two countries: Specifically, vocational credentialing and unionization have a particularly high payoff in Germany, while tertiary credentialing and licensure have a particularly high payoff in the United Kingdom. These results have important implications for understanding between-occupation wage inequality and cross-national differences in aggregate levels of wage inequality. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-21 13:53:52','2016-02-03 10:47:16','','Waiting'),(1909,'Dealignment, De-legitimation and the Implosion of the Two-Party System in Greece: The Earthquake Election of 6 May 2012','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the political effects of the global economic recession on Greece in the period from 2010 up to the last weeks of the campaign period for the national elections of 6 May 2012. Our objectives are threefold. First we seek to contextualize its impact and show how the Greek party system departed from the nearly three decades of stability after 2009 and entered a period electoral fluidity and dealignment. Second we identify the demographic and structural characteristics of that dealignment process. Finally we interpret and compare the effect of the economic crisis and other issues on vote choice in the 2012 general election.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-21 13:59:24','2016-02-03 11:07:01','','Waiting'),(1910,'Social capital and political institutions: Evidence that democracy fosters trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper finds evidence that more democratic political institutions increase trust. Second generation immigrants with ancestries from 115 countries are studied within 30 European countries. Comparing individuals born and residing in the same country, those whose father was born in a more democratic country express higher trust than those whose father was born in a less democratic country. The results are robust to individual, parental, and ancestral country controls.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-21 14:04:35','2016-02-03 13:01:44','','Waiting'),(1911,'Religiosity Moderates the Relationship between Negative Affect and Life Satisfaction: A Study in 29 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Many religions contend that the key to well-being is living one’s life based on religious standards, rather having certain emotional experiences. On this basis, it is predicted that the relationship between positive and negative affect and life satisfaction would be stronger in less religious individuals. Using multi-level modeling in a sample of 50,130 participants from 29 European countries, this study reveals that religiosity moderates the relationship between negative affect and life satisfaction, such that life satisfaction is less strongly influenced by the frequency of negative emotions in more religious (vs less religious) individuals.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mjoshanloo@hotmail.com','2016-01-22 04:48:37','2016-02-03 14:46:06','','Waiting'),(1912,'Food Comes First, Then Morals: Redistribution Preferences, Altruism and Group Heterogeneity in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Altruism is an important omitted variable in much of the Political Economy literature. While material self-interest is the base of most approaches to redistribution (first affecting preferences and then politics and policy), there is a paucity of research on inequality aversion. I propose that other-regarding concerns influence redistribution preferences and that (1) they matter most to those in less material need and (2) they are conditional on the identity of the poor. Altruism is a luxury good most relevant to the rich, and it is most influential when the recipients of benefits are similar to those financing them. Using data from the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2010, I will show that group homogeneity magnifies (or limits) the importance of altruism for the rich. In making these distinctions between the poor and the rich, the arguments in this paper challenge some influential approaches to the politics of inequality.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-22 11:25:41','2016-02-03 15:09:19','','Waiting'),(1913,'Corruption and citizens’ satisfaction with democracy in Europe: What is the empirical linkage? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article evaluates the influence of corruption on how individuals assess the state of democracy in their country. Distinguishing between individual perceptions of small-scale corruption and macro-level corruption trends, we are interested in the question: which of the two indicators influences citizens’ judgments of their regime? Controlling for ten micro-level factors (i.e. individuals’ satisfaction with the government, economy, education system, their participation in social activities, their feeling of public safety, and their assessment on whether they are discriminated against, as well as the four demographics gender, age, education and income) and four contextual factors (i.e. development, economic growth, democratic stock, and income inequalities) our hierarchical linear model offers some nuanced results. First, we find that an individual’s assessment of whether the police and the judges are corrupted influences his or her satisfaction with democracy. Second, our results indicate that the same finding does not apply for the broad macro-level corruption indicator; macro-level corruption is rather unrelated to how a person judges the quality of democracy in his or her country',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-22 11:38:51','2016-02-03 15:25:37','','Waiting'),(1914,'Immigration, Integration, and Support for Redistribution in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Immigration poses individual or collective economic risks that might increase citizen support for government redistribution, but it can also generate fiscal pressure or undermine social solidarity to diminish such support. These offsetting conditions obscure the net effects of immigration for welfare states. This article explores whether immigration\'s effects are mediated by the economic and social integration of immigrants. Integration can be conceptualized and measured as involving the degree to which immigrants suffer unemployment rates, depend on welfare-state benefits, and harbor social attitudes similarly to the native population. Such integration may alter how immigration reduces solidarity and imposes fiscal and macroeconomic pressures, but does not much alter how immigration spurs economic risks for natives. Where migrants are more integrated by such measures, immigration should have less negative or more positive implications for native support for government redistribution and welfare states than where migrants are less integrated. The article explores these arguments using survey data for twenty-two European countries between 2002 and 2010. The principal finding is that economic integration, more than sociocultural integration, softens the tendency of immigration to undermine support for redistributive policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-22 11:46:41','2016-02-03 15:32:13','','Waiting'),(1915,'Feelings of dual-insecurity among European workers: A multi-level analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses European Social Survey data for 22 countries. We assess the relationship between feelings of employment and income insecurity (dual-insecurity) among workers and national flexicurity policies in the areas of lifelong learning, active labour market policy, modern social security systems and flexible and reliable contractual arrangements. We find that dual-insecurity feelings are lower in countries that score better on most flexicurity polices, but these effects are in all cases outweighed by levels of GDP per capita. Thus feelings of insecurity are reduced more by the affluence of a country than by its social policies. However, affluence is strongly correlated with the policy efforts designed to reduce insecurity, especially active labour market policies and lifelong learning, two policy areas that are threatened with cuts as a result of austerity. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-22 11:53:24','2016-02-03 15:51:19','','Waiting'),(1916,'Tax Morale','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Standard economic models of tax compliance have focused on enforcement-driven compliance. Notably, tax administrators also tend to place a great deal of emphasis on the importance of improving “tax morale” by encouraging voluntary compliance, creating a culture of compliance, and changing social norms. Tax morale does indeed appear to be an important component of compliance decisions, and there is strong evidence that tax morale operates through a variety of underlying channels. There is less evidence - to date - that indicates we know how to leverage these channels to improve compliance and revenue collection in a consistently successful way.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-22 12:51:49','2016-02-03 15:59:05','','Waiting'),(1917,'Does country context matter? Investigating the predictors of teen sexting across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite growing research interest in sexting, not much is known about individual and country differences in engaging in sexting. Therefore, the aims of this study were to investigate (a) which individual and country characteristics explain sexting and (b) whether individual predictors vary across countries. On the individual level, we investigated age, gender, sensation seeking, and internet use. On the country level, we investigated traditionalism, gross domestic product, and broadband internet penetration. The sample consisted of 14,946 adolescents (49.7% boys) aged 11–16 from 20 European countries. Data were collected as part of the EU Kids Online project. Participants were interviewed at home. Using multilevel modeling, findings indicate that on the individual level, age, sensation seeking, and frequency of internet use predicted sexting across all countries. Gender differences in sexting varied across countries. Although country characteristics (GDP, broadband internet penetration, traditional values) had no direct effect on adolescent sexting, traditionalism significantly predicted gender differences in sexting. In more traditional countries, gender differences were more pronounced than in less traditional countries, with more boys than girls engaging in sexting. In less traditional countries, gender differences were smaller.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-22 13:01:17','2016-02-03 16:26:29','','Waiting'),(1918,'Corruption and trust: A model design ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article focuses on the interplay between political corruption and trust, both interpersonal and institutional. A model of corruption and trust is tested based on data from Transparency International and the European Social Survey. The European states which have not been yet considered in this context vary widely in the pervasiveness and level of corruption and, thus, offer an excellent case to study this relationship. Both new and established European democracies have experienced episodes of government corruption. Using pooled data from 24 European countries multivariate regressions show that lack of interpersonal trust increases perceived political corruption. Political corruption lowers trust in political institutions. Furthermore, twenty years after the collapse of communism, differences between Western and Central and Eastern European countries still prevail',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-22 13:07:56','2016-02-04 09:57:16','','Waiting'),(1919,'Middle Class Squeeze? Social Class and Perceived Financial Hardship in Ireland, 2002-2012','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ireland has been particularly hit by the economic downturn of 2008. For many families in Ireland the economic downturn put strong pressures on their household budgets. This study examines how the recession has changed class differences with regard to experiences of economic strain. It contrasts the “middle class squeeze” view that sees the “middle” or the “middling classes” as particularly hard hit by the economic downturn with the class theoretical point of view that the recession is expected to widen the gaps between classes with regard to their ability to maintain living standards and that working, not middle classes bear the largest strain on economic wellbeing. The study derives competing hypotheses from these views and tests them using data from the Irish leg of the European Social Survey. Key findings are that financial hardship increased most for the working classes and the class of own account workers and self-employed employees and that class differences with regard to unemployment and benefit dependency risks are the main explanatory mechanism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','SustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-22 13:13:05','2016-02-04 10:05:40','','Waiting'),(1920,'Who are the users of voting advice applications?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we try to provide some answers to the question of whether the samples generated by VAA websites are representative of the total population of web users in the countries where they are deployed. We do this using data from the Greek Voting Advice Application HelpMeVote (Andreadis, 2013), Kieskompas (Krouwel et al, 2012) and EU profiler (Krouwel et al, 2012; Trechsel, 2010). Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are web applications that enable voters to compare their political views with the positions of the political parties. VAAs have been used successfully in many European countries for more than a decade.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-01-22 13:21:56','2016-02-04 11:06:32','','Waiting'),(1921,'Symbolic boundaries, incorporation policies, and anti-immigrant attitudes: what drives exclusionary policy preferences? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research empirically approaches symbolic boundary making in the form of individual assent to selective immigration policy. Distinguishing two such types of boundaries, restriction based on immigrant skills and race/religion, we approach the antecedents of such preferences. Do economic or rather cultural concerns about immigration drive boundary making? We furthermore assess whether social boundaries in the form of integration and multicultural policies are of importance. The results obtained from the European Social Survey show that on the individual level, both forms of boundary making are mainly driven by cultural concerns. On the country level, net of several measures of diversity, integration policies dampen skill-related boundaries, while multicultural policies weaken the strength of cultural boundary making along race and religion. These findings expose the political embeddedness of processes of symbolic boundary making into the very policies that approach the respective type of boundary.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','boris.heizmann@wiso.uni-hamburg.de','2016-01-27 10:14:44','2016-02-04 11:29:08','','Waiting'),(1923,'Social stratification and political behaviours. European countries in 2002-2012','Stratyfikacja społeczna a zachowania polityczne. Kraje europejskie w latach 2002-2012',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is a wide range of motivations staying behind voting, participation in protests, and other political attitudes. This book looks at these processes from the perspective of social stratification. Both phenomena link to each other in events of forging identity of social groups such as social classes or occupational categories. To address these questions we draw on the European Social Survey data from 2002-2012. Relevant to establish whether political attitudes depend on social class is to show difference in this activity between managers and professionals, lower non-manual strata, owners, skilled workers, and other class-like categories. Previous empirical studies were very much hampered by a lack of cross-national data. Our contribution extends previous research in that we show how these relationship developed in recent time - in face of such factors as globalization - speeded up by accession to European Union of the 12 new countries - political and social turmoil’s connected to persistent economic recession, and, related to this, reconfigurations of social divisions which might appear critical. We discuss rationale for taking politics as a constituent of social structuration, present hypotheses to be tested, and - having described the data - proceed to examine how this relationship vary across countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2016-01-30 19:22:32','2016-02-04 13:29:22','','Waiting'),(1924,'Life satisfaction of immigrants across Europe: The role of social contacts','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on immigrants’ assimilation is widespread both in the U.S. and Europe. While it has been extensively studied how immigrants fare compared to natives on socioeconomic indicators, few studies have focussed on immigrants’ perception of their position. In this paper we focus on comparing life satisfaction of immigrants and natives across Europe and on the role of social embeddedness. Using data from the first six rounds (2002-2012) of the European Social Survey, a repeated cross-sectional survey, we that find life satisfaction among immigrants is lower than among natives even though differences diminish over generations. For first generation migrants part of the life satisfaction gap is explained by the lower level of social embeddedness they have compared to natives. We also find that social embeddedness is a key explanatory factor for life satisfaction for both immigrants and natives. For two out of the three indicators of social embeddedness that we consider we however find different patterns of association with life satisfaction for immigrants compared to natives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bruno.arpino@upf.edu','2016-02-02 19:52:50','2016-02-04 13:46:35','','Waiting'),(1925,'Old and new hypotheses about legitimacy and trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Chapter 1, Andrzej Rychard considers the relationships between trust, legitimacy, procedural justice, social capital, and policing styles. Empirical studies over many years have assumed trust and legitimacy to be conceptually distinct. Rychard discusses this thesis in the context of weak legitimization of political institutions in Poland. The chapter makes a broad overview of past work, with an insightful commentary on many specific studies which summarize that work. Rychard hypothesizes that social capital is an excessively ‘psychologised’ concept referring to declarative formal expressions and overlooking informal mechanisms. His analyses, based mainly on Polish data, reveal that capital of trust is one of the components of social capital and a form of institutional capital. The author is clear that these conclusions are limited to mass survey results and require more intensive research, to which the hypotheses presented here can be at most a preamble.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-02-04 14:20:12','2016-02-04 14:21:13','','Waiting'),(1926,'Subjective personal and social well-being in European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Chapter 2 Tomasz Panek presents analysis of subjective well-being in the countries of the 2012 survey in comparison with those surveyed in 2006. Partial, group and composite indicators for measurement of subjective well-being are applied. The empirical results show the differences between countries in terms of levels of subjective well-being, and the positive changes taking place in most of these countries. The analysis provides an overview of the nature of subjective well-being for different groups of respondents. In most dimensions of subjective personal well-being the lowest levels are observed in the group of respondents living in large cities. In subjective social well-being the highest scores are recorded among the group of respondents living on farms or in homes in the countryside. The lowest level of trust is declared by respondents from big cities, while the lowest level of supportive relationships is declared by respondents living in the suburbs or outskirts of a big city.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-02-04 14:32:54','2016-02-04 15:02:21','','Waiting'),(1927,'Empirical test of political dealignment in European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Chapter 3, using data containing information on voting behaviour in elections, the reader will find whether such a tendency has been present in the face of reconfigurations taking place in the growing European Union. Henryk Domanski, Artur Pokropek and Tomasz Zóltak apply a multinomial multilevel model to show that class membership still exerts a significant impact on voting behaviour. Although some changes in these associations had taken place, “class” membership appeared to be no more significant as a determinant of voting behaviour in 2012 than in 2002. Moreover the patterns of this association (which class votes for which party?) remained basically unchanged in that representatives of higher managers and professionals predominated in the electorate of the “rightist” parties, farmers voted for “peasant” parties, and the working class was politically indifferent.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-02-04 15:12:34','2016-02-04 15:16:28','','Waiting'),(1928,'Legitimacy and Trust in European Countries: Macro-structural Explanation of Changes, 2002–2012','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Chapter 4, Zbigniew Sawinski, Kazimierz M. Slomczynski, and Irina Tomescu-Dubrow, focus on determinants of legitimacy measured in terms of country-level societal trust (social cohesion) and people’s personal trust at the individual level. Empirical analyses presented in this chapter support the hypothesis about cultural roots of legitimization. The hypothesis is supported that legitimacy – reflected in how individuals evaluate the economy, democracy and the government – is statistically determined by societal trust (cohesion). Living in countries with greater social cohesion leads to greater approval of systemic institutions than living in countries with less social cohesion. A complementary expectation that legitimacy is strongly determined by economic political development, measured by GDP per capita and the EIU Democracy Index, respectively, is also confirmed. The authors claim that trust on both the country and the individual level affects legitimacy. The clear policy lesson here is that any strategies to build a sense of systemic legitimacy need to focus on social cohesion and personal trust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-02-04 15:23:59','2016-02-04 15:28:00','','Waiting'),(1929,'Satisfaction with the way democracy works: How respondents across countries understand the question','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Chapter 6, Dorothée Behr and Michael Braun summarize key findings concerning “satisfaction with democracy”, something which belongs among the central concepts in political science. There is much discussion of the question typically used to operationalise the concept measures: support for the incumbent authorities, support for the political system itself, support for democracy as a general form of government, a combination of these or other aspects. In order to provide empirical evidence on the cross-national comparability of these questions, panellists of online access panels from Denmark, Germany, Hungary, Spain, Canada, and the United States were asked to give reasons for their answers directly after they had answered the closed-ended question in the ESS wording, “How satisfied are you with the way democracy works in [country]?”. As a general evaluation, one may conclude that in a comparative perspective the satisfaction with democracy question is not a bad one. Policy outcomes, governance (e.g., incumbent politicians), and aspects of the concrete political system play an important role in all countries, while the question, at least in the countries in this study, is not a measure of support for democracy compared to other forms of government. On the whole, substantive argumentation patterns match the answers to the closed-ended question.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-02-04 15:33:27','2016-02-04 15:45:33','','Waiting'),(1930,'The use of paradata for non-response bias adjustment: A case study on reluctant respondents and fieldwork implementation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The objective of Chapter 7, by Hideko Matsuo and Jaak Billiet, is comparison of cooperative and reluctant respondents. This paper proposes a new approach for turning reluctant respondents into proxies for all non-respondents using paradata Z-variables (e.g. type of dwelling and neighbourhood). Two types of propensity scores (the focus is on ‘contactability’ and on ‘survey cooperation’) are obtained through logistic regression models and multiplied with each other to obtain non-response weights for reluctant respondents. The effectiveness of these propensity weights is assessed through (1) the level of absolute standardized bias, (2) the level of correlations between Z-variables and R variables (response outcome) and between Z-variables and Y-variables (substantial items), and (3) estimated statistics in substantive models tested between unweighted and weighted respondent samples. Each of these assessments of effect on improvement is also applied to the results of post-stratification weighting based on documented population statistics (age, gender and region). The effects of the two types of weights are different, showing a different measure of bias. The effects of propensity weights are generally weaker than those of post-stratified weights. The paper addresses data quality in paradata and in the fieldwork design on refusal conversion activities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-02-04 15:36:48','2016-02-04 15:46:44','','Waiting'),(1931,'Is it worthwhile reducing the non-response rate by multiplied contact attempts? The example of ESS round 5 and 6 in Poland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Chapter 8, Pawel Sztabinski – national co-ordinator in Poland of the ESS in all rounds – pursues the question of repeated contact attempts in the surveys. His analysis aims to determine whether or not repeated contacts help to include more diverse groups of respondents in the survey and whether or not this leads to a reduced risk of non-response bias. Two stages are applied: (i) comparison of answers given by harder-to-reach respondents with distributions for easy-to-reach ones and (ii) showing how the differences in those distributions translate into survey estimates. This allows determination of whether multiplying contact attempts is a productive effort and if so, how many times such contact attempts should be repeated. Sztabinski draws on the 2010 and 2012 European Social Survey data from Poland. His analyses disclose that although the responses to some questions were very different in subsamples identified by accessibility, this nevertheless did not translate into differences in survey estimates. They also suggest that repeated contact attempts do not lead to a significant change in the structure of the effective sample and have a very low effect on the degree of non-response bias.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-02-04 15:39:20','2016-02-04 15:47:42','','Waiting'),(1932,'Baking the ESS: A Slovak recipe with a 10-year perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Chapter 9, presented by Denisa Fedáková, Michal Kentoš and Jozef Výrost is a departure from empirical and methodological parts of this volume. This chapter is a report on the experience of conducting the European Social Survey in Slovakia. All three authors have been coordinating the ESS in Slovakia since 2003 and this tenth anniversary seems an appropriate time to re-evaluate this work and to highlight some fieldwork aspects that have been changed, improved, restricted or implemented and, moreover, how those involved have been taught to carry out the survey based on rigorous procedures in survey design, data collection and data archiving. First, general information about the history of the latest surveys is mentioned, followed by a description of the launching of the ESS in Slovakia. Second, the chapter addresses the survey methodology aspects such as sampling, interviewers’ characteristics, response rates and non-respondents. Third, experience from event (contextual) data monitoring and analysis is described, along with dissemination activities by the Slovak national team. Finally, the fieldwork procedures and changes to them are discussed with emphasis on their applicability and utility.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-02-04 15:44:45','2016-02-04 15:49:00','','Waiting'),(1933,'Assessing representativeness of a probability-based online panel in Germany','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The growth of online survey research has led to an increased demand for probability-based online panels. Several of such panels are established in Europe and in the USA. As probability-based online panels are being used by scientific institutions to collect data and make inferences about the target population, questions about the quality of such data continue to be raised. In this chapter we assess the quality of an offline-recruited probability-based online panel of Internet users in Germany. First we report the key performance measures of the recruitment and the online surveys. In the second step of the quality assessment we compare our data to other surveys. As benchmarks we use two population surveys: the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS 2010) and the German subsample of the fifth round of the European Social Survey (ESS 2010). Both of these sources contain the information on private Internet usage and thus allow us to compare the estimates from our panel with the estimates calculated for subsamples of Internet users from the reference surveys. Both demographic and attitudinal measures are considered. We assess the feasibility of post-stratification weighting to correct for noncoverage and nonresponse. Additionally, we assess the comparability of the three surveys in modeling social phenomena. This chapter provides insight into the quality of data collected via online panels and discusses the efficiency of probability-based online panels as means of data collection for scientific purposes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 09:09:48','2016-02-15 09:54:16','','Waiting'),(1934,'Are Movers More Religious than Stayers? Religiosity of European Majority, Turks in Europe and Turkey? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Turks, most of them Islamic, are establishing themselves in European countries. Studies mostly compare migrant religiosity to other migrants and to majority population in the destination societies. We add those left behind in origin country to this comparison. Using the unique possibility offered by the European Social Surveys, this study compares subjective, individual, and communal religiosity of first and second generation-Turkish origin Europeans with non-migrants in Turkey and European natives in the destination societies. Results show that the mechanisms of religiosity differ for migrants and second generation. Religion fuels the creation of ethno-religious space in the new social environment and intensifies subjective and communal manifestation of piety. However, it is also subject to the secularizing impact of the receiving society in individual religious practise. Second-generation Europeans pray less in their personal sphere but consider themselves more religious than and attend religious meetings as often as non-migrants in Turkey. European natives score much lower on all three dimensions of religiosity than first and second-generation Turkish origin Europeans.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 09:20:20','2016-02-15 10:01:28','','Waiting'),(1935,'The effect of job insecurity and employability on preferences for redistribution in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article sheds light on the so far under-researched effect of subjective job insecurity on social policy preferences and the moderating role of employability. Using pooled individual-level data from the European Social Survey for workers from 11 Western European countries, it shows that subjective job insecurity does increase demand for redistribution. This effect is conditional upon employability perceptions, that is, expectations about future employment prospects. The impact of job insecurity on redistribution is strongest for workers who fear long-term unemployment. The findings do not seem to be driven by underlying political belief systems as they are robust in a reduced sample of centrist non-partisan workers. While the results confirm the hypothesised repercussions of labour-market flexibility on the individual level, aggregate effects should not be exaggerated, since the segment of workers exposed to job insecurity and low employability at the same time is rather small. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 09:32:34','2016-02-15 10:07:26','','Waiting'),(1936,'Declining Social Cohesion in The Netherlands?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the Netherlands, topics related to social cohesion, such as various aspects of participation and trust, are prominently on the political agenda. The bottom line is a widespread feeling that social cohesion in Dutch society is eroding, which is also reflected in a perception of a change from a high trust into a low trust society. Based on large-scale surveys (e.g. Labour Force Surveys, Permanent Survey on Living Conditions, Dutch Parliamentary Election Studies, and European Social Survey) and (population) registers, we investigate the development of: (a) Social contacts, informal help and volunteering; (b) Political participation (turnout and participation in political actions); (c) Social, institutional and political trust. Overall, we found no empirical evidence for a decline in participation and trust levels. However, there are large gaps between prevailing groups in Dutch society, in particular between lower and higher educated, natives and ethnic minorities, and various religious groups. Such gaps are rather stable for participation (since 1997) and trust (since 2002).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 09:48:37','2016-02-15 10:13:56','','Waiting'),(1937,'Institutions, employment insecurity and polarization in support for unemployment benefits','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research has shown that workers’ support for public unemployment benefits (UB) depends on their level of employment insecurity: the insecure workers are more supportive of benefits than the secure workers. It can also be hypothesized that this polarization in support for UB is increased or decreased by the institutional settings of a country. We are particularly interested in two types of institutional conditions: the level of employment protection and the generosity of unemployment benefits. We discuss how public provision of social protection in terms of job security and income might motivate the subjectively secure and insecure workers in different ways and thereby polarize or unite support for unemployment benefits. We find that protection of temporary job contracts and generous unemployment benefits bring the attitudes of the secure and insecure closer together. We argue that the convergence of attitudes can be explained by the distribution of underlying social risks and existing social norms about solidarity. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 09:54:38','2016-02-15 10:22:31','','Waiting'),(1938,'A Decorated Parallel Coordinate Plot for Categorical Longitudinal Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article proposes a decorated parallel coordinate plot for longitudinal categorical data, featuring a jitter mechanism revealing the diversity of observed longitudinal patterns and allowing the tracking of each individual pattern, variable point and line widths reflecting weighted pattern frequencies, the rendering of simultaneous events, and different filter options for highlighting typical patterns. The proposed visual display has been developed for describing and exploring the order of event occurrences, but it can be equally applied to other types of longitudinal categorical data. Alongside the description of the principle of the plot, we demonstrate the scope of the plot with a real dataset. A second application and R code for the plot are available online as supplementary materials.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 10:06:12','2016-02-15 10:28:21','','Waiting'),(1939,'Gen(d)eralized Trust: Women, Work, and Trust in Strangers','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article deals with the question as to whether gender equality in labour force participation affects generalized trust. Following the seminal work of Rothstein and Uslaner, a first hypothesis maintains that gender employment equality positively impacts generalized trust. Based on insights from intergroup contact theory and the affect theory of social exchange, a second hypothesis argues that the relationship between gender employment equality and generalized trust holds only for women. Bayesian multilevel regression analysis based on cross-national survey data from the first five rounds of the European Social Survey (2002–2010) supports the latter hypothesis, showing that a country’s level of gender equality in labour force participation mediates the association between gender and generalized trust. In contrast, there is no evidence for a general impact of gender employment equality on trust in strangers. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 10:17:04','2016-02-15 10:35:41','','Waiting'),(1940,'Support for radical left ideologies in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines support for radical left ideologies in 32 European countries. It thus extends the relatively scant empirical research available in this field. The hypotheses tested are derived mainly from group-interest theory. Data are deployed from the 2002–2010 European Social Surveys (N = 174868), supplemented by characteristics at the country level. The results show that, also in the new millennium, unemployed people and those with a lower income are more likely to support a radical left ideology. This is only partly explained by their stronger opinion that governments should take measures to reduce income differences. In contrast to expectations, the findings show that greater income inequality within a country is associated with reduced likelihood of an individual supporting a radical left ideology. Furthermore, cross-national differences in the likelihood of supporting the radical left are strongly associated with whether a country has a legacy of an authoritarian regime.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 10:49:24','2016-02-15 11:57:47','','Waiting'),(1941,'Why do people join trade unions? The impact of workplace union density on union recruitment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Against the background of the general decline in union membership in Western countries, this study analyses factors influencing an individual’s choice whether to join a trade union. The focus is on the effects of workplace union density and individual political attitudes. Micro data covering the entire Danish workforce combined with European Social Survey data enable for the first time the statistical analysis of the effect workplace union density has on union recruitment. Workplace union density is used to measure the power of social custom in workplace union membership, constituting an instrumental motive for joining the union. Self-placement on a political left-right scale measures political attitude which is assumed to constitute a value-rational motive. The statistical results indicate that workplace union density is the main predictor of whether or not an employee is going to join a union, even when other variables such as gender, occupation and industry worked in are taken into consideration. In addition, the results indicate that political attitude is also an important factor. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 10:55:31','2016-02-15 16:10:12','','Waiting'),(1942,'Immigration and Policy: New Challenges after the Economic Crisis in Portugal. ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The current economic climate poses major questions about how immigrants will react and be impacted by the economic downturn. This article explores these processes, illustrating the link between national economic growth and the rise in immigration in the 1990s through the turn of the century. It considers the same relationship, albeit with the inverse direction, in the post-crisis period in Portugal. In addition to changes in flows, stock, and policy, attitudes toward immigrants and inter-group trust in Portugal compared with Greece and Spain are examined using recent survey data from the geitonies project.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 11:14:59','2016-02-18 15:50:02','','Waiting'),(1943,'Public Opinion toward Homosexuality and Gay Rights in Great Britain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this Poll Trends study, 13 different sources are used to document public opinion toward homosexuality and gay rights in Great Britain in the postwar period. Three broad sets of indicators are examined: general attitudes toward homosexuality; acceptability of homosexuals in particular roles; and attitudes toward homosexual rights. Opinion was overwhelmingly negative in the 1940s and 1950s but started to liberalize following the decriminalization of homosexuality in 1967. Attitudes suffered a temporary setback with the advent of AIDS in the mid-1980s, but the thaw resumed from the early 1990s and accelerated following the millennium, especially during the second half of the first decade of the 2000s, culminating in the successful campaign for legalization of same-sex marriage in England and Wales. This trend toward liberalization has direct parallels in growing public support for several other facets of equality in Britain, notably gender, race, and religion. It also coincides with a significant reduction in religious allegiance. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 11:35:37','2016-02-15 16:31:00','','Waiting'),(1944,'Female self-employment and children','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Several analyses report a positive correlation between fertility and female self-employment; however, scholars disagree about the direction of this relationship. Knowing about the causal relationship is important because the relevant mechanisms and possible implications differ tremendously. This paper studies two competing hypotheses: Is self-employment more attractive to women because they have children? Or, is it occupation-specific characteristics of self-employed women that impact their fertility? This work applies a unique approach by utilizing exogenous variation in both children and self-employment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 11:39:44','2016-02-15 16:38:11','','Waiting'),(1945,'Labour market policies and party preferences of fixed-term workers.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Most advanced welfare states have seen a rise in so-called non-standard employment, that is, dependent work other than permanent full-time jobs, which are well integrated into social insurance (e.g. Kalleberg, 2000). One important type of non-standard work is temporary forms of employment, in particular fixed-term contracts. This development has spurred considerable interest among welfare state scholars who mostly stressed the exclusion of non-standard workers from stable jobs and adequate social protection (e.g. Davidsson and Naczyk, 2009; Emmenegger et al., 2012). It also has brought up a debate about the political implications of this labour market transformation. It has been argued that non-standard workers are not represented by social democratic parties (Rueda, 2005) and that their economic grievances may lead to political alienation or radicalization (King and Rueda, 2008). While others have contested that individual labour market status itself is strong enough a factor to guide political preferences(Emmenegger, 2009; H‰usermann and Schwander, 2012), empirical studies have found some evidence for this effect (Burgoon and Dekker, 2010; Marx and Picot, 2013; Lindvall and Rueda, 2012).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 12:29:06','2016-02-18 15:53:09','','Waiting'),(1946,'How politics-news parallelism invigorates partisanship strength','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although past research has found that news exposure correlates with strong partisanship, insights are based on single-country studies. Other studies have shown that cross-national variations in news systems correlate with turnout, but have not explored partisanship. The current study fills this gap by testing the strength of the relationship between news exposure and partisanship cross-nationally. We argue that the greater the political parallelism in news systems, the stronger the correlation between news exposure and partisanship and the smaller the gaps in partisanship between those most and least educated. Multivariate analyses of the cross-national European Social Survey find empirical support for both hypotheses. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 12:32:55','2016-02-15 16:57:30','','Waiting'),(1947,'Patterns of contact attempts in surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Survey participation is a type of social interaction between an interviewer and a respondent; by hypothesis, the way in which the respondent is successfully contacted, and agrees to cooperate, is a process of involvement in a social activity. Therefore, it is appropriate to use sequence analysis to understand how participants enter the survey according to their social status, lifestyle, and attitude. The argument developed here suggests a sociological approach to survey participation. Unlike rational choice analyses or persuasion models, the sequential analysis explores the sociology of how two actors enter and negotiate a situation to which they assign a meaning based on social institution, social times, and social roles. This viewpoint has the potential to assist in the monitoring of survey contact procedures. It also provides insight into the founding principles of survey participation. The authors examined the samples by coefficients derived from the distance between sequences of contact attempts. In exploring the process of respondent selection, this chapter investigates ways of assessing the social construction of survey data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 13:05:06','2016-02-18 15:56:23','','Waiting'),(1948,'Popular deservingness of the unemployed in the context of welfare state policies, economic conditions and cultural climate','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With the new financial crisis and globalization of labour markets, unemployment in Europe is once again on the rise. Consequently, we have witnessed a revival of redistributive questions regarding the social protection of the unemployed and a call for welfare reform (European Council, Joint Employment Report 2008/9). Despite this common crisis, we cannot expect policymakers across Europe to react in a uniform way, as countriesí social protection systems differ substantially. Moreover, there are differences in unemployment rates, due in part to the fact that not all European countries have been hit by the crisis in the same manner and to the same degree. Apart from institutional and economic factors, policymakers have to reckon with public opinion concerning unemployment and the unemployed, since public attitudes form a political context with a conditioning effect on social policy-making (Burstein, 2003; Brooks and Manza, 2006), either by ex ante agenda-setting or by ex post legitimation(van Oorschot, 2007). While there is ample comparative information on the socio-economic and institutional conditions with regard to employment in European countries, far less information is available about public attitudes towards the unemployed. This chapter aims to contribute to this kind of information using comparative data from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2008. Concretely, we analyse how popular perceptions of the deservingness of unemployed people vary across countries and whether they are influenced by policy feedback processes as well as economic conditions and cultural climate.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 13:17:48','2016-02-18 16:02:19','','Waiting'),(1949,'Exploring the relationship between cyberbullying and unnatural child death: An ecological study of twenty-four European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Internet risk has been recognised as a child safety problem, but evidence is insufficient to conclude that a child’s online risk exposure can lead to physical harm. This study aims to explore the ecological relationship between Internet risk exposure and unnatural child death.\n\nMethods: Multiple secondary data sources were used: online exposure to content about self-harm, cyberbullying, and Internet addiction data (EU Kids Online survey, 2010); and mortality data (European Detailed Mortality Database, 2010 or the latest year if not available) of 24 European countries. Correlations were found using quasi-Poisson regression. Countries’ prevalence rates of psychiatric problems (European Social Survey Round 3 and 6, 2006 and 2012) were used to test for possible spuriousness.\n\nResults: This study finds that countries with higher rates of cyberbullying were more likely to have a higher incidence of unnatural child death. A 1 percent rise in the prevalence of cyberbullying translated into a 28% increase in risk of unnatural child death (95% CI: 2%-57%). No evidence was found to substantiate confounding effect of the national prevalence of depressive symptoms or traditional bullying.\n\nConclusions: Explanations are given for the findings. We conclude that intervention programs designed to serve as precautionary measures for risk minimisation should be considered.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 13:29:32','2016-02-15 17:07:46','','Waiting'),(1950,'Competition and Solidarity: Union Members and Immigration in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper, I address an under-studied question in the comparative political economy of migration. How have trade unions shaped the attitudes of their members toward immigration? Unions are at the core of left wing politics in most European countries, and support for immigration is usually a left-wing position. However, many of the core constituents of unions are those whose interests are most adversely affected by an increase in the supply of labor. I show that the pattern of of European trade union leaders becoming supportive of open immigration policies (identified in previous literature) has solidified over the past decade. After discussing how unions have overcome the key economic dilemma in their rhetoric, I provide evidence that this rhetoric has shaped the attitudes of union members, that the effect has become stronger over time, and that the effect is (mostly) robust to the exclusion of countries where self-selection into unions on the basis of ideology is likely to be strongest.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-15 13:40:25','2016-02-15 17:13:50','','Waiting'),(1952,'A hierarchical generalised Bayesian SEM to assess quality of democracy in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During the last decades, many studies have documented a persistent and wide-spread decline in satisfaction in some established democracies, giving empirical support to the heterogeneity of democratic systems in terms of their quality. The main implication is that if democracies vary in terms of their performance, such variation should be reflected in citizens’ satisfaction and support for democratic institutions and in citizens’ political trust. In this paper, we examine which factors are related to democracy satisfaction and political trust in the European countries, with a particular focus on the role of quality of democracy in shaping these attitudes. To comply with the aim of the study, we formulate a Hierarchical Generalised Bayesian Structural Equation Model (SEM). The proposed model combines the advantages of multilevel-multidimensional IRT models and SEM and accounts for explanatory variables and indicators at country and individual levels. To explain cross-national variations in the variables of interest, we rely on data from the European Social Survey (EES) and from the Democracy Barometer. The results show that trust in political institutions goes along with satisfaction with democracy. In addition, our findings highlight the existence of a spatial heterogeneous gap between citizens’ expectations and evaluations of democracy across ESS countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','asarra@dmqte.unich.it','2016-02-16 14:13:28','2016-02-18 11:41:55','','Waiting'),(1953,'Changes in Attitudes towards Immigration: Evidence from the European Debt Crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent evidence has shown that sentiments towards immigration have improved for many European Union countries from 2002 to 2007 (Meuleman et al. 2009). However, some scholars posit that support for immigration into Europe is conditional on generous unemployment benefits and other welfare services (Lipsmeyer and Zhu 2011). In this paper, I examine the impact of the recent European debt crisis on native attitudes towards immigration in Europe, and present empirical evidence that European tolerance for immigration is highly sensitive to the stability of a country’s fiscal situation. I use data from two consecutive waves of the European Social Survey (ESS), before and after the debt crisis (2008 and 2010). I find that anti-immigrant sentiment has risen during the debt crisis, and that the sharpest increases in anti-immigration attitudes were in countries with large national debts. Attitudes against immigrants were strongest among manufacturing workers, and these workers also experienced the largest decline in sentiment. Lastly, I present preliminary evidence that anti-immigrant sentiment is starting to fester among workers who had previously shown tolerance, including highly educated workers and in wealthier European countries, such as Germany. Overall, these results suggest that continued decline in the European fiscal situation could lead to an increase in backlash towards immigration, as public resources become strained.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-18 10:09:18','2016-02-18 13:55:48','','Waiting'),(1954,'How Denationalization Divides Elites and Citizens','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on a unique survey among members of top level elites in eleven fields of activity in Germany, we investigate (1) elite-mass opinion incongruence and (2) the polarization of elites’ positions on four contested denationalization issues. Our results show that the elite-mass attitudinal gap is significant for items directly tapping support for the further opening up of national borders, even when controlling for education, age, gender, place of residence, and political orientation. By contrast, elites across different fields of activity hold rather consensual positions on the issues of denationalization explored in the survey. Transnational networking and transnational mobility are not significantly associated with attitudes toward these issues. Elites with a strong supranational identity are significantly more strongly in favor of opening up borders to immigrants and increasing aid to developing countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-18 10:15:22','2016-02-18 15:42:46','','Waiting'),(1955,'Web Surveys for the General Population: How, why and when?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cultural and technological change has made the web a possible and even desirable mode for complex social surveys, but the financial challenges faced by the Research Councils and the UK Government has accelerated this shift, creating an urgent need to explore both its potential and hazards for a range of studies. While some progress in carrying out large-scale complex social surveys on the web has been made, there is still no consensus about how this can best be achieved while maintaining population representativeness and preserving data quality. To address this problem, the NCRM funded a network of methodological innovation “Web Surveys for the General Population: How, Why and When?” (also known by its acronym GenPopWeb). A key objective of the network’s activities was to review and synthesise existing knowledge about the use of web-based data collection for general population samples and to identify areas where new research is needed. In this report, the authors provide a summary of the main issues identified by the network (chapter 2), present the key barriers to using web for surveys of the general population (chapter 3), propose a research agenda for the social science community (chapter 4), argue the case for a UK probability-based web panel (chapter 5), and conclude with recommendations for an infrastructure for enabling a transition to web platforms (chapter 6). \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-18 10:22:47','2016-02-18 15:22:26','','Waiting'),(1956,'Partisanship and age effects in recent democracies: Southern Europe from a comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The formation of partisan identities has been widely studied in advanced democracies, but little is known about the origin and development of partisanship in recent democracies. This article aims to analyze the relationship between age and partisan identities in new democratic regimes by considering the cases of new Southern European countries. In particular, we examine generational, life-cycle and period effects using longitudinal data from 1985 to 2010. Our results show that the position in the age structure has a significant impact on partisanship, while attitudes towards parties displayed by ‘post-democracy’ generations are different from those of previous cohorts. We also find a negative period effect on partisanship, especially in the last decade. The final section discusses these findings and their implications for the evolution of partisan identities in contemporary European democracies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-18 10:28:50','2016-02-18 15:10:36','','Waiting'),(1957,'Expectations of Being Helped in Return for Helping - Citizens, the State and the Local Area','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Citizens are increasingly being encouraged to take on new voluntary roles and responsibilities, such as, for example, looking after their local area and being involved in decision making. This move towards responsible citizenship is linked to the changing role of government, and the scaling down of the public services provided by the post war welfare state in many Western democracies. In order to develop our understanding of why certain people are more likely to help than others in different circumstances, we examine people\'s expectations of help in return for helping at the individual, local, and national level. Our analysis suggests that across Europe younger people compared with older people are more likely to expect help in return for helping. Men are more likely than women to expect help in return for helping. In terms of helping values and behaviour, people who see helping others as important and also those who report helping other people in practice are less likely to expect help in return. There are also considerable differences between countries in reported rates of expecting help in return for helping. The perceived local context of help is important, such that people are more likely to expect help in return for helping where their perception of people helping each other in the local area is low. Policies aimed at encouraging citizens to take on new responsibilities need to take account of how citizens view their reciprocal relationships with fellow citizens as well as the local context and the state infrastructure.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-18 10:54:14','2016-02-18 14:52:37','','Waiting'),(1958,'Assessment of interpersonal trust of Poles by principal components analysis and log-linear modeling','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Interpersonal trust in Poland is found to be at a very low level. This paper aims at the analysis of this phenomenon on the basis of European Social Survey data. Principal components analysis was applied to examine the degree of interpersonal trust in Poland in relation to other countries. Associations of three dimensions of trust, i.e. trustfulness, fairness and helpfulness, were analyzed by log-linear modeling as well as an agreement measure relevant for categorical variables. A composite indicator based on the first principal component scores confirmed the relatively poor social trust of Poles. A moderate agreement on any two of the three facets of this phenomenon was uncovered and in most cases no interactions among all three aspects of interpersonal trust were detected.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-18 11:08:10','2016-02-18 14:43:02','','Waiting'),(1959,'Structural and intermediary determinants of social inequalities in the mental well-being of European workers','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: The objective of this study is to examine social inequalities in employee mental well-being, using relational social class indicators. Relational social class indicators are based on theoretical insights about the mechanisms generating social (health) inequalities. Additionally, it is examined whether the psychosocial work environment and employment quality act as intermediary determinants of social class inequalities in mental well-being, simultaneously testing the mediation (differential exposure) and moderation (differential vulnerability) hypotheses.\n\nMethods: Data from the European Social Survey Round 2 (2004/5) and Round 5 (2010) were analysed. Mental well-being was assessed by the WHO Well-being Index. The measure for social class was inspired by E.O. Wright’s class scheme. Three-level linear multilevel modelling was used to account for clustering of employees within research years and countries.\n\n\nResults: We found social class inequalities in mental well-being in the European working population for both men and women. Compared to unskilled workers, managers reported the best mental well-being, while supervisors held an intermediary position. As regards the mediation hypothesis, an unfavourable psychosocial work environment and low-quality employment conditions mediated the relation between social class and poor mental well-being in both men and women. However, low quality of employment relations only mediated the “social class-mental well-being” association in the male sample. As regards the moderation hypothesis, modification effects were seen for the psychosocial work environment and employment conditions in both men and women.\n\nConclusion: Relational indicators of social class are related to mental well-being in European employees. Relational accounts of social class are complementary to stratification indicators in social epidemiology. From a policy perspective, better employee mental well-being and less social class inequality could be achieved through initiatives addressing the unequal social relations generated by structural positions in the labour process.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-18 11:18:45','2016-02-18 14:29:49','','Waiting'),(1960,'Great expectations. Dual-earner policies and the management of work–family conflict: The examples of Sweden and Slovenia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article explores mechanisms linking family policy to work–family conflict, work demands and gender. The conflict construct has dominated survey-based work–family research; however, both the individual actor and the societal context have been conspicuously absent. In qualitative interviews, including established instruments of work–family conflict, we studied how perceptions of work–family conflict were linked to strategies and use of policy entitlements among working parents in Sweden and Slovenia, two countries with policies promoting the dual-earner family. Our findings imply that such policies contribute to \'have-it-all\' aspirations, but collide with practical realities, including norms related to work, parenthood and gender. In Sweden, policy tools and work demands appeared more decisive, especially for women\'s conflict, whereas in Slovenia, informal care by extended family was important. Based on the analysis, we propose a typology of strategies and perceived conflict that can help develop research on work–family conflict, especially from a comparative perspective. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-18 11:37:31','2016-02-18 14:18:28','','Waiting'),(1961,'Gender-based Segregation before and after the Great Recession','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Pooled international survey data is used to analyze occupational segregation in times of the great recession. Observing over 30 European economies and the United States over a time span of 10 years, I present evidence of a somehow surprising crisis effect on gender-based segregation. While all economies differ in their general magnitudes, the economic downturn affects a temporary reduction of segregation in terms of two dissimilarity measures.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','humpert@leuphana.de','2016-02-20 17:22:35','2016-02-22 11:27:00','','Waiting'),(1962,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2014/1','Burgerperspectieven 2014 | 1. Kwartaalbericht van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 10:44:22','2016-03-14 13:42:56','','Waiting'),(1963,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2015/2','Burgerperspectieven 2015 | 2. Kwartaalbericht van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 10:53:05','2016-03-14 13:41:49','','Waiting'),(1964,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2015/3','Burgerperspectieven 2015 | 3. Kwartaalbericht van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 10:59:59','2016-03-14 13:44:34','','Waiting'),(1965,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2015/4','Burgerperspectieven 2015 | 4. Kwartaalbericht van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 11:05:22','2016-03-14 13:53:06','','Waiting'),(1966,'United in Change','Verenigd in verandering',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The importance of citizens who unite in civil society organisations is broadly recognised. Organisations bind people to each other, to the community and to the political system. How are civil-society organisations in the Netherlands faring? Is there any truth in the sombre predictions that large organisations are in difficult times and are losing more and more members and donors? Or is the picture more optimistic and is there still a vital and broad-based civil society in the Netherlands?\n \nThis study addresses this question for large civil-society organisations (more than 50,000 members). It examines a wide array of organisations, from charitable organisations to sports federations, and from consumer organisations to political parties. Questions addressed include how member and donor numbers have developed over the longer term (since 1980) and in the shorter term (since 2009, following the onset of the economic crisis); and how organisations themselves perceive the changes with which they are confronted.\n \nSpecial attention is devoted to three organisation types that have seen their memberships shrink over recent decades: political parties, trade unions and churches. How do representatives of these organisations view this development? Do they still see a future for themselves and for the membership model?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 11:14:57','2016-03-14 13:57:37','','Waiting'),(1967,'Keeping the Faith?','Geloven binnen en buiten verband',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Some Dutch people believe that the ties with our religious tradition are loosening and leading the Netherlands to a collective loss of religious memory. Others believe that those views are driven too much by an outmoded view of religion, and argue that all manner of alternative forms of spirituality are flourishing and that a new interpretation of religion is emerging. This report explores both these perspectives: the changes in the traditional, church-based religion and the popularity of new spiritual values.\n \nIs the process of secularisation and erosion of traditional Christian beliefs continuing? Do the Dutch still adhere to religion, religious customs and religious communities? Does the Church still have any social relevance? Does secularisation mean that religion is disappearing from Dutch society? Or is it now located elsewhere, far away from church buildings? And do generational differences play a role? Does the Netherlands occupy a special position within Europe or the world on these questions? This report attempts to provide more clarity on all these questions and assumptions. It constitutes an update of the findings presented in a previous report on religious change in the Netherlands (Zwevende gelovigen).\n \nBased on research carried out over a series of years, this report describes the current status of religion and spirituality in the Netherlands, of religion within and outside the Church.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 11:25:41','2016-03-14 13:59:12','','Waiting'),(1968,'Acceptance of homosexuality by ethnic and religious groups in the Netherlands ','De acceptatie van homoseksualiteit door etnische en religieuze groepen in Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although acceptance of homosexuality in the Netherlands is high compared with other countries, there are still certain groups where this acceptance cannot be taken for granted. To gain a better picture of this, an exploratory study was carried out at the request of the Emancipation department at the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science.\n\nThe purpose of this study is to use existing data to gain an impression of the level of acceptance of homosexuality and developments in that acceptance in as many different ethnic and religious groups as possible. The study also addresses the question of how, in the light of the findings, future research can best be carried out into acceptance of homosexuality in religious and ethnic groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 11:37:27','2016-03-14 14:02:41','','Waiting'),(1969,'Power to the People?','Burgermacht op eigen kracht? Een brede verkenning van ontwikkelingen in burgerparticipatie',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Politicians have recently begun showing great interest in the independence and responsibility of citizens. The Dutch Speech from the Throne in 2013 even asserted that ‘the traditional welfare state is slowly but surely changing into a participation society’. In this publication we are interested in two movements in this context: developments towards greater independence of citizens – which we refer to as ‘self-reliant civic participation’ – and developments aimed at exerting more or more effective influence over collective decisions; we refer to this as ‘policy-influencing civic participation’. What have been the main trends in the Netherlands in recent decades and what are the biggest differences in civic participation and participation goals? What have been the main experiences in Dutch municipalities which are strongly committed to participation reform, and how do the public view these local practices? What form does civic participation take in a number of potentially interesting cases which have taken place in earlier times and elsewhere, and what are the main correspondences and differences compared with the Netherlands today?\nTo answer these questions, this report presents the results of new empirical research in five small pioneer municipalities in the Netherlands, and places the current drive for participation in the Netherlands in a broader historical and international perspective. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 11:44:32','2016-03-14 14:43:34','','Waiting'),(1970,'More democracy, less politics?','Meer democratie, minder politiek? Een studie van de publieke opinie in Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Concerns about the functioning and future of democracy in the Netherlands can have a variety of causes. One such is the attitude of the demos: there is an assumption that political dissatisfaction is growing and that democratic engagement is in decline. This study examines public opinion in the Netherlands. Based on findings from earlier research, supplemented by analyses of a wide variety of survey data, it provides an insight into the attitudes and wishes of the Dutch population with regard to democracy and politics. How do members of the public assess Dutch democracy? What does ‘democracy’ actually mean for them? What do they think about representative and direct democracy and about the possibility of decisions being taken by independent experts? And what does all this mean for discussions about democratic renewal and the future of Dutch democracy? ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 13:06:25','2016-03-14 14:47:14','','Waiting'),(1971,'The Netherlands in a European perspective. Trust, satisfaction and opinions of European citizens','Nederland in Europees perspectief. Tevredenheid, vertrouwen en opinies',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Europeans are having to engage with each other more and more, as a number of developments in 2015 have yet again made clear. The economic crisis, the solidarity between countries and attitudes towards migrants and asylum-seekers touch on the very heart of European integration and unity. How far are citizens and countries in Europe willing to help each other and show solidarity? Or, expressed in broader terms: to what extent do people across Europe share similar opinions, norms and values?\nIn this publication we look at shared and unshared opinions, attitudes, norms and values in Europe. We compare the mood in the Netherlands with the mood in other European countries. To do this, we draw on data from the European Social Survey, a large-scale study that is held every two years and that focuses on people’s opinions and values. A total of 36 countries have taken part at least once, and 16 countries have participated in all six rounds held between 2002 and 2013 inclusive.\n\nWe broadly gauge the mood in Europe and look among other things at views on democracy, trust in other people and life satisfaction. We look in more depth at this latter aspect, as well as at opinions about migrants, political trust and the views of men and women on the division of work and household tasks. We describe how sentiment in Europe developed between 2002 and 2013 and how the views and opinions of the Dutch resemble or diverge  from those of other Europeans.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 13:14:08','2016-03-14 14:50:31','','Waiting'),(1972,'Public sector achievement in 36 countries. A comparative assessment of inputs, outputs and outcomes','Public sector achievement in 36 countries. A comparative assessment of inputs, outputs and outcomes',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,' This report examines the inputs, outputs and outcomes of the public sector in 36 countries (including the EU-28) over the period 1995-2012. We study two sectors – education and health – in some detail, while taking a more general look at the sectors social safety, housing, social security and public administration, and a preliminary look at the sectors economic affairs and infrastructure, environmental protection, and sport, culture and participation. How do countries perform relative to their peers? Has their performance improved or worsened in recent years? Can countries learn from one another in this respect? The final part of the report looks at five sectors simultaneously and aims to identify and illustrate cross-sectoral patterns in the performance of regions and countries.\n\nThe report is the third edition in this series. The results presented are intended to serve as input for the Dutch Presidency of the European Union in the first half of 2016. The report should be of interest to anyone with a broad interest in the public sector and public policy from an international comparative perspective.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 13:21:01','2016-03-14 16:27:38','','Waiting'),(1973,'Trust, life satisfaction and opinions on immigration in 15 European countries','Trust, life satisfaction and opinions on immigration in 15 European countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Europa is going through an eventful period. The economic crisis, large migration flows and terrorist attacks are cross-border events that put pressure on international solidarity and attitudes towards civil liberties such as freedom of movement. To what extent are the inhabitants of European countries in favour of immigration and receiving refugees? Or, more generally, to what extent do they trust policymakers and politicians, institutions and one another, and are they satisfied with their lives? More far-reaching questions are whether Europeans share values, beliefs and attitudes, and whether Europeans from different countries are becoming more similar over time. Preliminary answers to these questions are given in this report, which is an update of an earlier report entitled Nederland in Europees perspectief (‘The Netherlands in a European perspective’), published in October 2015.\n\nThis publication is based on the most recent data from the European Social Survey (ESS), a large-scale biennial study of attitudes and values. It devotes special attention to attitudes towards immigration as measured in the seven rounds of the ESS that have been fielded since 2002, and which were measured in greater depth in the 2002/2003 and 2014/2015 rounds. The data for 2014/2015 are currently available for 15 countries in various parts of Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'including 15 countries from Round 7','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 13:36:51','2016-03-17 15:27:35','','Waiting'),(1974,'Choosing at the checkout. An exploration of political consumerism in the Netherlands','Kiezen bij de kassa. Een verkenning van maatschappelijk bewust consumeren in Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Not buying certain clothes because their manufacture involved child labour; deliberately buying organic eggs based on a desire for chickens to have better lives; sharing a car with the neighbours to protect the environment; or buying fewer products across the board in order to reduce one’s own ecological footprint: more and more Dutch people are basing their consumer choices not just on price, quality and utility, but also take into account ecological, ethical or political considerations. They are involved in political consumerism.\n\nIn this conceptual and empirical exploration we describe what we understand by this phenomenon and look at the different forms it takes, how widespread it is in the Netherlands and who are political consumers (and who are not).\nThe study is based on a literature review, surveys, monitors and interview material.\n\nThis study forms part of a series of SCP publications focusing on sustainability, including the Netherlands Sustainability Monitor (Monitor Duurzaam Nederland 2014: Verkenning) (2014) and the essay Nature and Culture (Natuur en Cultuur) (2014).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'all countries Round 7, 2014 (not in the list!)','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 13:45:00','2016-03-17 15:34:23','','Waiting'),(1975,'The Social State of the Netherlands 2015','De sociale staat van Nederland 2015',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How is the Dutch population faring? That is the central question addressed in The Social State of the Netherlands, a biannual series of reports. This series describes the position of the Netherlands and the Dutch in a number of key areas of life and the changes that have taken place in people\'s life situation over the last ten years. Each report covers many domains of Dutch life: education, public opinion, income and work, health, prevention and care, social and political participation and engagement, use of leisure time, mobility, public safety, and housing and the residential setting. By bringing these diverse themes together, placing them in the context of the economic and demographic developments taking place in Dutch society and describing trends over time, they give a picture of the overall life situation of the Dutch population. There is also attention for individual groups in society, reflecting the fact that people\'s options, opportunities and preferences in structuring their lives are related to their age, sex, education level, degree of disability, ethnic origin and financial position.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'also all countries from Round 7 2014 (has no checkbox)','info@scp.nl','2016-02-23 15:20:53','2016-03-17 15:37:45','','Waiting'),(1976,'Openness to immigration: a case of Lithuania in an international perspective','Atvirumas imigracijai: Lietuvos atvejis tarptautinėje perspektyvoje',32,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the European Social Survey 5th round data (2010/2011) author analyzes openness to immigration. The focus is on the case of Lithuania. Lithuania is exceptional as it has very low but growing rates of immigration. The first question addressed in the paper is the level of Lithuanian population‘s openness to immigration. The openness to immigration of different race and ethnicity than the majority of country’s population was measured. The results show high rates of radical (“allow many immigrants”) and moderate (“allow some”) openness to immigration. Lithuanian population’s openness to immigration is one of the highest in the group of countries that participated in ESS 5th round. The second question asks if perception of threats posed by immigrants can be used as predictor. Logistic regression results show that perception of economic and cultural threats posed by immigrants is a reliable predictor of openness to immigration – low perception of threats leads to openness to immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','audrone.telesiene@ktu.lt','2016-02-23 18:22:50','2016-03-17 15:41:32','','Waiting'),(1977,'Subjective personal and social wellbeing in Lithuania','Asmeninė ir socialinė subjektyvi gerovė Lietuvoje',32,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses subjective wellbeing in Lithuania. Data enables analysis of both – subjectively perceived personal and social wellbeing. The article is based on the European Social Survey data from the 6th round, Lithuanian population. Wherever comparability is possible, the Lithuanian data from the 5th and 4th ESS rounds are also employed. The personal well-being analysis is based on the hedonic approach. The cognitive and affective components of well-being are addressed. For the analysis of social subjective well-being, several variables are used: subjective socio-economic position, social optimism, social relations and the level of active involvement. As data shows, the levels of subjectively perceived personal and social wellbeing in Lithuania are only average. It should be noted that among all components of well-being, only an affective component of personal well-being and the bonding social capital could be treated as of high levels.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','audrone.telesiene@ktu.lt','2016-02-24 16:06:14','2016-03-17 15:44:41','','Waiting'),(1978,'Cognitive social capital and mental illness during economic crisis: A nationwide population-based study in Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ongoing financial crisis in Greece has yielded adverse effects on the mental health of the population. In this context, the particular study investigates the link between two indices of cognitive social capital; namely interpersonal and institutional trust, and the presence of major depression and generalized anxiety disorder. A random and representative sample of 2256 respondents took part in a cross-sectional nationwide telephone survey the time period February–April 2011 (Response Rate = 80.5%), after being recruited from the national phone number databank. Major depression and generalized anxiety disorder were assessed with the Structured Clinical Interview, while for interpersonal and institutional trust the pertinent questions of the European Social Survey were utilized. Socio-demographic variables were also encompassed in the research instrument, while participants\' degree of financial strain was assessed through the Index of Personal Economic Distress. Both interpersonal and institutional trust were found to constitute protective factors against the presence of major depression, but not against generalized anxiety disorder for people experiencing low economic hardship. Nonetheless, in people experiencing high financial strain, interpersonal and institutional trust were not found to bear any association with the presence of the two disorders. Consistent with these, the present study shows that the effect of social capital on mental health is not uniform, as evident by the different pattern of results for the two disorders. Furthermore, cognitive social capital no longer exerts its protective influence on mental health if individuals experience high economic distress. As a corollary of this, interventions aiming at mitigating the mental health effects of economic downturns cannot rely solely on the enhancement of social capital, but also on alleviating economic burden.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-29 09:34:37','2016-03-17 15:49:07','','Waiting'),(1979,'How Welfare States Shape Participatory Patterns','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How Welfare States Shape Participatory Patterns',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-02-29 09:53:52','2016-03-17 15:53:13','','Waiting'),(1980,'Imbalanced Job Polarization and Skills Mismatch in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper considers the education of the labour force based on an analysis of trends in and the relationships between job polarization and skills mismatch. Both job polarization and skills mismatch have become topics of increasing interest, but relationships between the two have been relatively neglected in the literature. We argue that the relationship between polarization and skills mismatch is an empirical matter, which we analyse at both the macroeconomic and microeconomic level in European countries. A novel job polarization index (JPI) is proposed to measure imbalanced job polarization. It takes into account not only the change in the share of medium-level jobs, as is typical for measuring pure polarization, but also the imbalance between the change in high-level and low-level jobs. Skills mismatch at macro-level is measured by a skills mismatch index (SMI), while traditional measures of undereducation and overeducation are used at the microeconomic level. At the macroeconomic level, we estimate a system of two equations, one for each of the country-level variables gauging polarization and mismatch, respectively. Imbalanced job polarization measured by the JPI negatively affects skills mismatch at the macroeconomic level (SMI), but there is no significant reverse effect. Thereafter we consider the microeconomic level and study the determinants of mismatch using multi-level mixed effects logistic models. The effect of imbalanced job polarization on individual-level mismatch was arguably favourable for individuals in non-crisis time, decreasing overeducation risk although also increasing the chances of undereducation, both gauged using the normative measure, but unfavourable during the global financial crisis of 2008–2009 and the following two years.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','atarvid@inbox.lv','2016-03-03 12:22:34','2016-03-17 15:55:19','','Waiting'),(1981,'Well-being in Socio-Political Context: European Welfare Regimes in Comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using survey data (ESS3), this study analyses how well-being is distributed across the social structure in European welfare regimes. Four indicators of well-being were chosen for multilevel analyses: economic hardship, sickness, societal pessimism and social recognition. The results mostly show that well-being is to a significant extent conditioned by the position one occupies in the social structure and by the welfare regime one lives in. The distribution of life chances across the social structure varies between country groups due to different approaches to welfare policy. The Eastern European regime is generally characterised by relatively frequent ill-being on almost all dimensions included in the analysis. Economic hardship is prevalent in these nations, especially among the unemployed. In fact, unemployment is a major risk factor for economic hardship in all regimes. The Nordic regime is distinguished by low rates of ill-being in virtually all dimensions, but the relatively high sickness rate is an exception: poverty in particular exposes to sickness in the Nordic world of welfare. The link between vulnerability and societal pessimism is rather typical for both the Eastern European and Continental European regimes. Poverty makes future views bleaker in almost all country groups, whereas immigrants are generally less pessimistic. However, in the Nordic regime an immigration background seems to be, to some extent, an adverse factor as regards well-being. Poverty, unemployment and loneliness are associated with low recognition. Living in the liberal welfare regime and being poor or unemployed is the combination that most severely exposes its occupant to the demoralising experiences of low recognition. Welfare regimes are more than just systems of benefit allocation and service production – culture matters as well.\n \nKey words: well-being, welfare state, poverty, unemployment, respect, social exclusion, social indicators, Europe\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','teemu.t.kemppainen@helsinki.fi','2016-03-10 09:51:29','2016-04-07 11:17:47','','Waiting'),(1982,'Is the Collection of Interviewer Observations Worthwhile in an Economic Panel Survey? New Evidence from the German Labor Market and Social Security (PASS) Study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although interviewer observations have potential as auxiliary sources of information on key survey variables, questions about their quality temper enthusiasm for their use in survey estimation and responsive survey design. This study considers the utility of two interviewer observations (household income and household receipt of unemployment benefits) collected in a panel survey: the German Labor Market and Social Security (PASS) study. We find that the ability of the interviewer observations to accurately identify these household features is not as high as that of prior-wave survey reports on these features, but the observations do tend to capture accurate information for households with changing socioeconomic status over time (where prior-wave reports may be inconsistent with current-wave reports). The observations add modest predictive power to models for key survey variables that also include survey reports on related variables in prior waves, but this predictive power may be limited by relatively high error rates and variance in observation quality among interviewers. Finally, estimates based on panel households only improve slightly when including the observations in nonresponse adjustments, which is likely due to the inability of the observations to predict response propensity (given a relatively low attrition rate for the panel households). Implications for practice and directions for future research in this area are discussed in conclusion. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-10 11:10:40','2016-04-07 11:29:12','','Waiting'),(1983,'Wrongful convictions and the Blackstone ratio: An empirical analysis of public attitudes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'When deciding on the issue of guilt, a judge or jury can make two types of error: convicting an innocent person (false positive) or acquitting a guilty person (false negative). The Blackstone ratio addresses the relation between false positive and false negative verdicts. The ratio depends on how much certainty the judicial decision-maker requires before convicting an accused. This article describes an experimental study of Dutch community views about the Blackstone ratio. It was hypothesized that public views on this issue may depend on seriousness of the offence. Moreover, it is expected that providing balanced information on the consequences of both convicting an innocent and acquitting a guilty person would result in more deliberated and informed public judgement on the Blackstone ratio. We manipulated both the seriousness of the crime and information about the consequences of false positive and false negative verdicts. Findings reveal that public reactions to the criteria for deciding upon guilt or innocence are dynamic and vary with the seriousness of the crime. The provision of information relating to the two types of judicial error had no significant effect on public attitudes. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-10 11:18:47','2016-04-07 11:42:14','','Waiting'),(1984,'Do Transitions to Adulthood Converge in Europe? An Optimal Matching Analysis of Work–Family Trajectories of Men and Women from 20 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article addresses the question of the convergence of transitions to adulthood in 20 European countries using data from the third round of the European Social Survey (2006). Pathways are derived from five events—employment, leaving home, union formation, marriage, and childbearing—retrospectively observed for men and women >35 years old (N = 26,351), over four birth cohorts and described with optimal matching and cluster analyses. Using correspondence analysis, we find a convergence between male and female patterns in the passage to adulthood in Northern and Western Europe. Despite some convergence, the transition to adulthood in European countries remains marked by their historical family systems.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','laurent.lesnard@sciencespo.fr','2016-03-11 10:20:40','2016-04-07 11:50:50','','Waiting'),(1985,'Political Trust In Extremis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political trust can have a major impact on democratic politics by affecting political participation, institutional effectiveness, and policy choices. Given the significance of political trust for the functioning of democracy, it is important to know how the way citizens relate with political actors and institutions changes in times of extraordinary shock. Using Greece as a case, this article shows that during times of major distress, the way schools and hospitals are run—the “social” performance of government—has an important effect on political trust. This effect is stronger during extraordinary circumstances than under normal conditions. The evidence suggests that international creditors must pay more systematic attention to the administrative effectiveness of social welfare institutions rather than focusing solely on economic performance. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-11 12:29:13','2016-04-07 14:36:56','','Waiting'),(1986,'Acceleration of History, Political Instabilities, and Media Change','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter provides a critical interpretation of political and social transition in post-communist Europe. It mostly looks at media transformations and argues that change goes deeper than just an institutional revision and adaptation, and in fact affects public perceptions and wider social and cultural changes. It argues that transitional societies are especially susceptible to instability and risk, which is a result of speedy institutional development and the choices made by key elite groups as well as the general public.  CEE societies can be looked at as a \'test case\', a kind of ëexperimental group of countriesí, or even a new type of ësocial laboratoryí, where countless controversies of postmodern life, such as increasing individualization and group polarization, are observed, identified, and tested. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a.balcytiene@pmdf.vdu.lt','2016-03-14 07:35:26','2016-04-07 14:44:32','','Waiting'),(1987,' Institutions and Cultures: Analytical Framework for the Study of Democratization and Media Transformations in Central and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter promotes the supporting of transformation and democratization studies in Central and Eastern Europe, with the understanding of having characteristics of a more general ‘societal culture’ in the investigated context. By constructing an analytical framework, the paper reveals the conflicting nature between, on the one hand, ‘formal structures’ enforced through structural transformations and institutional building and, on the other, ‘informal constraints’ such as personal values, attitudes, principles and standards. What follows here should not be seen as a thorough analysis of research already undertaken in Central and Eastern European (CEE) media analyses, but as an analytical scheme that combines both political and economic, as well as historical particulars of a contextual setting, and attitudinal and behavioral appearances of decision makers. The paper concludes that the EU’s post-communist societies, first and foremost, must uncover suitable practices and mechanisms for the resolution of value conflicts and societal integration which, ultimately, will lead to democratic emancipation and the consolidation of media freedom in the region.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a.balcytiene@pmdf.vdu.lt','2016-03-14 08:31:35','2016-04-07 14:48:55','','Waiting'),(1988,'Oligarchization, de-Westernization and vulnerability: Media between democracy and authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What are the major trends of media change in contemporary Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)? How do these media transformations relate to economic, political, social and cultural currents in the region? After a decade of democratic optimism from the early 1990s to the 2000s, why did democratic media regimes in the region become recently so vulnerable? Why would the level of media freedom and pluralism in the CEE region remain significantly more limited than in Western Europe, despite supposedly shared European values and policies, and EU membership of the countries in the region? What explains variation in the level of media freedom within and across the former communist countries? What are the direct and indirect effects of the global financial crisis on the trends of democratization vs. authoritarianism in CEE? How could eminent newly democratized countries in CEE backslide dramatically to semi-authoritarian hybrid regimes that we usually find in former Soviet Eurasia? How do semi-authoritarian regimes control media in different CEE countries? Also, how could media studies of the region be reinvented to reflect on the shifting geopolitical balance of power, especially the emergence of BRICS, the growing influence of Russia, and the war in Ukraine? What could comparative post-communist media studies add to our analysis and understanding of the new CEE realities? These were some of the questions tackled by a recent public roundtable discussion entitled \"Media, Democracy and Authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe\", held at the Department of Media, Cognition and Communication at the University of Copenhagen on April 24, 2015.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a.balcytiene@pmdf.vdu.lt','2016-03-14 08:48:16','2016-04-07 14:58:39','','Waiting'),(1989,'Systemic Media Changes and Social and Political Polarization in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper contributes to the debate on evolving uncertainty and crisis in the European mediascape. While in many countries economic factors are often blamed for dramatic modifications of media operations, this chapter follows a different approach. It suggests the adjustment of European media to shifting contextual (economic, technological) conditions is also affected by mounting societal changes and transformations, amongst which the individualization of consumption is the dominating one. The paper argues that audience interests and growing personalized access opportunities to informatikon reinforce media fragmentation, which, furthermore, leads to audience segmentation and increasing political and social polarization within and across various nations in Europe. Individualized information consumption appears to be critical for European democracy since it affects the cohesion of society. By diverting public attention away from shared and communal dialogues to private interests and soft issues in the media it challenges the notion of good community. By reducing civic involvements it intensifies public anxieties and increases uncertainty, skepticism and distrust. As argued, younger Central and Eastern European democracies appear to be more seriously affected by these societal changes, as well as by their outcomes and effects, than Western European societies where long-lasting democratic practices and traditions have secured certain conditions and mechanisms for healthier performance of their media and public engagement in communal matters. The chapter makes the suggestion that contemporary societal developments call for the reinvention of the normative vision and recognized ideals of professional journalism. Acceleration of History, Political Instabilities and Media Change This chapter provides a critical interpretation of political and social transition in post-communist Europe. It mostly looks at media transformations and argues that change goes deeper than just an institutional revision and adaptation, and in fact affects public perceptions and wider social and cultural changes. It argues that transitional societies are especially susceptible to instability and risk, which is a result of speedy institutional development and the choices made by key elite groups as well as the general public.  CEE societies can be looked at as a \'test case\', a kind of ëexperimental group of countriesí, or even a new type of ësocial laboratoryí, where countless controversies of postmodern life, such as increasing individualization and group polarization, are observed, identified, and tested. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a.balcytiene@pmdf.vdu.lt','2016-03-14 09:06:14','2016-04-07 15:08:08','','Waiting'),(1990,'Happiness and Age in European Adults: The Moderating Role of Gross Domestic Product per Capita','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Studies of happiness levels across the lifespan have found support for two rival hypotheses. The positivity effect states that as people get older they increasingly attend to positive information, which implies that happiness remains stable or increases with age, whereas the u-shaped hypothesis posits a curvilinear shape resulting from a dip during midlife. Both have been presented as potentially universal hypotheses that relate to cognitive and/or biological causes.  The current study examined the happiness-age relationship across 29 European nations (N= 46,301), to explore whether it is moderated by national wealth, as indexed by GDP-per-capita (GDPPC).  It was found that eudaimonic and hedonic happiness remained relatively stable across the lifespan only in the most affluent nations; in poorer nations there was either a fluctuating or steady age-associated decline.  These findings challenge the cultural universality of the happiness-age relationship and suggest that models of how age relates to happiness should include the socio-economic level of analysis.    \nKeywords:  Happiness, eudaimonic, hedonic, positivity effect, lifespan\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','j.morgan@gre.ac.uk','2016-03-14 15:46:20','2016-04-07 15:30:56','','Waiting'),(1991,'The Impact of Social Expenditure on Attitudes Towards Immigration in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is a growing body of literature dealing with the causes behind anti-immigrant sentiment and xenophobia. Based on the literature on the fiscal burden model, this paper contends that the differences in attitudes toward immigration, between low and high statuses, can be explained by the size of the welfare state. We argue that the impact of socio-economic status on attitudes toward immigration is larger in countries where social expenditure is high. Since a potential increase in the number of welfare recipients due to new immigrants might lead to a reduction in per capita transfers, low-income individuals in these countries are expected to be more concerned about the effect of immigration on social benefits. Using multilevel models and data from the European Social Survey we have found that while the effect of socio-economic status on attitudes toward immigration is positive there is a great deal of variation between countries. The difference in attitudes between high and low socio-economic statuses increases as social expenditure increases. Moreover, increases of social expenditure in the short run increases anti-immigrant sentiment as it raises concerns about the impact of immigration on welfare services.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','amjaime@uma.es','2016-03-14 22:41:10','2016-04-07 15:39:40','','Waiting'),(1992,'Socio-Economic Determinants of Health in Croatia: Insights from Four Cross-Sectional Surveys','Socio-Economic Determinants of Health in Croatia: Insights from Four Cross-Sectional Surveys',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The World Health Organization (WHO) sees health as a resource for everyday life, a fundamental human right and, especially important for economists and social scientists, an essential component of the economic and social development of every modern society. Health determinants which could lead to better health outcomes can arise from both the social and economic side.  e main goal of this paper is to exploit several cross-sectional socio-economic data sets available in Croatia to examine the extent to which individual health is related to certain demographic and economic determinants. In explaining health determinants, self-assessed health (SAH) was used as a measure of health on the individual level, and the proportional odds model was applied for the ordinal outcome variable. Controlling for age and other socio-demographic characteristics, education was seen as the single most important determinant of better health. Poor health on the individual level is probably highly correlated with low education and lowest income levels. Public policy-makers should be aware that measures targeted at vulnerable population subgroups might be e ective at improving health in the population. However, the identi cation of a causal relationship between health outcome and its determinants is of crucial importance in the design of future policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ssmolic@efzg.hr','2016-03-15 00:17:29','2016-04-07 15:48:01','','Waiting'),(1993,'Employment and Social Developments in Europe 2015: Social Dialogue','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter considers different dimensions of the functioning and effectiveness of social dialogue at national level, with a specific focus on membership of social partner organisations, collective bargaining, as well as trust, cooperation and conflict. Furthermore, the chapter considers the role of social partners in the design and implementation of policies and reforms, particularly in the framework of the European Semester. The chapter finds that in a challenging environment, social partners can play a key role in promoting a social market economy. More analysis on the critical success factors (including capacity building) would be useful. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','tim.van-rie@ec.europa.eu','2016-03-15 10:37:01','2016-04-07 15:53:10','','Waiting'),(1994,'Perceived Risk of Victimization in Estonia and Lithuania','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present comparative study tries to identify individual-level factors most likely to influence perceptions of safety in two Baltic States that according to recent Eurostat data continue to have the highest rates of lethal violence in the European Union. The analysis is conducted on representative samples of residents in Estonia (N=2380) and Lithuania (N=2109) and uses recent data from the European Social Survey (Round 6/2012). Empirical tests of three theoretical approaches frequently used in fear-of-crime research (i.e., the crime-experience perspective, the vulnerability perspective, and the integrative model of fear of crime) show support for these perspectives in various degrees. Although inter-country differences do exist in terms of prior victimization, perceived safety, and the effect of fear-of-crime correlates, results of the overall sample indicate that residents who feel unsafe in their neighborhoods are more likely to be persons who directly or indirectly experienced victimization, persons who might perceive themselves as being unable to respond properly when facing potential criminals (e.g., females, persons with disabilities, people who live alone, economically-disadvantaged individuals, and ethnic minorities), and residents of large urban areas, where crime is more likely to occur. Conversely, in both countries, persons who are part of social networks and have higher levels of interpersonal trust are also more likely to feel safe in their local areas.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','v0andr01@louisville.edu','2016-03-15 16:49:06','2016-04-07 15:56:51','','Waiting'),(1995,'Concerns about Violent Crime in France: Does Immigrant Status Make a Difference in Public Perceptions of Safety?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present analysis compares and contrasts groups of natives and immigrants in France in terms of their prior exposure to victimization and their perceived risk of violent victimization based on survey data collected in 2010 from a representative sample of French residents (N=1728). Results show no significant inter-group differences regarding victimization experience and fear of violent victimization. In both subsamples, direct or vicarious victimization, as well as distrust in people in general, are significantly and positively associated with higher levels of perceived unsafety. The inter-group differential effect of several fear-of-crime predictors is also observed and the implications of the findings are briefly discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','v0andr01@louisville.edu','2016-03-15 16:58:38','2016-04-07 16:00:45','','Waiting'),(1996,'Does Globalization Mitigate Income Inequality?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Bechtel (2012) showed that economic anxiety accompanying loss of household income and purchasing power has harmful effects on consumer demand, voter turnout, institutional trust, societal satisfaction, and well being. This sequel shows that economic anxiety is driven by income inequality, which mimics the detrimental effects of economic anxiety. The strongest shock of income inequality is its incitement of societal dissatisfaction. It is demonstrated that globalization reduces income inequality, alleviating economic anxiety and its negative impacts. These effects were found in a large cross-national sample from the fifth round of the European Social Survey. They demonstrate the value of using survey responses as micro outcomes for assessing macro-economic phenomena.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-16 10:31:11','2016-04-08 14:35:53','','Waiting'),(1997,'A new dataset on educational inequality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper describes a new dataset, in which measures of educational level and inequality were collected for 48 countries over 13 5-year birth cohorts. Drawing on four representative international surveys (ess, eu-silc, ials and issp), we collected measures of individual educational attainment and aggregated them to generate synthetic indices of educational level and dispersion by countries and birth cohorts. The paper provides a detailed description of the procedures and methodologies adopted to build the new dataset, analyses the validity and consistency of the measures across surveys and discusses the relevance of these data for future research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-16 13:15:49','2016-04-08 14:43:27','','Waiting'),(1998,'Mining cross-cultural relations from Wikipedia - A study of 31 European food cultures','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For many people, Wikipedia represents one of the primary sources of knowledge about foreign cultures. Yet, different Wikipedia language editions offer different descriptions of cultural practices. Unveiling diverging representations of cultures provides an important insight, since they may foster the formation of cross-cultural stereotypes, misunderstandings and potentially even conflict. In this work, we explore to what extent the descriptions of cultural practices in various European language editions of Wikipedia differ on the example of culinary practices and propose an approach to mine cultural relations between different language communities through their description of and interest in their own and other communities\' food culture. We assess the validity of the extracted relations using 1) various external reference data sources (i.e., the European Social Survey, migration statistics), 2) crowdsourcing methods and 3) simulations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-16 13:34:15','2016-04-08 14:59:57','','Waiting'),(1999,'Flexibility and security: National social models in transitional labour markets','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Aggregate and individual data are used to test the association between employment performance and different ways of reconciling flexibility and security in European labour markets. Particular use is made of statistics on individuals’ labour market transitions as revealed by national labour force surveys. The article compares the performance of three basic forms of labour market institutions: the uncoordinated liberal, or neoliberal one; flexisecurity; and the traditional welfare state model of labour security. The findings confirm the importance of coordinated collective bargaining and of values and trust. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-16 13:54:51','2016-04-08 15:09:49','','Waiting'),(2000,'How Russian and Ukrainian citizens perceive the role of immigrants in their country: A comparison with European residents','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What are the attitudes of people in Russia and Ukraine about their coexistence with immigrants? Are they similar to the attitudes of people in European countries? This study compares possible determinants of attitudes towards immigrants in the European Union, Russia and Ukraine. The comparative analysis revealed both similarities and differences in public attitudes towards immigrants in Russia and Ukraine and in European countries. In particular, in Russia, Ukraine and Europe, the public perception of immigrants improves as the educational level of respondents increases. At the same time, more religious citizens in Russia, Ukraine and new European countries (joined the EU after 2004) perceive the cultural impact of immigrants to be greater, whereas those in old European countries (joined the EU before 2004) exhibit the opposite tendency. So, Russia and Ukraine should use the European countries experience in this area cautiously.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-17 10:02:16','2016-04-08 15:18:48','','Waiting'),(2001,'A replication of Hofstede\'s uncertainty avoidance dimension across nationally representative samples from Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite the great interest in Hofstede’s dimensions of national culture, some of them have not been replicated with nationally representative samples. In this study, we use 2010 European Social Survey data for 25 European countries and Israel and obtain a close replication of Hofstede’s uncertainty avoidance (r = 0.81, p < 0.001, n = 17) with strong face validity, internal reliability, and similar predictive properties to those of the original measure. The replication and our analysis elucidate the nature of uncertainty avoidance as a dimension of national culture and expose some misconceptions about it. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-17 10:17:05','2016-04-08 15:22:14','','Waiting'),(2002,'Family Policy and Fertility Intentions in 21 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European countries show substantial variation in family policy and in the extent to which policies support more traditional male-breadwinner or more gender egalitarian earner–carer family arrangements. Using data from the European Social Survey, the authors implemented multilevel models to analyze variation in fertility intentions of 16,000 men and women according to individual-level characteristics and family policy across 21 European countries. Both traditional and earner–carer family support generosity were positively related to first-birth intentions for men and women. In contrast, only earner–carer support maintains its positive relationship with second birth intentions. Family policy is not in general related to third and higher order parity intentions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-17 10:25:57','2016-04-08 15:28:40','','Waiting'),(2003,'Trust and the Welfare State: The Twin Peaks Curve ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We show the existence of a twin peaks relation between trust and the size of the welfare state that stems from two opposing forces. Uncivic people support large welfare states because they expect to benefit from them without bearing their costs. But civic individuals support generous benefits and high taxes only when they are surrounded by trustworthy individuals. We provide empirical evidence for these behaviors and this twin peaks relation in the OECD countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-17 10:35:27','2016-04-08 15:36:26','','Waiting'),(2004,'The sources of mass partisanship in newer democracies: Social identities or performance evaluations? Southern Europe in comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study seeks to improve the current conceptualisation of partisanship and to provide empirical evidence about the nature of partisan identities in new democracies. Conventional theories suggest that partisan loyalties are grounded in social and group contexts, while ‘revisionist’ theories have emphasised the importance of the performance evaluations of political actors. This study argues that the nature of partisanship in newer democracies is more strongly influenced by the latter. By focusing on new Southern European democracies, this research confirms the importance of performance and retrospective evaluations as the basis of partisan loyalties. The impact of age and education is very weak, while ideological extremism displays a constant and significant effect. However, the nature of partisanship varies according to different party types, as voters of more ideological parties are less sensitive to short-term judgements. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-17 12:12:47','2016-04-08 15:40:30','','Waiting'),(2005,'Do Family Support Environments Influence Fertility? Evidence from 20 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from two recent waves of the European Social Survey, we examine the relationship between macro-level supports for child rearing and individual-level fertility outcomes. We characterize country-level support environments across a broader set of domains than is typical, including supports from institutions, labor markets, extended families, and male partners. With rare exceptions, we find significant relationships between family support environment indicators and second or higher order births. In contrast, the relationship between family support environment indicators and first births is weaker and less often significant. This pattern accords with theory that practical considerations are more important for the second and subsequent births than for the transition to parenthood. Although most forms of support are positively related to fertility, we document a negative relationship between intergenerational exchange of support and higher order fertility. Our analyses also reveal that macro-level support environments are related to childbearing plans in much the same way as they are related to having a child, buttressing the argument that understanding the determinants of childbearing plans can help us to understand childbearing behavior.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 09:07:49','2016-04-08 15:46:17','','Waiting'),(2006,'Re-evaluating the concept of adulthood and the framework of transition','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Are young people today prolonging their youth? The present concept of adulthood became standardised after the Second World War, when advanced societies experienced a phase of unprecedented socio-economic development. These structural conditions allowed the majority of young people to fulfil all the criteria for adulthood relatively easily. However, profound socio-economic transformations have rendered contemporary patterns of transitions incompatible with post-war transition frameworks and notions of adulthood. This study assumes that today\'s young people postpone entry into adulthood. Many young people in contemporary settings can no longer achieve the qualifiers associated with adulthood. But does this prevent them from reaching mental maturation? The current approach to the process of transition highlights social maturity over psychological maturity, which contributes to misinterpreting the meaning of being an adult today. Recognising the changing nature of the concept of adulthood would provide clearer understanding of the needs, expectations and coping strategies of young people. This paper reflects upon empirical material collected among female university students about to start working life in Finland and France. It sheds light on the distinctive theoretical debate on adult transitions in these two countries and on young women\'s perceptions on coming of age.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 09:24:56','2016-04-08 15:51:37','','Waiting'),(2007,'Risk, social protection and trust amidst cuts in welfare spending','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, I explore the connections between budgetary cuts to social protection (the fraying of the safety net), the resulting enhancement of risks to which a substantial segment of the world population is exposed, the process of commodification of protective resources, and the concomitant erosion of public trust. Casting light on the notion of trust, the concept of legitimacy focuses on the link between risk and social protection. In this vein, in this article I test five related hypotheses and draw on country-level data to account for variations among European nations’ climates of social trust. The key findings of my analysis are that transparency and institutional governmental performance in the protection of the citizenry boost legitimacy. In turn, legitimacy results in compliance with societal rules. Furthermore, such compliance enhances social trust. However, the commodification of social protection can stifle the climate of social trust even where transparency and institutional performance prevails. Universal systems of social protection that avoid need-based eligibility, in turn, can act as antidotes of commodification – and thus spread social trust when a Beveridge-type system of social protection gains public support and it is accompanied by transparency.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 09:57:35','2016-04-08 15:55:50','','Waiting'),(2008,'Does regulation make political parties more popular? A multi-level analysis of party support in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the relationship between party regulation, trust in political parties and partisanship in 24 European democracies in 2010. It tests two rival hypotheses, one suggesting that the regulation of political parties improves party support among electorates, and the other arguing the opposite case that regulation weakens support for parties. These hypotheses are tested using a multi-level modelling strategy that controls for a number of variables that might account for trust in parties and partisanship at the individual level. The evidence suggests that heavy regulation of political parties is associated with low levels of trust in parties and fewer partisans in these countries. This finding persists even in the presence of a variety of control variables. The analysis uses cross-sectional data and so definitive causal relationships cannot be fully identified, but the data implies that regulation by the state in the context of a severe economic recession could be having the effect of stifling support for political parties and weakening civil society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 10:12:35','2016-04-08 16:02:47','','Waiting'),(2009,'It is not Only About Equality. A Study on the (Other) Values That Ground Attitudes to the Welfare State','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Literature on welfare attitudes has reached a stylized scheme in which egalitarian values and self-interest concerns are the two main determinants of welfare attitudes. We aim to bring forward existing research by identifying additional values that people draw on to elaborate opinions on welfare issues. Using data from the European Social Survey 2008 and 26 countries, we find that values such as multiculturalism or authoritarianism, among others, lie at the roots of welfare attitudes. However, egalitarianism is the only value with a significant effect in all countries. Differences between welfare regimes in the values associated with welfare opinions exist but are unconnected with aggregate support for the welfare state, suggesting that this institution can achieve a high level of legitimacy on different moral grounds.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 10:35:16','2016-04-08 16:09:36','','Waiting'),(2010,'Sovereign Debt and Governance Failures: Portuguese Democracy and the Financial Crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'International economic crises are critical periods for any political regime. The 2008 global financial crisis brought to the surface several weak spots in the institutional performance of various southern European democracies. Portugal was no exception. Government attempts to tackle its negative externalities through a series of austerity measures did not prove successful on various grounds. Poor scoring in the economy generated social unrest. This article tries to assess the reaction of the Portuguese citizenry to the symptoms of failure in economic governance, particularly in what concerns their attitudes vis-à-vis the political realm by using different survey data sets. The analysis reveals that the decline in economic performance and in quality of governance is clearly reflected in citizens’ rising discontent with the performance of democracy and suggests even negative spillover effects for regime support. The available data also suggest that any expectations that the economic crisis might have ignited in citizens’ engagement in political issues seem only partially fulfilled. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 10:43:04','2016-04-18 14:26:21','','Waiting'),(2011,'Climate Risk, Informal and Formal Institutions and Economic Development','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Abstract This research examines the role of historical climate variability in shaping both formal and informal institutions, as well as its consequences for long-run regional economic outcomes. Using high-resolution climate data for Europe over the period 1500-1750 and exploiting within country variation, we first document that consumption volatility caused by erratic precipitation and temperature during the growing-season months favored the emergence of norms of mutual cooperation and trust, as coping strategies by subsistence farmers relied heavily on risk-sharing and mutual cooperation. In addition, we document that regions with more variable climate are also characterized by better political institutions in the past and better functioning regional governments today. We interpret these findings as evidence for the co- evolution of formal and informal norms, which has important consequences for contemporary regional economic development. Over the very long-run, regions with initially unfavorable climatic conditions experienced a “reversal of fortune”, as contemporaneous measures of in- novation and per capita income are positively associated with a history of more erratic climate. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 10:51:25','2016-04-18 15:22:21','','Waiting'),(2012,'When Supply Creates Demand: Social Democratic Party Strategies and the Evolution of Class Voting','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper focuses on the policy strategies adopted by social democratic parties and their impact on the class basis of their support. It is argued that political appeals matter for explaining the development of class voting. This argument is tested through a comparison of the policy strategies of social democratic parties in Austria and Switzerland and the evolving patterns of class voting in the two countries. Using election surveys and data on the policy positions and media representation of the political parties from the 1970s to the 2000s, the article finds that the Social Democratic Party in Austria maintained a strong working class base. In contrast, the Social Democratic Party in Switzerland facilitated a major transformation of the class basis of its support by emphasising new cultural issues. It became the party of the ‘new middle classes’, leaving the working class to realign in support of the Swiss People’s Party.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 11:02:08','2016-04-18 15:51:00','','Waiting'),(2013,'Welfare Support in Europe: Interplay of Dependency Culture Beliefs and Meritocratic Contexts','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Beliefs about lazy and undeserving welfare recipients are widespread in liberal societies that consider that hard work and self-reliance—rather than need or entitlement—should determine individuals’ outcomes (McNamee & Miller, 2004). In this view, the welfare system is presented as leading to a culture of dependency that erodes both self-reliance and community values by encouraging people to stay on benefits rather than seek work. Conservative politicians and media often portray welfare recipients as free riders prone to misuse benefits. The efficacy of such anti-welfare discourse on public opinion is evidenced by social psychological research showing that negative stereotypes of welfare recipients lead to decreased support for public welfare (Gilens, 1999; Henry, Reyna, & Weiner, 2004; Mullen & Skitka, 2009). However, little research has studied the moderating conditions that might strengthen or weaken the influence of negative welfare beliefs on citizens’ support for actual welfare policies (see Petersen, Slothuus, Stubager, & Togeby, 2011, for an exception). Relying on social representations theory (Elcheroth, Doise, & Reicher, 2011; Moscovici, 1961/2008; Staerklé, Clémence, & Spini, 2011), we examine in this article the role of two factors moderating the relationship between dependency culture beliefs and welfare support, namely the degree of deservingness of welfare target groups (old and sick vs. unemployed), and … ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','susrainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 11:11:12','2016-04-18 16:08:36','','Waiting'),(2014,'Life Events and Subjective Well-Being: The Case of Having Children','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The literature on Happiness and Subjective Well-Being (SWB) has been dominated by studies of the impact from income and labour market status - and the impact on happiness from changes in these determinants. It seems obvious to expect an impact from non-economic factors as well. In the present paper we focus on the eventual impact on SWB from having children. The dominant result in the rather few studies until now is the finding of no – or even a negative – impact on subjective well being following birth of a child. We focus on the impact from having children using two very big panel data sets.The first is the European Community Household Panel (ECHP) with data collected over 8 annual waves from 1994 to 2001 in 15 EU member countries. Observations are available for up to 15 countries with big differences in fertility levels, child care institutions and labour force participation for married women. At the same time, the ECHP data contains a lot of relevant demographic and labour market background variables to be included in the econometric analyses of the SWB impact from children. The second data set is The German Socio Economic Panel (GSOEP). Like the ECHP, the GSOEP data contains many relevant background factors. This presents a unique opportunity to combine the cross country perspective in the ECHP data with the possibility presented by the GSOEP of following the impact from giving birth over a significantly longer period including approximately 11.000 households.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 11:20:25','2016-04-18 16:14:45','','Waiting'),(2015,'Older volunteers in Poland: The heritage of a Socialist regime','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter analyses the phenomenon of volunteering in older age in Poland at individual, organisational and public policy level. We focus on its conditions, limitations and the opportunities, presenting also the country-specific tradition of the voluntary activity. The engagement of seniors in the third sector in Poland is among the lowest in Europe. The main reasons of it may be found in: history and the heritage of socialism, current socio-economic situation, mentality and the problem of limited possibilities of engagement in the third sector for older people. However, the situation is changing. The professionalisation of the third sector, EU priorities and funds, interest of the media and a growing awareness of the challenges posed by an ageing society have impact on an increasing concern and actions about the need for more active old-timers in the voluntary work.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 11:41:40','2016-04-18 16:38:55','','Waiting'),(2016,'The processes of democratisation and trust in political institutions in Slovenia: comparative analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'After the collapse of the non-democratic regime in the early 1990s, public opinion surveys became important factor in the process of democratic decision-making. Authors are analysing the results of public opinion surveys, which bring together data on the attitude of the general public towards democracy, (dis)satisfaction with the political situation and (dis)satisfaction with most important political institutions; special emphasis is given to the general public’s (dis)trust toward the judiciary. Based on the data obtained authors allocate Slovenia’s position compared to other established European democracies as well as post-communist countries from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) on the scale of the relationship of the dimensions of societal trust in political power.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 11:54:05','2016-04-18 17:17:52','','Waiting'),(2017,'Institutional change, happiness and fertility','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Building on existing theories of fertility dynamics, this article provides a theoretical perspective that connects two recent strands of the literature. The first concerns gender equity and equality where institutions play a critical role. The second is that subjective well-being matters in explaining childbearing behaviour (and vice versa). Our key argument is that subjective well-being is a direct function of the discrepancy between aspirations and attainment, here interpreted as a potential mismatch between gender equity and equality. As aspirations change over time, discrepancy arises in so far institutions are unable to follow suit with new emerging preferences. This lowers subjective well-being associated with childbearing, and hence leads to lower levels of fertility. Our empirical analysis is based on the European Social Survey, and although taking an indirect approach, we provide support for this idea. Fertility and happiness are higher where institutions appear to have adapted to women’s new preferences and aspirations, which is further supported by strong gender differences in happiness associated with parenthood. Fathers are always happier than non-fathers—no matter the circumstances of the country where they reside—whereas mothers are happier only when relevant institutions are in place. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-18 12:12:28','2016-04-19 10:23:02','','Waiting'),(2019,'Social capital at the outburst of the economic crisis in Greece, 2008-2010','Social capital at the outburst of the economic crisis in Greece, 2008-2010',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social capital and its core components of social trust and associational activity are widely acknowledged as a core feature of strong and active civil societies that promote effective democratic governance and economic prosperity. Research regarding the concept of social capital continuously increases with much theoretical debate and controversy focusing upon the facets, forms, and manifestations of the concept of social capital. This follows the widespread acknowledgement that social capital is a phenomenon that can appear in multiple regimes following a country’s specific socio-cultural relations and associational forms, while in addition, it can be found in all types of organizations, i.e. both public and private. Within this context the present study sets out to explore two important research questions. The first one relates to the stock of social capital characterizing Greece and its change during a highly sensitive era, that of the outburst of the economic crisis. The second research question relates to analyzing the group of civil servants as carriers of higher or lower levels of social capital compared to the other citizens. Both these questions are important as they can help us sketch the country’s profile with regard to the vital concept of social capital that is highly associated with empowered democratization and increased participation levels. Based on the available knowledge in the field social capital is measured via the measurement of six main constructs comprising the soft and hard attributes of the concept, namely social trust, social altruism, equality, tolerance, humanitarianism and civic participation. Data are drawn from the European Social Value round 4 (2008) and round 5 (2010) surveys for Greece. Overall, empirical analysis indicates that the country experiences a statistically significant decline in its social capital level while public servants hold higher levels of social capital albeit also declining as for the rest of the country’s citizens. Important policy implications arise as a result of these findings related to issues of democratic legitimation and social participation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daskal@uop.gr','2016-03-18 16:19:40','2016-04-19 10:40:42','','Waiting'),(2020,'On optimal corruption: an analysis of societal and business ethics in Greece','On optimal corruption: an analysis of societal and business ethics in Greece',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper analyses corruption as a distinct behavior of individuals embedded between the opposite poles of ‘optimal’ and ‘destructive’ rent-seeking. The first pole relates to the case where corruption is analyzed as an almost ‘desirable’ mechanism that can help the economy, and entrepreneurs in particular, to overcome bureaucratic and inefficient regulations. In this case, the optimal allocation of resources via the market mechanism depends upon the existence of an ‘optimal level’ of corruption. The second pole relates to the opposite case where corruption is used by both the public and the private spheres of the economy in order to change the allocation of resources and incomes to the benefit of certain groups. In this case corruption aims at continuously re-generating itself through self-enhancing institutional mechanisms that serve the ‘rent-seeking facet’ of corruption.        \nAvailable knowledge agrees only upon the multiple facets of the phenomenon. Thus, corruption is acknowledged as a complex phenomenon whilst many of the existing conceptions about it might be misleading. First, it is an open debate whether entrepreneurial efforts using corruption as a means to change the institutional context may be equilibrium disturbing towards enhancing or reducing welfare. In addition, corruption as a form of public office misuse is harmful not only because it changes the allocation of income and alters the motives of agents involved in the market but also because it privatizes valuable aspects of the public life and disturbs the institutional basis of public representation, debate and choice. Taken together these two areas of destruction effects create an institutional context that might be described by high levels of tolerance towards corruption or else a social consensus towards corruption.  \nHere it is argued that the effects of corruption might be detrimental by means of destructing both the public and the private sphere of the economy. To that extent we analyze the society’s and the entrepreneurs’ views in order to provide evidence on whether certain important instructional characteristics and values aspired by individuals in Greece are understood as rent-seeking or corruption practices. In other words, the study attempts to identify whether there is a widespread social consensus towards the one or the other behavioral context. We construct five indices to approximate views, attitudes and practices towards corruption and build a set of interrelated hypotheses that can give us an empirical approximation of the potential existence of societal and business consensus towards corruption. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daskal@uop.gr','2016-03-18 16:24:12','2016-04-19 10:44:23','','Waiting'),(2021,'The Media as Political Agenda-Setters: Journalists’ Perceptions of Media Power in Eight West European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Studies in different countries have shown that the media can influence the attention politicians devote to different issues. However, knowledge about the cross-national contingencies of the political agenda-setting power of the media is limited. This study compares the perceptions of journalists of the political agenda-setting power of the mass media in eight parliamentary democracies with varying media and political systems: Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Norway, Spain, Sweden, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Building on a power balance perspective, the article looks at the autonomy of the media system (audience reach and political control) and the concentration of power in the political system (number of political parties, concentration of executive power) to contextualise the role of the media in political agenda-setting. Journalists perceive most media influence in Norway and Sweden and least in Spain. The results indicate that the power balance between the media and political actors to a large extent reflects the institutional structure of the political system, but that media characteristics such as the autonomous position of television should also be taken into account.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-22 10:01:20','2016-04-20 12:49:32','','Waiting'),(2022,'Contextual Influences on Subjective Well-Being of Young Ethnic Minority Russians in Estonia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter aims at examining the adaptation and identity struggles of Russian youth in postcolonial Estonia. The historical context of power reversal when roles between the former dominant group (Russians) and the oppressed group (Estonians) have been exchanged provides a unique acculturation setting for the investigation of adaptation and well-being of minority youth. Historical developments constitute an integral part of the present minority group adaptation and interethnic relations in general in Estonia. Three studies are introduced in this chapter examining determinants of subjective well-being (satisfaction) of Russian youth over different time periods.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-22 10:22:54','2016-04-20 12:58:14','','Waiting'),(2023,'Correspondence between the Objective and Subjective Economies: The Role of Personal Economic Circumstances','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The impact of sociotropic economic satisfaction on the vote has been thoroughly analysed. However, knowledge about how citizens acquire information about the economy and the degree of correspondence between objective macroeconomic changes and citizens\' subjective economic perceptions is much more limited. While the effect of partisan rationalisation has recently received some attention, the role of objective personal economic conditions in assessing national economic conditions is still unclear. We suggest that macroeconomic changes have some impact on subjective economic satisfaction, especially among higher-income and socio-professional strata with higher risk aversion rates to negative macroeconomic shocks. The results are obtained via three-level hierarchical linear models using the cumulative file of the European Social Survey (2002–9) and confirm the relevance of citizens\' personal economic circumstances as a filter to perceive the state of the economy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-22 11:29:35','2016-04-20 13:04:38','','Waiting'),(2024,'Education and opportunity: Is the UK departing from a common tradition?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is an assumption in public debate that Scotland and England are drifting apart in social policy, whatever the outcome of the referendum in Scotland in September 2014 on whether Scotland should become an independent country. Three broad examples of policy divergence in education are discussed to examine the claim—in connection with student finance in higher education, with the structure of secondary education, and with the school curriculum. It is concluded that the apparent divergence owes more to rhetoric than to the reality of policy, of public attitudes or of social experience. Despite the origins of a shared educational philosophy in the post-war welfare state, and despite the partisan strife of current politics, a weakening of that state through greater Scottish autonomy does not in itself signal an end to the project of common welfare.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-03-22 11:47:45','2016-04-20 13:10:17','','Waiting'),(2025,'How Europeans View and Evaluate Democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on a new data-set covering 29 European and neighboring countries, this volume shows how, Europeans view and evaluate democracy: what are their conceptions of democracy, how do they assess the quality of democracy in their own country, and to what extent do they consider their country\'s democracy as legitimate? The study shows that Europeans share a common view of liberal democracy, which is complemented by elements of social and direct democracy, which go beyond the basic liberal model. The level of their demands in terms of democracy varies, however, considerably across Europe and is related to their assessment of democracy: the worse the quality of democracy in a given country, the higher the respective demands on democracy. The analysis of the determinants of democratic views and evaluations shows that they depend on the political and economic (but less on the cultural) context conditions. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lizzy.winstone.1@city.ac.uk','2016-03-23 10:48:24','2016-03-23 10:48:25','','Waiting'),(2026,'Contructing the Questionnaire: the Challenges of Measuring Attitudes toward Democracy across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter explores the challenges of designing questions to measure attitudes towards democracy in a cross-national survey. The European Social Survey (ESS) has often included topics that are not generally part of the day-to-day discourse of many respondents, such as ageism or economic morality. However, in many ways a module focused on respondents’ understandings and evaluations of democracy was particularly challenging to include since the detail of the topic was unlikely to be something that many potential respondents would have considered in detail. This chapter addresses the specific challenges of designing questions measuring attitudes to democracy, in particular decisions about the concepts to include or exclude, social desirability, and response formats. This chapter explores the decision-making during the design process, the need to strike a balance between theoretical measurement aims and what is practical to measure in a general social survey, as well as the attempt to strike a balance between different forms of measurement error.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lizzy.winstone.1@city.ac.uk','2016-03-23 10:58:39','2016-04-20 13:19:56','','Waiting'),(2027,'Exploring the issues of \"equity\" and \"efficiency\" in the binary system of higher education in Greece, from the early 1980s up to the late 2000s','Explorando las cuestiones de “igualdad” y “eficiencia” en el sistema binario de educación superior en Grecia, desde 1980 hasta 2000',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter examines whether the aims of \"equity\" and \"efficiency\" are achieved in the binary system of higher education in Greece, for a period starting from the early 1980s up to the late 2000s. More specifically, the problematic developed in this chapter focuses on: a) the social background of graduates of the university and the non-university (or technological) sector of higher education, namely, the Universities and the Technological Educational Institutions (TEIs) (thus approaching the issue of \"equity\"), and b) the transition to the labour market of graduates of these two different types of higher education (thus approaching the issue of \"efficiency\"), for the aforementioned time period.\n	The research questions are the following: a) What is the social background of University and TEI graduates? b) What is the relationship between University and TEI graduates as refers to their access to the labour market in the years 2001 and 2010? c) What is the role of the \"academisation\" of TEIs with regard to the integration of their graduates into employment? \n	The main argument in this chapter is that the social background of graduates is an important factor for their studying in the university or the technological sector of higher education. Furthermore, despite the \"academic drift\" of the non-university sector, compared to the TEI graduates, university graduates are preferred in the labour market. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eprokou@panteion.gr','2016-03-28 11:49:15','2016-04-20 13:26:47','','Waiting'),(2028,'Investigating the ‘efficiency’ of the binary system of higher education in Greece based on graduates’ employment: Evidence from the European Social Survey before and during the economic crisis ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper argues that since the early 1980s, policies for the introduction of the non-university sector within higher education in Greece have not contributed to the issue of economic “efficiency”, with reference to the satisfaction of the needs of the economy and subsequently to graduates’ entrance into the labour market. Furthermore, despite the \"academic drift\" of the non-university sector in the early 2000s, unemployment of graduates of the non-university sector was higher than unemployment of university graduates, as the latter were preferred in the labour market. Nevertheless, unemployment of both types of higher education graduates increased up to the late 2000s, an outcome of economic recession in Greece. The paper also argues that the expansion of the higher education system, through the introduction (and upgrading) of the non-university sector, has not managed to substantially alleviate inequalities in educational opportunities.  \nThe argument of the paper is based on the European Social Survey data for 2002 and 2010. The analysis shows that in the labour market, there is a discrimination against the degrees of non-university higher education graduates compared to the degrees of their university counterparts. Additionally, between the years 2002 and 2010, there is an increase of unemployment for both university and non-university graduates. In terms of labour force, for the period from 2002 up to 2010, there is a decrease of university graduates and an increase of non-university graduates, the latter facing a higher unemployment rate. In 2002 more university graduates are working as science professionals and technicians than non-university graduates. In 2010, there is a decrease of both university and non-university graduates working as science professionals and technicians, with the non-university graduates working also as clerks and service, shop and market workers. Economic crisis - as this has been reflected by data on unemployment and employment - led the labour market in search for low cost labour. \nFinally, according to our data analysis, over time, the social background of students proved to be a strong determinant as refers to their studying in either of the two types of higher education. University graduates\' parents have a higher educational level and better jobs compared to the non-university sector graduates\' parents. Social inequalities in entrance to a differentiated higher education system persist and are associated with inequalities in graduates’ employment prospects. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eprokou@panteion.gr','2016-03-28 12:03:36','2016-04-20 13:31:19','','Waiting'),(2029,'Evaluations of the quality of the representative channel and unequal participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyzes how individual-level assessments of the quality and functioning of the representative channel affect citizens’ likelihood to turn out to vote and to engage in alternative forms of non-institutionalized participation, and whether these relationships are moderated by individual resources as measured by education. Relying on novel data from the sixth round of the European Social Survey on how European citizens evaluate different aspects of democracy we show that negative evaluations of the quality of the representative channel discourage voting, but only promote participation in demonstrations among the highly educated. These findings highlight potential inequalities in citizens’ ability to voice their political demands: while highly educated individuals are likely to translate their negative evaluations of the institutional channel of representation into non-institutionalized forms of participation, in the presence of negative evaluations low educated individuals are simply more likely to withdraw from politics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Enrique.Hernandez@EUI.eu','2016-03-29 14:28:43','2016-04-20 13:34:39','','Waiting'),(2030,'A tale of an unwanted outcome: Transfers and local endowments of trust and cooperation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Transfers can do good; however, they can also result in massive failures. This paper presents a model that highlights the ambiguous nature of the impact of transfers on local endowments of social capital. It then describes an empirical investigation that illustrates that the receipt of EU structural funds causes a deterioration of the endowments of trust and cooperation in the subsidized regions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 08:56:25','2016-04-20 13:48:54','','Waiting'),(2031,'Forms of welfare capitalism and education-based participatory inequality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Scholars studying democracy are just beginning to investigate the specifically political consequences of rising socio-economic inequalities. This paper analyses whether the degree of political inequality between social groups is shaped by features of the welfare capitalist system. Specifically, we hypothesize that more labour protection and social support decrease participatory inequality via more evenly distributed resources and engagement between high- and low educated citizens. Our regression analyses combining micro- and macro-level data from 37 capitalist democracies over the past 20 years provide evidence that some protective and supportive elements of welfare capitalism reduce education-based participatory inequality. Our fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis identifies three functionally equivalent types of welfare capitalism that all produce low participatory inequality via increased protection, support or both. Finally, we empirically demonstrate that the mechanisms behind this link are, indeed, a more equal distribution of resources and engagement across low- and high educated citizens. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 09:02:21','2016-04-20 13:54:32','','Waiting'),(2032,'The end of the consensus? Labour market developments and the politics of retrenchment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent decades have witnessed rapidly increasing levels of trade in several areas of services. This development affects the distribution of workers at different skill levels between exposed and sheltered sectors. Using EU-KLEMS data, we show that low- and medium-skilled workers have become increasingly concentrated in sectors sheltered from global markets. High-skilled workers, in contrast, have become increasingly concentrated in sectors that are internationally exposed. We contend that this shift has important consequences for welfare state politics. While conventional wisdom has it that exposure to international trade fuels demand for social protection, we argue that international trade is correlated with more conservative social policy attitudes and less support for left parties, at least for highly skilled workers (likely because exposed workers worry about international competitiveness). We present evidence, based on European Social Surveys, that is consistent with our account. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 09:08:21','2016-04-20 13:59:00','','Waiting'),(2033,'The Boom and the Bust: Can Theories from Social Psychology and Related Disciplines Account for One Country\'s Economic Crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Icelandic economy collapsed dramatically in the fall of 2008, making the country one of the first victims of the sharp economic downturn that hit most of the West. The Icelandic crisis may serve as an especially illuminating case study of the psychology of economic booms and busts. We offer an analysis of the buildup and aftermath of the economic crisis in Iceland using theories and findings from social psychology and related disciplines. During the buildup, at the national level we focus on strong national identity, high levels of trust, and system justification. At the group level, we discuss homogeneity of bank employees, group identity, and organizational culture. At the individual level the focus is on motivated reasoning and cognitive heuristics. During the aftermath at the national level, the primary focus is on collective action and the ascent of women into power. At the individual level we discuss changes in values, and report on a study in which we examined people\'s perceptions of what caused the crisis and how it relates to political ideology. We conclude by considering several behaviors not accounted for in our analysis and some policy implications that can be gleaned from the analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 09:13:16','2016-04-20 14:05:10','','Waiting'),(2034,'The Non-Procedural Determinants of Responsiveness','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article starts from the remarks by Peter Mair on the growing gap between responsiveness and responsibility – or middle-run responsiveness – and the declining capacity of parties to bridge that gap. It focuses on the empirical analysis of the association between economic and substantive democratic dimensions and responsiveness, which are highly relevant to the way in which parties compete and govern within contemporary democracies. Following an introduction of the topic, the second section puts forward key concepts and hypotheses; the third presents the operationalisation of the variables and the applied method; the fourth and primary empirical section of the article analyses the non-procedural determinants of political and economic responsiveness, including freedom and equality as well as several key economic structural factors. The concluding remarks recapitulate the main empirical findings and submit a number of aspects that party leaders ought to take into account when addressing the thorny issue of responsiveness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 09:28:51','2016-04-20 14:18:11','','Waiting'),(2035,'Politically Driven: Mapping Political and Media Discourses of Penal Populism - The Hungarian Case','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Penal populism, advocating severe punishment of criminals, has greatly influenced justice policy measures in Eastern Europe over the last decade. This article takes Hungary as a typical case in the region and based on a recent criminal policy reform it investigates the roots of the penal populist discourse, which legitimizes and supports punitive measures. The research assumes that policy discourses need specific social actors that construct and promote them. Accordingly, the article explores whether the right-wing political parties and the tabloid media have taken a leading role in constructing the discourse of penal populism as a response to public concerns about crime. Content analysis and frame analysis of political communication and media was conducted to identify the discursive positions of major political parties and selected national media sources. The research found that penal populism was dominant in Hungarian political discourse while most of the media, including the tabloid press, have been rather reluctant to adopt punitive tones. The results thus contradict previous findings and offer a more nuanced view on how penal populism is being constructed and promoted in Eastern Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 09:36:24','2016-04-20 14:37:05','','Waiting'),(2036,'Cross-National Advertising and Behavioral Intentions: A Multilevel Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous research has provided limited insight into (1) the cross-national effectiveness of marketing communication aimed at engaging consumers and (2) the moderating role of national characteristics. This study assesses the effectiveness of a cross-national advertising campaign in terms of changing behavioral intentions. The authors examine the moderating effects of country-level indicators representing three institutional pillars (regulative, normative/moral, and cultural-cognitive) on the mediated associations between three advertising persuasion measures (message comprehension, attitude toward the campaign, and message elaboration) and behavioral intentions. The authors examine a multilevel analysis using survey data related to a 25-country advertising campaign to test hypothesized within-country and between-country effects. The results show that message comprehension affects message elaboration less strongly in countries with stronger regulative, normative/moral, and cultural-cognitive pillars. Attitude toward the campaign affects message elaboration less strongly in countries with stronger normative/moral and cultural-cognitive pillars. Message elaboration affects behavioral intention less strongly in countries with a stronger regulative pillar but more strongly in countries with a stronger normative/moral pillar. The authors discuss implications for international marketing theory and practice.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 09:54:06','2016-04-20 14:41:36','','Waiting'),(2037,'Married and cohabiting parents\' well-being: The effects of a cultural normative context across countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research of personal relationships has typically linked childbearing in cohabiting (compared to married) couples to decreased well-being. Using data from 24 European countries, we show that this effect is not universal; rather, it is restricted to countries with a strong social norm that proscribes childbearing in cohabiting unions. We examine two potential mechanisms of this effect; the personal norm (cohabiting parents are worse off because their status deviates from their own expectations) and social norm (cohabiting parents are worse off because they experience external social sanctions, such as social disapproval) mechanisms. Our results provide support for the social norm mechanism. First, the detrimental effect related to a country’s social norm exists even for cohabiting parents who personally favor childbearing in cohabiting couples. Second, in countries with a strong norm against childbearing in cohabiting unions, cohabiting parents feel that they are less respected than married couples, which contributes to lower levels of life satisfaction. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 09:59:47','2016-04-21 11:25:41','','Waiting'),(2038,'The Impact of the Economic Crisis on the Ideological Space in Portugal and Greece: A Comparison of Elites and Voters','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This work addresses the dimensions and content of ideological space in Portugal and Greece after the onset of the sovereign debt crisis and the imposition of austerity policies in the two countries. By examining both elite interviews and public opinion data, the article principally attempts to determine whether the economic crisis has created a new division in ideological space by cross-cutting or completely replacing older ones. In addition, we attempt to gauge the position of crisis-related issues relative to issue divides on European integration and globalisation which, up to now, have been dormant in Southern European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 10:08:26','2016-04-21 15:33:41','','Waiting'),(2039,'The EURAGE Group - Examining ageing and ageism in context through the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The experience of ageism has important health implications for older adults. Yet, to date very little is known about the interplay of psychological and contextual factors in fostering ageism. This paper presents research conducted by EURAGE (European Research Group on Attitudes to Age) which aims to study the experience of ageism and age prejudice from a multilevel perspective. EURAGE is an international group of researchers with members from the Health for All group at the Centre for Research and Social Intervention (CIS-IUL, Portugal) and the Centre for the Study of Group Processes at the University of Kent (UK). Members of EURAGE designed the Experiences and Expressions of Ageism Module in Round 4 of the European Social Survey (ESS) which is perfectly suited for multilevel analyses. The multi-level approach is briefly outlined as well as some of EURAGE’s key findings to date. Implications for policy and social interventions are briefly discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 10:15:40','2016-04-21 15:46:03','','Waiting'),(2040,'Informal Employment and Subjective Well-being in Europe: Evidence from the European Social Survey Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Work constitutes one of the main spheres of human life. Hence, a person’s perception of work, or a type of job in particular, may affect their subjective well-being. The absence of any written labour contract, also known as “informal employment”, leads to uncertain prospects and an unstable low income situation, resulting in low job satisfaction. This paper attempts to reveal the impact of informal employment on subjective well-being in European countries by examining the differences between countries through employment protection legislation. Informal employment in countries with liberal employment protection legislation has a less negative effect on the subjective well-being of employees, than countries with strict legislation. The results, based on European Social Survey (2010) data, demonstrate a negative relationship between informal employment and subjective well-being. Countries with strict labour legislation face lower levels of subjective well-being due to a higher share of informal workers and a greater difference in happiness scores between the insiders (permanently employed) and outsiders (informally employed).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 10:27:19','2016-04-21 16:07:12','','Waiting'),(2041,'Political Legitimacy in Ireland During Economic Crisis: Insights from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since the 2008 economic crisis, there has been upheaval across Europe. In Ireland, the collapse of the banking, construction and property sectors, and the 2010 EU/International Monetary Fund loan and attached austerity conditions resulted in a dramatic election in 2011 that saw the removal of the dominant political party from power. Ireland provides an important case study to examine political legitimacy given the perceived culpability of political authorities in the recession and the effects of austerity on the population\'s welfare. In this article, we examine data from the European Social Survey over a ten-year period (2002–2012) to ascertain the impact of the crisis on political legitimacy. We measure change in trust in political institutions, satisfaction with government and the link between social trust and political legitimacy. The analysis is repeated separating ‘winners’ (those who voted for the parties in power) from ‘losers’ (those who did not vote for the parties in power). We find that trust in political institutions and satisfaction with government has declined since 2008. However, while satisfaction with government is increasing since the 2011 election, trust in government continues to decline. Social trust is only declining for those who did not vote for the parties in power.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 10:47:28','2016-04-21 16:12:59','','Waiting'),(2042,'The influence of sampling method and interviewers on sample realization in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article addresses the impact of different sampling procedures on realised sample quality in the case of probability samples. This impact was expected to result from varying degrees of freedom on the part of interviewers to interview easily available or cooperative individuals (thus producing substitutions). The analysis was conducted in a cross-cultural context using data from the first four rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS). Substitutions are measured as deviations from a 50/50 gender ratio in subsamples with heterosexual couples. Significant deviations were found in numerous countries of the ESS. They were also found to be lowest in cases of samples with official registers of residents as sample frame (individual person register samples) if one partner was more difficult to contact than the other. This scope of substitutions did not differ across the ESS rounds and it was weakly correlated with payment and control procedures. It can be concluded from the results that individual person register samples are associated with higher sample quality.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 11:20:18','2016-04-26 15:43:21','','Waiting'),(2043,'When Do People Want to Retire? The Preferred Retirement Age Gap Between Eastern and Western Europe Explained','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Debates surrounding working longer focus mainly on increasing legal and effective retirement ages, leaving the preferred retirement age largely overlooked. There is a large East-West divide in Europe regarding the latter, with individuals in Eastern Europe wanting to retire earlier. We aim to explain this gap in terms of differences in working conditions and state-level legal conditions. Using the 2010 European Social Survey data on employed individuals aged 50-70 in 24 countries enriched with country-level information, we find that part of the explanation is found in the lower levels of job control found in Eastern Europe. Moreover, the results suggest that Karasek’s job demand/control model fits better in Western than Eastern European countries. Another explanation is found at the country level, where the legal retirement age accounts for a major part of the gap in preferred retirement ages between East and West.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ave.roots@ut.ee','2016-04-01 11:37:42','2016-04-26 15:58:09','','Waiting'),(2044,'Perception of Efficacy of Social Benefits: Evidence from the European Social Survey ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The  analysis  of  the  Welfare  State  in  modern  societies  has  attributed  increasing  relevance  to  the  issue  of population  aging.  The  reduced  number  of  people  in  the  youngest  generation  versus  the  increasing  senior population is triggering a process of societal aging with large consequences on social policies and economy. In other words, it poses a problem concerning long-term sustainability of the welfare state. This paper discusses some of these dimensions through an analysis of the perception of old age pensions and other social benefits as key  factors  of  life  satisfaction  in  some  of  the  European  countries  within  the  European  Social  Models.  A methodology of logistic regression applied on a sample of individuals of the European Social Survey, has been used to study the contribution of social benefits for one society with less poverty and with more fairness towards well-being. It can be concluded that individuals had predominantly positive expectations concerning the effects of social benefits in terms of poverty prevention.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 12:14:46','2016-04-26 16:09:33','','Waiting'),(2045,'Albanian Reality In Anticipation Of Receiving The Invitation Of Being An European Union Candidate Place','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,' The Albanian journey towards European integration has started since 1991 with the overthrow of the communist political system and the establishment of a democratic political system. The prerequisites are the same for Albania: efficient state administration, powerful legal state, improvement of conditions for economic growth and expansion of regional cooperation. To have a better image of the social, economical and political situation in Albania, in this paper have been used important records obtained from the European Social Survey (ESS). This survey is implemented in 30 European countries. The European Social Survey took place for the first time in Albania in December 2012-February 2013. This paper studies the link between Albania and European Union. It analyzes some important topics through which the relationship of Albania with the European Union sometimes became close and sometimes shows a gap in between. Some data taken from the European Social Survey might be interesting in revealing the actual situation of Albania, its steps toward the European Union integration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 12:20:29','2016-04-26 16:26:38','','Waiting'),(2046,'Comparison of the quality estimates in a mixed-mode and a unimode design: An experiment from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the frame of the European Social Survey (ESS), a series of experiments were conducted to investigate if and how the ESS might move from the single face-to-face survey to a mixed-mode design. In order to determine this, many aspects have to be considered. As the ESS wants to maintain the possibility to compare its data across countries and across time, one of the requirements to introduce a mixed-mode design is that it leads to a similar data quality as the current unimode face-to-face design. In this study, we define the quality as the strength of the relationship between the latent concept of interest and the observed answers. Analyzing the experiment done in parallel of the ESS round 6 (2012–2013) in Estonia and the UK, we find that the quality is similar in the unimode and mixed-mode designs, at least for given scales. This is true both for single items and for composite scores. Therefore, standardized relationships in the main ESS round 6 and the mixed-mode experiments can be compared. Besides, for the composite scores, we also find metric and scalar invariance, meaning that unstandardized relationships and means can be compared for the two concepts tested across the unimode and the mixed-mode designs too.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 12:27:25','2016-04-26 16:37:49','','Waiting'),(2047,'The Achilles’ Heel of Welfare State Legitimacy: Perceptions of Overuse and Underuse of Social Benefits in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'When analysing the legitimacy of the welfare state, perceptions of the overuse and underuse of welfare are of great importance. Previous literature suggests that many people perceive overuse (misuse or fraud), and there is evidence that people also perceive underuse (non-take-up) of welfare benefits. Perceptions of overuse have therefore been called ‘the Achilles’ heel of welfare state legitimacy\'. We analyse data from the European Social Survey for 25 countries and investigate the occurrence and the individual and contextual determinants of overuse and underuse perceptions. We find that both overuse and underuse perceptions are prevalent in all European countries. However, whereas overuse perceptions are more related to ideology, collective images of welfare recipients and selective welfare regimes, underuse perceptions are more shaped by self-interest and the levels of unemployment and social spending in a country. Instead of one Achilles\' heel, welfare state legitimacy seems to have two weak spots.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 12:35:32','2016-04-26 16:51:11','','Waiting'),(2048,'Quantitative Analysis of the Elements of Interpersonal Trust of Poles','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Interpersonal trust is a crucial element of the social trust and contributes essentially to economic growth. Various studies show that the level of interpersonal trust in Poland is relatively low what is an unfavorable situation. This paper aims at giving a statistical insight into interpersonal trust elements distinguished in the European Social Survey which can be described as trustfulness, helpfulness and fairness. These three components are considered with respect to some socio-economic characteristics as gender and age. As the dataset used in this study comprises both metric and non-metric variables several analytical methods are applied to explore the structure and nature of relationships. Additionally, the analyses are supported by appropriate data visualization techniques.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-01 12:42:30','2016-04-27 14:22:16','','Waiting'),(2049,'Does Marriage and Having Children Make Life Better in Europe?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The diversity of family types is increasing in Europe. Existing research provides inconsistent results on whether having children in a family infl uences life satisfaction, and even less is known about how diff erent partnership and social support types infl uence life satisfaction. We investigate the life satisfaction of offi cially registered and cohabiting persons with and without children in 24 European countries using the latest European Social Survey data from 2012. To investigate the infl uence of society and individual selection on family types, we include a range of individual and macroeconomic indicators in the multilevel analyses. The results demonstrate that life satisfaction is infl uenced by partnership and partnership type, children in a household do not elevate life satisfaction, and lack of economic coping problems might raise the positive value of children. Although the general life satisfaction levels follow predominantly the East–West alignment, the life satisfaction of families within countries is more driven by social support and a clear division of countries between East and West societies is not perceivable.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://publications.tlu.ee/index.php/stss/article/view/302/224\n','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2016-04-01 14:18:38','2016-04-27 14:31:16','','Waiting'),(2050,'Well-being and environmental quality: Does pollution affect life satisfaction?','',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: We aimed to explore the effect of ambient air pollution on individual persons’ levels of subjective wellbeing. Our research question was: to what extent is an individual’s life satisfaction shaped by exposure to PM10? Methods: We used regression models to analyse data on subjective well-being indicators from the last two waves of the European social survey (ESS) and detailed information on local levels of the air pollutant PM10. Results: An increase in PM10 annual concentrations by 1 lg/m3 was associated with a significant reduction in life satisfaction of .017 points on the ESS 10-point life satisfaction scale. Conclusions: Our findings suggest that even in cases of relatively low levels of PM10 air pollution (mean annual concentration of 8.3 ± 3.9 lg/m3), in addition to the effects on physical health, exposure negatively affects subjective assessments of well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/?term=Maasikmets%20M[Author]&cauthor=true&cauthor_uid=26289023','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2016-04-01 14:31:40','2016-04-27 14:45:54','','Waiting'),(2051,'European Social Survey gives answers to questions that are necessary for governing a country','Euroopa Sotsiaaluuring annab vastused riigi juhtimiseks vajalikele küsimustele',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article gives an overview of the activities of the European Social Survey in Estonia in 2004-2015. Collecting of data for the European Social Survey started in Estonia in 2004. Estonia has participated in all subsequent rounds of study. New data for the survey are collected every two years. The survey has turned out to be very successful both by the great number of users and also by the number of publications based on the survey in Estonia. 1200 people use the data of the survey in Estonia, which is the second result per 1000 people in the world after Slovakia. In 2015, every three days an article about Estonia was published in international cooperation in every three days. The article gives an overview of the activities and princi¬ples that have been taken into account in conducting the survey and have contributed to its success. These include, first of all, open use of the data, training of users, and clear and user-friendly web output. For example, in 2012-2015, there were 39 special trainings for 1780 persons in Estonia. The results of the survey are valuable in making decisions for governing the country. A short overview of analyses that deal with two issues and were written on the basis of the data of the survey is given as an example of the usefulness of the European Social Survey in governing a country. The themes of these analyses are \"Stable and Successful State\" and \"Economic Growth, Social Relations and Welfare\".',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.riigikogu.ee/rito/public/documents/32/Mare_Ainsaar_Euroopa_Sotsiaaluuring_annab_vastused_riigi_juhtimiseks_vajalikele_kusimustele1.pdf\n','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2016-04-01 15:05:40','2016-04-27 15:02:13','','Waiting'),(2052,'The Environment, Health and Well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'People who are in a disadvantaged economic situation, and who have weaker links with society as well as poorer health, are more vulnerable to both socioeconomic and environmental risks and therefore, they feel these effects more acutely. More attention should be paid to the fact that environmental issues may aggravate the existing social issues. Third, social developments, including urbanisation and increased pressures on green spaces, population ageing and the resulting increase in the incidence of chronic illnesses (as well as the increase in the proportion of highly sensitive people who are more vulnerable to environmental factors), may amplify the negative effects of environmental health factors. Accelerating urban sprawl without long-term strategic planning will turn cities into focal points of many environmental and health problems. This will pose a challenge to urban and suburban planners who have to consider the well-being and health needs of different groups of society and the provision of ecosystem services',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.kogu.ee/vana/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/EIA-ENG_OK-1.pdf\n','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2016-04-01 15:26:41','2016-04-29 17:03:38','','Waiting'),(2053,'Predictors and Consequences of Job Insecurity: Comparison of Slovakia and Estonia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Job insecurity is a significant current social issue in many European countries. Slovakia and Estonia significantly differ in the prevalence of job insecurity. The main aim of the present study was to compare Slovakia and Estonia in regard to job insecurity by looking at socio-demographic, job and organisational predictors and individual and social consequences based on ESS round five data. The secondary aim was to examine relationships between job insecurity and its predictors as well as job insecurity and its consequences. The analysis covered employed people with unlimited or limited contracts, working 40-50 hours per week, within the age range of 20-60. The results suggested signifi cant differences in the predictors of job insecurity for Slovakia and Estonia. However, the individual, social and economic consequences of job insecurity were similar for both countries. This study contributes to an enhanced understanding of job insecurity predictors and consequences in the European region.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','istonova@saske.sk','2016-04-04 12:02:00','2016-04-29 17:15:20','','Waiting'),(2054,'To vote or not to vote? A macro perspective. Electoral participation by immigrants from different countries of origin in 24 European countries of destination','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Electoral participation of immigrants is an important issue in Europe, particularly because immigrants vote less often than natives. This may suggest a lack of political integration and might result in proportionally lower representation in parliament, in turn affecting democratic legitimacy. This research analyses 8,132 immigrants in 24 European countries. We find that although the largest differences are at the level of the country of destination, the measured characteristics of the country of origin offer more powerful explanations. We conclude that immigrants from countries with more political and socio-economic opportunities have a higher propensity to vote. Immigrants who live in countries with a higher economic development level also vote more often.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 09:32:10','2016-04-29 17:25:27','','Waiting'),(2055,'Social attitudes towards welfare policies in Russia and other European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on the 2008 data from ESS, the article analyses the attitudes of Russians towards state social policy, and compares their opinions with those of populations in selected European countries. The research identifies the factors affecting social attitudes toward welfare policies. Results suggest that Russians believe that the majority of social support functions must be provided by the state stems from the severity of these problems in the country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 09:40:09','2016-04-29 17:36:19','','Waiting'),(2056,'Changes in socioeconomic determinants of health: Comparing the effect of social and economic indicators through European welfare state regimes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Aim: This study is aimed at comparing the effect of different measures of socioeconomic status on self-rated health throughout European welfare state regimes during the period 2002–2008, in order to study how diverse socioeconomic inequalities can vary our health over time.\nSubjects and methods: This study uses the European Social Survey to compare the impact of three specific socioeconomic measures (income, education and occupational status) on self-rated health.\nResults: The main finding to be highlighted is that the importance of education-related inequalities surpasses differences in income and occupational status, especially in southern and eastern countries. The relationship between income and self-rated health is stronger in liberal and social-democratic regimes, where labour market regulation is characterized by its flexibility and high liberalization. The impact of occupational status is moderate among liberal, social-democratic and conservative regimes, but lower in southern and eastern ones.\nConclusion: These findings support the existence of a contextual effect among welfare states that varies the impact of social and economic indicators in self-rated health over time.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 09:52:09','2016-05-02 15:46:43','','Waiting'),(2057,'Demand for redistribution in the wake of the economic crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Data from the European Social Survey suggest that while average demand for redistribution in Europe has increased in the wake of the Great Recession, the change differs significantly across income groups. A twofold hypothesis is advanced to account for this phenomenon: (1) The severity of the crisis has led to a new awareness of economic risks among middle and higher income groups, which have traditionally been far less exposed to material risks; (2) the change in risk perceptions has led to a higher support for redistribution through the social insurance motive. Empirical evidence supports this hypothesis and shows effects to be strongest for the self-employed, older workers and those living in countries most affected by the crisis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 09:58:15','2016-06-23 14:42:22','','Waiting'),(2058,'PIAAC and its Methodological Challenges','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article gives an overview of the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) and introduces the methodological challenges in implementing the survey - especially those encountered in Germany. Adherence to high methodological standards is a prerequisite to participation in PIAAC and to inclusion of the national data of the respective participating countries in the international dataset (OECD, 2010). Depending on the standard in question, and on national circumstances, compliance is a challenging undertaking. This Special Issue discusses methodological challenges at different levels, and steps taken to implement PIAAC standards in Germany. The aspects addressed include sample design, survey instruments, field work preparation, data collection, and estimation standards. In this introductory article, we outline the central elements of the PIAAC design and the methodological challenges of the survey, and we present the other six articles in this special issue.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 10:05:30','2016-06-23 15:02:55','','Waiting'),(2059,'Success as a Cultural Value: A Comparison Between the Notions of Success and Well-being in Bulgaria and Hungary','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The goal of this paper is to compare the notions of personal well-being and individual success in Bulgaria and Hungary. Such comparison has not been studied yet in social and cultural sciences. The analysis is based on the results from the 3rd, 4th and 5th Round of the European Social Survey, the 2011’s Eurobarometer Qualitative Survey on attitudes to well-being and a small survey on the notions of individual success conducted by the author of this paper in Bulgaria and Hungary in January 2012. Results of this paper shed light on the most important motivating force of one’s existence and could be used as guidance for creating problem-solving practices in business and entrepreneurship, based on cultural values.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 10:09:47','2016-06-23 15:11:07','','Waiting'),(2060,'Interviewer Effects on Latent Constructs in Survey Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Interviewers may have an influence on the answers given by their respondents. Survey researchers usually estimate these interviewer effects on the univariate distributions of survey variables. However, it is also possible that associations between survey items are influenced by interviewer effects. In this paper, we analyze the covariance structure for a set of survey items that can be used for factor analysis. It is hypothesized that interviewers affect the covariances between items belonging to the same, as well as to different, latent constructs. As a consequence, factor loadings and correlations between latent constructs may be biased when interviewer effects are ignored. In order to assess the effects of interviewers on latent construct analysis, multilevel covariance analysis is performed on nine items belonging to three latent constructs derived from data of eight different countries in the European Social Survey, round 5. Results indicate that interviewer effects on these associations occur, but that their impact on measurement models is rather modest.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 10:16:45','2016-06-24 14:02:21','','Waiting'),(2061,'Does Low Power Distance Culture Contribute to Lower Long Term Unemployment? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we use European Social Survey (2012) microdata from 23 countries to assess the relationship between culture a person is facing at work and the probability of experiencing long- term unemployment by this person. The cultural factors that are tested are: the degree of freedom at work and influence on managerial decisions, which are treated as an indication of the level of power distance. The hypothesis is that low power distance culture encourages employees to gain more hard and soft skills as more responsibility is delegated to them. In our research we follow the concept that cultural factors are among root causes of economic outcomes. The low power distance approach to a subordinate resembles methods applied by personalized Active Labour Market Policies. Both approaches intend to make people aware of their responsibility for their economic outcomes and their power to improve these outcomes. The logit model proved a statistical significance of a relationship between cultural variables and probability of being long-term unemployed even after controlling for age, education, type of work, country and other control variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 10:23:26','2016-06-23 15:54:47','','Waiting'),(2062,'Representation of Southeast European Countries in International Survey Projects: Assessing Data Quality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper deals with the problem of unequal representation of countries in international surveys, and the differences in data quality between survey projects, both obstacles to cross-national comparative research. The first part of the paper investigates international surveys on general population samples conducted in South-East Europe in the period between 1990 and 2010. Documentation of country participation in both general and region- or theme-specific survey projects shows that some countries are systematically excluded from surveys. Consequently, from comparative perspective, the generalizability of research results is not only limited but also potentially biased, omitting atypical cases. The second part of the paper focuses on the quality of surveys. It finds that the most problematic element of surveys is survey documentation, an essential component of the data. Without documentation the value of datasets, analyses using them and conclusions drawn on their basis are questionable. The proposed synthetic measure of data quality, the Survey Quality Index, could lead to setting standards for the documentation of the survey process, and thus facilitate cross-national research and allow for meaningful integration of existing survey data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 10:32:44','2016-06-24 14:38:19','','Waiting'),(2063,'A Typology of Ideological Attitudes Towards Social Solidarity and Social Control','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on ideological attitudes has identified two main dimensions that refer to two fundamental features of group organization: social solidarity and social control. In response to prior research that has studied their relationship mainly from a correlational perspective, this paper introduces a social reality model based on psychological functionality of ideological attitudes. Social position variables (education, income and material vulnerability) and insecurity variables (fear of crime and distrust) are used to predict the interplay between ideological attitudes towards social solidarity and social control. Using K-means cluster analysis, a typology with four patterns of support for solidarity and control (‘socials’, ‘repressives’, ‘minimalists’ and ‘social-repressives’) was created, on the basis of representative survey data for the UK, France and Germany (N=7034). Results from logistic regression analyses show that the proposed social reality model explains membership in typology categories, with similar results across the three countries. Overall, the model underscores the social origins of ideological attitudes as functional responses to perceived social reality. The paper illustrates how the social psychological study of ideological attitudes may be enriched by a typological approach that examines patterns of attitudes rather than single dimensions. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 10:37:46','2016-06-24 15:36:33','','Waiting'),(2064,'Paid work versus accessibility in surveys: Are we running the risk of nonresponse bias? The example of ESS 5 in Poland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research data shows that nonresponse in surveys is increasingly connected with respondents’ lack of time caused, among others, by respondents’ performance of paid work. Since paid work is one of the key sociological characteristics, the underrepresentation of working citizens creates a risk of nonresponse bias in surveys. This paper draws on data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey in Poland to demonstrate how realistic this risk is. Apart from paid work, the paper analyses three dimensions of workload: total work hours, regular/irregular nature of work and place of residence/place of work (the same or different location) and time spent commuting to/from work. The results of our analysis show that there is a risk of nonresponse bias associated with the performance of paid work and time spent commuting to/from work in another location. This risk may be reduced by increasing the number of contact attempts with hard-to-reach respondents.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 10:41:36','2016-06-24 16:02:24','','Waiting'),(2065,'Perception of Social Discrimination in Results of The European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Empirical indices concerning social discrimination were applied repeatedly in the extensive sociological research (within The European Social Survey). They were applied in individual six rounds (in two-year cycles). The aim was to determinate the rate of generally perceived discrimination and to find particular reasons (forms) of discrimination (race, nationality, religion, language, ethnicity, age, gender, sexuality). The aim of the study is to inform technical community on the knowledge in the socioscientific field (perception of social discrimination in Slovakia and in other European countries) and to contribute to the enrichment of information base in the research sphere as well as to bring near sciences of different orientation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 10:47:20','2016-06-24 16:44:40','','Waiting'),(2066,'Employment vulnerability in Europe: Measurement and overview','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One of the most salient evolutions of labour markets in Europe is the increasing number of atypical job contracts (fixed-term contracts, temporary work) and an augmentation of job turnover. These phenomena weaken the relationship between employers and employees. The concept of employment vulnerability may be accurate to describe current evolutions. Our paper provides a set of new indicators of employment vulnerability, at individual level, for European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 10:56:23','2016-06-27 10:44:06','','Waiting'),(2067,'The functional theory of human values: From intentional overlook to first acknowledgement—A reply to Schwartz ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Schwartz has been aware of the Functional Theory of Values for over a decade. For the first time, Schwartz (2014) acknowledges the Gouveia theory and provides considerations based on the Gouveia, Milfont, and Guerra (2014) study. In this reply we present a historical overview of the development of the theory, noting unwarranted barriers to the publication of our work. We then address his comments, focusing on the theoretical innovations of the theory and remarking that recent refinements of Schwartz’s model were already evident in the Gouveia theory. Hypotheses tested in Gouveia et al. (2014) are also re-tested and supported with European Social Survey data using the Schwartz PVQ-21. We conclude by summarizing current projects that offer further opportunities to continue the theoretical debate.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 11:01:42','2016-06-27 12:27:26','','Waiting'),(2068,'Generation Y - The Balance between Lifestyle and Work','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Generation Y is a group of people born in the 80s and 90s of the twentieth century. In each country, determination of the age of persons belonging to this population may differ by several years. Attitudes of people of Generation Y to lifestyle and work, significantly differs from the opinion on this of older generations. The aim of the research was verification if the assessment of variables describing lifestyle and work expectation differs among 16-32 age people in years 2002 and 2012. Analysis of chosen single variables (the most adequate to lifestyle describing) were conducted. Highest differences between study groups were in perception of variable \"important to have a good time\". Followed correspondence analysis of grouped variables was carried out. Groups of variables were created with those which in a similar way describe lifestyle or work expectations. This procedure made it possible to obtain detailed information about the perception of the variables in the analyzed groups of people. The last analysis was done for all variables. It was a correspondence analysis with use of cluster analysis to indicate corresponding categories of variables. None of the groups of people was characterized by a negating statement for the variables: Important to try new and different things in life, Important to have a good time, Important to be successful and that people recognize achievements, Important to seek fun and things that give pleasure, Important to make own decisions and be free. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 11:09:12','2016-06-27 12:35:21','','Waiting'),(2069,'Response Styles In Cross-Cultural Research–Evidence From Historical Regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study aims to identify differences in response styles between regions which belong to Romania, but have previously been under foreign occupation. To do that, we employ data from the European Social Survey, the 2006 round. We investigate extreme response styles as this is known as a common problem in cross-cultural research. Extreme response styles increase reliability, but affect the validity as all correlation specific methods can be biased in this case. We compare response styles across regions and inside regions using language as a factor variable to identify ethnic groups. Results show that in some cases there are significant differences between regions of the same country, whereas there are none for neighbouring regions belonging to different countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 11:19:07','2016-06-27 13:08:49','','Waiting'),(2070,'Is a Break with Egalitarian Commitment Necessary to Sustain Europe’s Welfare State?','Is a Break with Egalitarian Commitment Necessary to Sustain Europe’s Welfare State?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Collectivist values, based on the ideas of egalitarian social compromise have been basic to the construction of the Welfare State, but today tend to break. Immigration and population heterogeneity thus hinder the identification of citizens with collective values. By contrast, emerging new values based on individual merit, which tends to generate a polarization of attitudes. For those profiles that have been the traditional working class, the social closure is a defence mechanism against competition for redistribution, which is reflected in negative views toward immigration. For those who make up the middle class, high level of education, high income and upper middle position, opinion on immigration and demand for solidarity is not a preferred option because they rely on the success of their individual trajectories.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I send this article publish in English and in Spanish language. This article has been published in the most important Spanish Review of Sociology.\nThis article is based in data of European Social Survey and provide a comparative overview of attitude towards immigration and its influence on Solidarity.','antonio.martin@uab.es','2016-04-06 11:37:03','2016-06-27 13:49:26','','Waiting'),(2071,'Is the Economic Crisis Challenging the Prevailing Gender Regime','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper addresses the question of whether the current economic and financial crisis is challenging the prevailing gender-equality model in four European countries: Denmark, Germany, Slovakia, and the United Kingdom. After situating the countries in relation to the underlying gender regime and analysing the corresponding position of women and men in paid and unpaid work, the paper contains an in-depth discussion of the short- and medium-term policy responses to the crisis. Our analysis shows that independent of the prevailing gender regime, scant public attention has been directed to gender-sensitive policy responses. These shortcomings are compounded by the observation that the downturn seems to be delaying progress on equality policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 12:56:12','2016-06-28 10:22:58','','Waiting'),(2072,'Employers’ Investment in Skills: Test of Skills Portability Argument','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Literature argues that propensity of firm-sponsored training depends on portability of skills. The paper seeks to test this hypothesis with the data from 5th European Social Survey that includes 21 EU Member State, Norway and Switzerland. Becker (1993) argued that employers will only invest in training that is of no use to other firms. The data does not support this hypothesis: European firms frequently invest in training that is highly valuable to other firms. Literature on labour market frictions argues that firms are likely to fund training, if the costs of switching employers’ are high. Data suggests that the reverse might be true: if individual have many outside options, the odds of receiving firm-sponsored training increases.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 13:02:02','2016-06-28 12:26:06','','Waiting'),(2073,'Examining the Association of Religious Context with Giving to Non-Profit Organizations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Why do citizens in religious groups and more religious countries give money to charitable causes? In this article we aim to theoretically and empirically unravel the influence of religious composition on giving to non-profit organizations across countries. Building on theories and research in sociology, social psychology, and economics we formulate hypotheses about individual- and contextual-level differences in engagement in religious and secular charitable giving. We test our hypotheses with multi-level analyses using data from the European Social Survey that include 21 European countries complemented with matching data from the United States (N1 = 41,314; N2 = 22). The results show no relationship between country-level devoutness and engagement in religious or secular giving. We do find that citizens in countries with a higher level of religious heterogeneity are more likely to engage in religious giving but not secular giving. We test two explanations for the relationship between giving and religious heterogeneity. We find support for the minority hypothesis that people belonging to a religious minority have a higher likelihood of giving but not for the group size hypothesis that the relative size of the religious denomination to which people belong to decreases their engagement in charitable giving.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 13:07:57','2016-06-28 15:16:39','','Waiting'),(2074,'The demand side of support for radical right parties','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines the link between individual attitudes and voting for radical right parties in 16 European countries, using the European Social Survey (ESS). This study includes, in a single model, several different components of the radical right political platform in order to test which components are more strongly found among radical right voters. Using the initial assumption that the anti-immigrant message of radical right parties should be attractive to individuals with similar predispositions, I use the ESS to find evidence that radical right voters are attracted to these parties because of the political message of immigration attitudes and anti-democratic attitudes. Further, depending on the context, social conservatism is associated with radical right support. In sum, radical right support is based on multiple factors with immigration attitudes as the primary consideration, with populism and social conservatism playing a minor but significant role.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 13:12:54','2016-06-28 15:22:29','','Waiting'),(2075,'Measuring Social Capital with Aggregated Indicators: A Case of Ecological Fallacy?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social capital has become a highly successful concept in social science despite widely perceived shortcomings in conceptualization and operationalization. The latter is frequently performed as a principal component analysis of individual survey data with subsequent aggregation to regional or national levels. The central focus of this paper is the interpretation of the diverging correlations observed between the dimensions elaborated on an individual and an aggregate level. We illustrate that the correlations of regionally aggregated components are the result of an improper application of a single-level model to a multilevel structure. This mechanism is demonstrated empirically by adopting results from the European Social Survey and elaborating dimensions of social capital from both individual and aggregate survey data for European regions. The findings clearly indicate that the observed ecological correlations are not simply spurious or inconsistent due to an ecological fallacy condition, but rather reflect the influence of regional driving forces. Researchers need to be more careful in taking account of the multilevel nature of the data in order to produce valid results. In fact, the often applied procedure of individual factorization and subsequent aggregation of data provides a mixture of the two level effects with potentially misleading implications.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 13:22:51','2016-06-29 11:03:13','','Waiting'),(2076,'Happy for how long? How social capital and economic growth relate to happiness over time','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What predicts the evolution over time of subjective well-being? We correlate the trends of subjective well-being with the trends of social capital and/or GDP. We find that in the long and the medium run social capital largely predicts the trends of subjective well-being. In the short-term this relationship weakens. Indeed, in the short run, changes in social capital predict a much smaller portion of the changes in subjective well-being than over longer periods. GDP follows a reverse path, thus confirming the Easterlin paradox: in the short run GDP is more positively correlated to well-being than in the medium-term, while in the long run this correlation vanishes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-06 13:32:27','2016-06-29 16:00:27','','Waiting'),(2077,'Homonegativity among first and second generation migrants in Europe: The interplay of time trends, origin, destination and religion','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous studies reported declining disapproval of homosexuality in Europe but have simultaneously identified the decelerating effect of religiosity and the higher disapproval of homosexuality among migrants. In this paper, we address disapproval of homosexuality among first- and second-generation migrants in Europe by assessing (1) period and cohort changes, (2) origin and destination country influences and (3) the role of religiosity. We develop a specific cross-classified multilevel design enabling us to simultaneously examine these influences. We test hypotheses using a subsample of the European Social Survey (ESS), containing 19,878 first and second generation migrants. The analyses lead to three important conclusions. Firstly, disapproval of homosexuality is declining both over time and across cohorts. Secondly, migrants conform to levels of disapproval of homosexuality among natives in the destination country, and this explains the decline among migrants over time. Thirdly, religion has a multi-faceted influence on levels of disapproval of homosexuality among migrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-08 11:40:48','2016-06-30 11:18:19','','Waiting'),(2078,'It\'s who you know: Political influence on anti-immigrant attitudes and the moderating role of intergroup contact','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines whether political frames influence anti-immigrant attitudes among native populations in 21 European countries, and if this relationship is somehow moderated by personal experiences of intergroup contact. Using data from the Comparative Manifesto Project and European Social Survey, two indicators of intergroup contact are tested: immigrant friends and immigrant colleagues, to see whether they can counter the effect of nationalistic political framing. The analysis reveals a positive relationship between nationalistic frames and anti-immigrant attitudes that is moderated by experiences of intergroup contact. In this sense, extensive contact with immigrants seems to inoculate individuals against political influences. The results contribute to a better understanding of both the role of political contexts and of the consequences of intergroup contact.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-08 11:49:42','2016-06-30 13:51:44','','Waiting'),(2079,'Social capital and health: Evidence that ancestral trust promotes health among children of immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper presents evidence that generalized trust promotes health. Children of immigrants in a broad set of European countries with ancestry from across the world are studied. Individuals are examined within country of residence using variation in trust across countries of ancestry. The approach addresses reverse causality and concerns that the trust measure picks up institutional factors in the individual\'s contextual setting. There is a significant positive estimate of ancestral trust in explaining self-assessed health. The finding is robust to accounting for individual, parental, and extensive ancestral country characteristics. Individuals with higher ancestral trust are also less likely to be hampered by health problems in their daily life, providing evidence of trust influencing real life outcomes. Individuals with high trust feel and act healthier, enabling a more productive life.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-08 12:09:50','2016-06-30 13:57:50','','Waiting'),(2080,'The influence of gender equality policies on gender inequalities in health in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Few studies have addressed the effect of gender policies on women\'s health and gender inequalities in health. This study aims to analyse the relationship between the orientation of public gender equality policies and gender inequalities in health in European countries, and whether this relationship is mediated by gender equality at country level or by other individual social determinants of health.\n\nA multilevel cross-sectional study was performed using individual-level data extracted from the European Social Survey 2010. The study sample consisted of 23,782 men and 28,655 women from 26 European countries. The dependent variable was self-perceived health. Individual independent variables were gender, age, immigrant status, educational level, partner status and employment status. The main contextual independent variable was a modification of Korpi\'s typology of family policy models (Dual-earner, Traditional-Central, Traditional-Southern, Market-oriented and Contradictory). Other contextual variables were the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM), to measure country-level gender equality, and the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). For each country and country typology the prevalence of fair/poor health by gender was calculated and prevalence ratios (PR, women compared to men) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) were computed. Multilevel robust Poisson regression models were fitted.\n\nWomen had poorer self-perceived health than men in countries with traditional family policies (PR = 1.13, 95%CI: 1.07–1.21 in Traditional-Central and PR = 1.27, 95%CI: 1.19–1.35 in Traditional-Southern) and in Contradictory countries (PR = 1.08, 95%CI: 1.05–1.11). In multilevel models, only gender inequalities in Traditional-Southern countries were significantly higher than those in Dual-earner countries.\n\nGender inequalities in self-perceived health were higher, women reporting worse self-perceived health than men, in countries with family policies that were less oriented to gender equality (especially in the Traditional-Southern country-group). This was partially explained by gender inequalities in the individual social determinants of health but not by GEM or GDP.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-08 12:52:52','2016-07-20 09:28:25','','Waiting'),(2081,'Self-perceived job insecurity across Europe over time: Does changing context matter','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Self-perceived job insecurity is characterised by a considerable variation across European countries; this is mostly attributed to different labour market conditions and welfare-state institutions. In addition to the previous, often static examination of these determinants, this study asks how labour market dynamics and changes in welfare-state interventions are linked to individuals’ perceptions of job insecurity. It is argued that the changing context represents a set of shared experiences that serves as a frame of reference for the perception of job insecurity. Hence, time series of context indicators provided by Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and data from the European Social Survey are used to conduct multilevel analyses. The results reveal that job insecurity is dynamic, as it increases in countries facing an economic crisis, such as Greece, but decreases in countries with prosperous development like Poland. Furthermore, the results reveal that the past development of the labour market and changes in welfare-state interventions contribute to the explanation of individuals’ perceptions of job insecurity. The response to these changes differs, however, depending on the dimension of job insecurity and the socio-economic characteristics of the workers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-08 13:30:49','2016-07-01 09:24:35','','Waiting'),(2082,'Random Route and Quota Sampling: Do They Offer Any Advantage over Probably Sampling Methods?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is to compare sample quality across two probability samples and one that uses probabilistic cluster sampling combined with random route and quota sampling within the selected clusters in order to define the ultimate survey units. All of them use the face-to-face interview as the survey procedure. The hypothesis to be tested is that it is possible to achieve the same degree of representativeness using a combination of random route sampling and quota sampling (with substitution) as it can be achieved by means of household sampling (without substitution) based on the municipal register of inhabitants. We have found such marked differences in the age and gender distribution of the probability sampling, where the deviations exceed 6%. A different picture emerges when it comes to comparing the employment variables, where the quota sampling overestimates the economic activity rate (2.5%) and the unemployment rate (8%) and underestimates the employment rate (3.46%).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-08 13:48:18','2016-07-01 09:27:47','','Waiting'),(2083,'Cross-National Correspondence Analysis of Generational Differences in the Perception of Work Conditions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper attempts to verify the hypothesis of the existence of generational differences in the perception of the conditions and quality of work. The research issues considered in this paper are chosen following the regularities observed in the labor markets indicating that special attention should be paid to two age groups: the youngest and the oldest persons. The highest unemployment rate in the EU is observed among young people who encounter various barriers at the beginning of their professional career. On the other hand, the older group of people is expected to provide an important contribution to the labor force to face the problem of aging societies. The objective labor market indicators should be confronted with the results of the subjective opinions of the labor market participants in order to have a comprehensive outlook of the situation. The chosen multivariate method is applied to analyze the opinions of both young and older Europeans taking into consideration the spatial diversity. The opinions about current work given by European Social Survey respondents are analyzed, among others these are the variety of current work, possibilities of learning new things at work, effort-salary relation, support received from other workers etc. The paper presents some results obtained from the applications of correspondence analysis whose usefulness is determined by the measurement scales of the regarded variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-11 09:04:05','2016-07-20 10:11:56','','Waiting'),(2084,'Believing and belonging in Europe 1981-2007: comparisons of longitudinal trends and determinants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates (trends and determinants of) individual combinations of religious believing and belonging in Europe from a cross-national and longitudinal perspective. Individual level data for the period 1981-2007 in 42 countries derived from the European Values Survey and the European Social Survey are harmonised and enriched with contextual characteristics, constituting a more comprehensive data base for Europe than any previous research. Complementary hypotheses from modernization and market theories are derived systematically and tested rigorously.We find differential trends. In western societies, the popularity of secularity and consistent religiosity has persisted. In former communist societies, the popularity of consistent religiosity has increased whereas secularity has decreased. In both western and former communist societies, solitary religiosity has been a clear yet small phenomenon, somewhat increasing in western societies and somewhat decreasing in former communist societies. A crucial hypothesis derived from modernization theories, stating that financial and social security would decrease consistent religiosity, is empirically supported.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-11 09:22:03','2016-07-01 11:09:11','','Waiting'),(2085,'Citizen’s Dissatisfection With Democracy and Protest: Russia in the European Context','Неудовлетворенность Граждан Демократией И Протест: Россия В Европейском Контексте',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In modern democracies there are a lot of \"dissatisfied democrats\" who keep commitment to democratic values, but are dissatisfied with political system in the country.  There is an assumption which didn\'t receive still convincing confirmation that such \"critical citizens\" will promote further democratization, actively using for this purpose a political protest.  For verification of this assumption data of the European Social Survey 2012 and the World Bank for 27 countries were analyzed by statistical methods of hierarchical two-level (logistic) modeling.  The indicator of protest activity is participation in signing petitions, in boycotts or lawful demonstrations.  The study showed that such protest was widespread in Western Europe, but not in the new democracies of Eastern and Central Europe.  The discrepancy between democratic values and assessments of the state of democracy is particularly evident, on the contrary, in new regimes.  This democratic deficit plays a significant role in mobilizing protest activity, but only under favorable societal conditions when the society is rich in resources and political opportunities.  Russia is among the countries with a high level of dissatisfaction with democracy, but low levels of societal resources, and especially of political openness, so critical feelings not encourage our fellow citizens to the regular use of direct pressure on the authorities to develop genuine democratic institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2016-04-11 11:55:01','2016-07-01 13:30:28','','Waiting'),(2086,'Health In The European States: SES Inequalities and Social Capital','Здоровье В Странах Европы: Статусные Неравенства И Влияние Социального Капитала',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is devoted to a problem of social capital’s influence on SES inequalities in health.  The European Social Survey data for 27 countries (ESS Round 6, 2012) and statistics for these countries (World Bank, Eurostat, etc.) were analyzed by means of hierarchical two-level modeling.  In all states, whatever was the level of their general welfare, there were considerable inequalities in health between the lower and top layers of social structure.  Social capital - interaction networks, social support and trust - promotes strengthening of health in any social strata.  In many countries the buffer effect is shown – the social capital promotes smoothing of SES inequalities due to more noticeable improvement of health in the lower layers in relation to the top.  Nevertheless such effect (statistically highly significant) is not very strong and depends on a context.  It can be found with higher probability in the most advanced European countries - with strong economy, low income inequality and “social democratic” regime of welfare state.  In less developed parts of Europe presented by Russia and other Post-Soviet states and in countries with “liberal” or “mediterranean” regime, compensatory influence of the social capital, as a rule, is not found.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2016-04-11 12:11:35','2016-07-01 13:43:00','','Waiting'),(2087,'Support for a general factor of well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Well-being is typically defined as positive feeling (e.g. happiness), positive functioning (e.g. competence, meaning) or a combination of the two. Recent evidence indicates that well-being indicators belonging to different categories can be explained by single “general” factor of well-being (e.g. Jovanovic, 2015). We further test this hypothesis using a recent well-being scale, which includes indicators of positive feeling and positive functioning (Huppert & So, 2013). While the authors of the scale originally identified a two-factor structure, in view of recent evidence, we hypothesize that the two-factor solution may be due to a method effect of different items being measured with different rating scales. In study 1, we use data from the European Social Survey round 3 (n = 41,461) and find that two factors have poor discriminant validity and, after using a bifactor model to account for different rating scales, only the general factor is reliable. In study 2, we eliminate method effects by using the same rating scale across items, recruit a new sample (n = 507), and find that a one-factor model fits the data well. The results support the hypothesis that well-being indicators, typically categorized as “positive feeling” and “positive functioning,” reflect a single general factor. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','yleniolongo@gmail.com','2016-04-18 20:56:52','2016-07-01 14:02:16','','Waiting'),(2088,'The Electoral Success of the Movimento 5 Stelle. An Example of a Left Populist Vote?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Movimento 5 Stelle in Italy is often cited as an example of a European trend toward the rapidly increasing electoral appeal of populist parties. This article assesses the voting motives of the Movimento electorate in comparative perspective, based on the 2012 European Social Survey. The findings show that, in contrast to the populist electorate in other European countries, Movimento voters are not motivated by anti-immigrant sentiments or by left-right ideology. Rather, Movimento voters are motivated by a negative evaluation of the functioning of the political system, and the concluding discussion relates these findings to recent political history in Italy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','oser@post.harvard.edu','2016-04-20 14:42:28','2016-07-01 14:54:42','','Waiting'),(2089,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Racism has no Face in Estonia','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eestis ei ole rassismil nägu',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey data from 2014 shows that 34 per cent of Estonian inhabitants believes that some races or ethnic groups are born less intelligent than others. Such racist views are spread among people with very different background.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/9a434a15-c1fb-41c2-b285-b5ecd31fcf9d/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-eestis-ei-ole-rassismil-nagu','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-04-22 13:30:28','2016-07-20 11:01:15','','Waiting'),(2090,'Working Weekends: Changing European Time Regimes and Gender Inequality in Household Labor','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European countries are undergoing significant changes in employment schedules, including increases in weekend work with potential consequences for families. We focus on one arena of family life—the couple’s division of housework—to investigate implications of weekend work for this aspect of gender equality. Furthermore, we situate these divisions within the cross-national context of wives’ weekend work to determine whether nonstandard employment has more general implications for domestic practices. Using 2004 European Social Survey data for married respondents in 25 nations, we test original hypotheses which address time availability arguments, the qualitative differences in weekend and weekday time, and the gendered nature of domestic roles. We find husbands and wives accommodate to weekend employment, but women benefit less from these domestic adaptations. Regardless of their personal employment arrangements, husbands do relatively more housework and wives less in countries where wives’ weekend work is more prevalent.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-25 10:23:37','2016-07-05 09:44:43','','Waiting'),(2091,'Perceptions on Ideal and Real-world Social and Healthcare Services Management: Evidence from the Czech Republic, Finland, and Portugal Comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this exploratory qualitative research is to map the situation of culture and quality management in social and healthcare (SH) services as experienced by management students in the Czech Republic, Finland, and Portugal. The intercultural theories and contemporary principles of healthcare management form the theoretical background of the research. The explored central phenomenon is conceptualized as the experience of the differences between ideal and real-world situations in the SH sector. Three mutually dependent analytical categories—management perceptions, environment for SH services, and country-level perceptions with 12 subcategories—have been constructed from the testimonies. The common underlying ideals mirrored in the perceptions have been deconstructed as the result of the cultures of business management and care, which influence the students’ perceptions. This exploration has been valuable in defining an under researched territory of cross-cultural management in healthcare. Specific variables and potential dynamics among them are identified, allowing for a more focused study of the phenomenon in the future.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-25 10:30:23','2016-07-05 10:08:28','','Waiting'),(2092,'Disagreements among cohabiting and married couples in 22 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Cross-national research suggests that married people have higher levels of well-being than cohabiting people. However, relationship quality has both positive and negative dimensions. Researchers have paid little attention to disagreements within cohabiting and married couples.\n\nObjective: This study aims to improve our understanding of the meaning of cohabitation by examining disagreements within marital and cohabiting relationships. We examine variations in couples’ disagreements about housework, paid work and money by country and gender.\n\nMethods: The data come from the 2004 European Social Survey. We selected respondents living in a heterosexual couple relationship and aged between 18 and 45. In total, the study makes use of data from 22 European countries and 9,657 people. Given that our dependent variable was dichotomous, we estimated multilevel logit models, with (1) disagree and (0) never disagree.\n\nResults: We find that cohabitors had more disagreements about housework, the same disagreements about money, but fewer disagreements about paid work than did married people. These findings could not be explained by socio-economic or demographic measures, nor did we find gender or cross-country differences in the association between union status and conflict.\n\nConclusions: Cohabiting couples have more disagreements about housework but fewer disagreements about paid work than married people. There are no gender or cross-country differences in these associations. The results provide further evidence that the meaning of cohabitation differs from that of marriage, and that this difference remains consistent across nations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-25 10:36:51','2016-07-05 10:34:43','','Waiting'),(2093,'Efficiency of knowledge bases in urban population and economic growth – Evidence from European cities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Knowledge is increasingly becoming a vital factor in a city’s development. However, the mechanism of the transformation of a knowledge base into urban development remains unclear. This study estimates the impact of the knowledge bases of European cities on both city-level population growth and economic growth. Its findings shed new light on the role of knowledge processes in the development of cities in both new Member states and in the EU-15. Our results suggest that cities in new Member states turn their knowledge bases into urban growth more efficiently than those in the EU-15, especially owing to the weak initial level of synthetic knowledge creation and transfer. We also demonstrate that economic growth in 2004–2009 was mainly attributed to economic convergence and internal knowledge transfer with sales effects.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-25 10:47:34','2016-07-05 11:10:05','','Waiting'),(2094,'Women and part-time work in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines female part-time employment in 23 European countries, distinguishing between “short” and “long” part-time employment. The short form, defined as less than 20 hours per week, is associated with the youngest and oldest age groups, slight disability, a higher number of children, lower skill levels, and employment in community, social and personal services. Although the incidence of part-time employment varies considerably across countries, long part-time employment is generally more widespread than short part-time employment, albeit with matching cross-country variations in the incidence of the two types. This suggests that they are complementary, rather than substitutes for one another.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-25 10:52:57','2016-07-05 13:09:29','','Waiting'),(2095,'Socio-cultural Cleavages in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates socio-cultural differences among European countries. The theoretical roots of our defined socio-cultural dimensions are elaborated in a multidisciplinary field. According to the considerable scientific literature, various socio-cultural aspects such as trust, tolerance, civic norms and social networks have a serious impact on the development potential of a country or a region. We empirically tested the characteristics of these socio-cultural aspects on the European Social Survey database. The main conclusion of the paper is that there is a definite socio-cultural cleavage between the northern/western and the Central and Eastern European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-25 11:04:18','2016-07-05 14:04:59','','Waiting'),(2096,'Social Quality Indicators in Times of Crisis: The Case of Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Chronic deficiencies of the Greek welfare state and the introduction of austerity measures as part of the international financial bailout agreements have created an explosive cocktail of poverty and social exclusion that severely tested the resilience of the frail social safety net and the demands of equity. The score on the indicators of social quality has worsened considerably as the Greek welfare system was overhauled. This article examines the four conditional factors of social quality from the viewpoint of socio-economic policies and everyday experiences in Greece during the crisis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-25 11:09:42','2016-07-05 14:29:26','','Waiting'),(2097,'Children\'s Divorce and Parent-Child Contact: A Within-Family Analysis of Older European Parents','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives: Studies have shown that a parental divorce has a negative effect on parent–child relations. This study examines how adult children’s divorce affects the amount of contact children have with older parents, making a distinction between the effects of being single on the one hand and the effects of divorce on the other hand.\n\nMethod: Using data on older adults in 11 European countries, I estimate within-family regression models to compare multiple adult children per parent (19,454 children aged 30–49; 10,476 parents aged 50–96). I analyze contact frequency while taking into account coresidence and distance.\n\nResults: When comparing single divorced children and married children, no difference in contact is observed, but divorced children are more likely to live with their parents. When comparing among children who are single, divorced children have less frequent contact with parents than never-married children. This negative divorce effect exists for sons and daughters and is found in 9 of the 11 countries.\n\nDiscussion: The divorce of a child has a double meaning: it leads to being single, which is associated with stronger intergenerational ties, but it is also a non-normative and stressful life event, which is associated with weaker intergenerational ties.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-25 11:17:23','2016-07-20 11:09:48','','Waiting'),(2098,'Social capital and job satisfaction: The case of Europe in times of economic crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study uses data for 23 countries elicited from the 2010/11 wave of the European Social Survey to examine the stability of social capital as a predictor of job satisfaction at a time of economic crisis. The analysis reveals a remarkably resilient impact of social capital and its constituent components during the economic downturn. However, this resilience is much less pronounced when the focus is on countries where the crisis was most severe, suggesting an economic development threshold below which certain social capital components lose their associational impact. However, religious activity is significantly associated with workers’ job satisfaction in these economies, providing comfort during times of socio-economic difficulty. The extent of organizational trust, measured by proxy variables for participative decision-making, has by far the strongest association with job satisfaction. This suggests that employers need to think again about the way they treat their employees to maximize the benefits of social capital and, ultimately, improve the job satisfaction scores of their workers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 08:51:46','2016-07-20 11:21:22','','Waiting'),(2099,'The gap between births intended and births achieved in 22 European countries, 2004–07','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the 2004 and 2007 waves of the European Social Survey (ESS), we find that for every 100 births intended, about 60 births occur, on average, across 22 countries. This shortfall in fertility masks substantial heterogeneity between subgroups within the populations surveyed. Motherhood status, age, partnership status, and the strength of fertility intentions moderate the relationship between women\'s childbearing plans and births measured at the country level. Individual-level analyses using data from three countries included in the 2005 and 2008 waves of the Generations and Gender Survey are consistent with our country-level analyses. We demonstrate that repeat cross-sectional data can be used to analyse the correspondence between childbearing plans and births when longitudinal data are lacking.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 09:00:28','2016-07-20 13:49:47','','Waiting'),(2100,'Comparison of Three Modes for a Crime Victimization Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper compares three different modes of data collection: face-to-face, telephone, and web surveys for a national crime survey. The survey designs compared are as identical as possible. Our application area, crime victimization, is demanding in many ways, and not least because of the sensitivity of many of the questions. We first assess the effects that each mode has on frame coverage and on the nonresponse rate. We exploit this analysis in order to develop adjusted sample weights so that we can compare differences in measurement. Second, we hypothesize that the mode that better secures confidentiality will produce higher victimization prevalence. Our results suggest that sensitive questions were particularly difficult in telephone interviews. It seems that the representativeness of survey results depends on several factors—not solely, for instance, on the response rate.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 09:16:39','2016-07-20 14:29:03','','Waiting'),(2101,'Preferences for redistribution after the economic crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses the effects of the recent Economic Crisis on individual preferences for redistribution in 23 European countries. After implementing a decomposition of the variation in these preferences, it is showed that the crisis was highly significant in increasing support for redistribution. It is found that more unemployment and, in particular, youth unemployment has considerably raised the citizens’ demand for redistribution.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 09:25:40','2016-07-20 14:39:35','','Waiting'),(2102,'The Economic Recovery Five Years after the Financial Crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The slow recovery from the recession that ended in 2009 has been the subject of much analysis and comment. However, has the recovery really been slower than expected given the magnitude of the recession, historical patterns, and long-term changes in the U.S. economy and labor force? It is contended here that when these factors are taken into account, the recovery is fairly typical of the post-1960 experience. This paper lays out this case, after providing an overview of the economy as of September 2013. It then turns to the factors underlying the long-term trend of declining labor force participation and concludes by offering implications for policy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 09:30:17','2016-07-20 14:44:11','','Waiting'),(2103,'Homonegativity in the Technical and Vocational Track: A Survey of Secondary School Students in Flanders','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Students from the technical and vocational track in Flanders have more homonegative attitudes than other students. We investigate what explains this track difference and if the homonegativity is reflected in more bullying experiences by lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) students in these tracks. The results show that sex-role ideology and religion are related to homonegative attitudes, but they do not explain the greater homonegativity of technical and vocational track students. The study also confirms that LGB students experience significantly more bullying than heterosexual students, but the experience of bullying does not differ significantly between tracks.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 09:42:49','2016-07-20 14:49:08','','Waiting'),(2104,'Ethnic Diversity, Economic and Cultural Contexts, and Social Trust: Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Evidence from European Regions, 2002-2010','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Agrowing literature investigates the relationship between ethnic diversity and social trust. Comparative research in the European context employing country-level indicators has predominantly produced inconclusive results. This study examines the relationship between immigration-related diversity and social trust at the sub-national level of European regions. The regional perspective allows the capture of relevant variations in ethnic context while it still generates comparable results for a broader European context. Using survey data from the European Social Survey 2002–2010 merged with immigration figures from the European Labour Force Survey, this study builds upon previous research by testing the relationships between various diversity indicators and social trust in cross-sectional and longitudinal perspective. In addition, it investigates the role of economic and cultural contexts as moderators. The results show that across European regions, different aspects of immigration-related diversity are negatively related to social trust. In longitudinal perspective, an increase in immigration is related to a decrease in social trust. Tests of the conditional hypotheses reveal that regional economic growth and ethnic polarization as a cultural context moderate the relationship. Immigration growth is particularly strongly associated with a decrease in social trust in contexts of economic decline and high ethnic polarization. However, there is some evidence that in contexts of low polarization the relationship is actually positive.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 12:22:24','2016-07-20 14:55:56','','Waiting'),(2105,'Social capital and self-rated health among older adults: a comparative analysis of Finland, Poland and Spain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is to investigate the association between structural and cognitive aspects of social capital and self-rated health among adults aged 50 or more, living in three countries: Finland, Poland and Spain. The study, which was based on data from the European Social Survey (2008/09), was a part of the EU research project COURAGE in Europe. More specifically the paper assesses the association between social capital indicators – informal social network and general trust – and good self-rated health through single-level and joint effects analyses. The results showed that Finland was a country of high social capital, in terms of both social networks and general trust, while Spain showed low levels of general trust and Poland low levels of informal social networks. As to the association between social capital and self-rated health, high levels of general trust and high networks were found to be associated with good health among all countries\' respondents. Older persons living in partnerships, with higher education, higher levels of engagement in informal networks and general trust, were found to be more likely to show good self-rated health. Our comparative analyses revealed different associations between social capital and health according to country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 12:28:55','2016-07-21 09:40:57','','Waiting'),(2106,'\'A nation of vicars and merchants\': Religiosity and Dutch MEPs','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Religion is a major driving force in the Dutch political system and as European integration has progressed, it is often argued that these national practices affect how national representatives act in the European Parliament (EP). Our aim in this study is to determine to what extent the religious divide impacts upon the work of Dutch MEPs in the European political arena. On the basis of the RelEP survey and interviews, we argue that religious or secular views are very salient to Dutch MEPs, but that their impact is largely indirect. Moreover, we find that Dutch MEPs actively use the EP and its committee system in an attempt to redefine the relationship between church and state in the Netherlands. And finally, we argue that the European arena offers new opportunities for mobilisation among those promoting secularist interests.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 12:42:01','2016-07-21 10:16:33','','Waiting'),(2107,'High-skilled immigrants in times of crisis. A cross-European analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In times of economic turmoil, do high-skilled immigrants (HSIMs) tremble, or are they better suited than non-immigrants or low-skill immigrants to cope with such instability? This paper sheds some light on HSIMs’ social integration during crisis by considering their life satisfaction, ability to get paid work, and civic participation. European Social Survey (ESS) data are used in multilevel models aiming to disentangle the effect of recession in the host economy from that of living through times of crisis. The existing literature does not point in a clear direction, but the use of acculturation perspective, along with the self-selection hypothesis, help to derive clearer expectations. Diverse pathways are revealed. In troubled economies, HSIMs succeed in increasing their access to paid work and involvement in organizations, but their life satisfaction decreases. In functional economies, the situation is reversed: Life satisfaction seems to have a protective role in relation to the slightly higher difficulties in the labor market and lesser civic participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 12:49:21','2016-07-21 11:26:11','','Waiting'),(2108,'The crumbling or strengthening of social capital? The economic crisis’ impact on social networks and interpersonal trust in Slovenia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The economic crisis is bringing uncertainty, change, worries and distress into the everyday lives of people, which has an effect on the level and form of social capital. The literature offers two opposing arguments regarding the impact of shocks and material uncertainty on social capital. The first one emphasises the instrumental nature of interpersonal relations and claims that the increased need for mutual help and support that arises during crisis periods strengthens social networks. In contrast, the second argument brings forward the problem of a social networks overload, which threatens to break them up during crises. More importantly, interpersonal dependence can lead to the closing off of social responsibility and solidarity into narrow family networks, thus reducing social capital among social groups and in society in general. In this paper, we empirically confront these two arguments in the context of the econo- mic crisis of 2008 in Slovenia. We compare the characteristics of social networks and interpersonal trust before the crisis with those measured several years after it began.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 12:59:46','2016-07-21 11:54:02','','Waiting'),(2109,'Trust in Police by Slovenian Law and Criminal Justice and Security Students','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this paper is to explore criminal justice students’ and law students’ trust in the police and factors related to trusting the police. The data were collected using a web-survey on a convenient sample of law students and criminal justice and security students. The data were analysed by descriptive and multivariate statistical methods. The findings imply that variables procedural justice, police effectiveness, police authority and legal cynicism have impact on trust in police. Furthermore, regression analysis shows that for law students the variables police authority, procedural justice, police effectiveness, distributive justice, deterrence and legal cynicism significantly predict trust in police. Regression analysis for criminal justice students implies that variables police authority, police effectiveness, and procedural justice significantly predict trust in police. Results of discriminant analysis imply that law students more positively respond on variables about life goals and moral credibility. Mean values of the variables police authority, trust in police, legal cynicism, and procedural justice by criminal justice students are higher than those by law students. The article presents the foundation for further research on student’s perception of trust in the police in Slovenia and includes several suggestions on how to improve their trust in police.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 13:09:54','2016-07-21 12:23:33','','Waiting'),(2110,'Anti-politics in Action? Measurement Dilemmas in the Study of Unconventional Political Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There are good reasons to test more refined measures of protest to better understand protesters’ disaffection with and disconnection from politics. This article assesses whether disaffection and disconnection predict each of: protest participation (aggregated), participation in demonstrations, and differential participation in demonstrations. Failure to vote does not predict participation in demonstrations but positively predicts participation in “protest” (aggregated). Those who demonstrate more frequently are more likely to participate in electoral politics than less frequent demonstrators. Most protesters are at least moderately engaged with formal politics, despite lacking trust in political institutions. Protest is not, therefore, a straightforward expression of anti-politics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-26 13:18:27','2016-07-21 12:40:51','','Waiting'),(2111,'Defamilialisation Policies and Attitudes and Behaviour Among Mothers in Twelve European Countries. Do results for Denmark, Finland and Sweden differ from the others? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Diverse family leave and day care policies create varying monetary incentives for mothers to stay at home with their children. They also affect attitudes of mothers and this should influence childcare decisions. In this study, attitudes of mothers towards cutting down on paid work for the sake of family as well as their behaviour regarding childcare at home were studied in 12 European countries. Of special interest were Denmark, Finland and Sweden, three Nordic countries with a long tradition of childcare policies supporting mothers’ work participation. The data is based on the European Social Survey (ESS) Round 2, conducted in 2004 and 2005. The least familialistic attitudes were found in Sweden, Denmark and Finland. A coarse indicator for the effectiveness of childcare policy was devised and indicated that attitudes correlated with the policies in several countries. No correspondence was found between attitudes and average times spent with children at home. Regarding the Nordic countries (particularly Sweden and Finland), the contradictions observed were consistent with childcare policies that affect short- and long-term behaviour in opposite directions. In Finland, a familialistic attitude was relatively common among mothers whose youngest child was under 1-year-old.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 09:30:17','2016-07-21 13:57:07','','Waiting'),(2112,'Collective action problems: Disentangling possible feedback loops between government policies and the public\'s value-change','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Solving collective action problems, such as poverty reduction or climate change, depends on interactions between governments\' and voters\' preferences regarding pro-social actions. This paper examines whether the overall direction of change in pro-social public policy precedes public value-change, rather than the other way around. We examine change in the public’s pro-social values in six European countries, as measured by the European Social Survey (ESS) during 2002-2012. In these countries, we conducted an expert survey to rate governmental policy that expresses these values over the same period, thereby examining value-change in governmental policy. The chronological comparison of value-change of the public with that of respective governments suggests that changes in pro-social government policies may drive public value-change rather than vice versa. This complements previous studies focused on the opinion-policy connection. Possible political implications are discussed. The promising findings of this initial study point to the importance of conducting larger-scale future studies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 09:36:48','2016-07-21 15:33:04','','Waiting'),(2113,'The repositioning of the euro area in the world system: Political and economic dimensions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article advocates a comprehensive approach to the current crisis in the Euro Area - and, namely, the joint consideration of the economic and political issues at stake. The European integration - whose greatest development is, to present time, the Monetary Union - is a political project: a matter of will and action. Surely, this political project has a strong and specific economic component. Still, it is political. Therefore, political variables are critical. They must be included in any analysis of the financial and economic circumstances, and they must be considered in any strategy to overcome the current roadblock. The Euro Area has to cope, not only with excessive indebtedness, fiscal unbalances and financial markets, but also with the democratic restrictions to austerity and economic recession, and with the democratic requirement to respect social rights, to look for public support and to engage in political dialogue and compromise. In liberal democracies, as ours, the employment, social protection, citizenship and the right to believe and hope are full goals for the public policies, including the economic and fiscal ones.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 09:51:03','2016-07-21 15:40:36','','Waiting'),(2114,'Explaining Natives\' Interethnic Friendship and Contact with Colleagues in European Regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study we focus on underlying determinants of interethnic contact of natives within a large number of European regions. We use the ‘opportunity-preference-third parties’ framework to explain differences between social groups and distinguish interethnic contact with colleagues from interethnic friendship. Using the first wave of the European Social Survey (2002/2003), we found clear differences between social groups in terms of how likely they are to have interethnic contact. Men have more interethnic contact in terms of both colleagues and friends. Older residents in Europe have fewer immigrant friends, but hardly differ in terms of immigrant colleagues. Opportunity plays a significant role in fostering interethnic contact in terms of both friends and colleagues. Preference and third parties predominantly affect the chances of having interethnic friendships. The three mechanisms partly explain differences between social groups. Although social groups tend to differ in their probability of having interethnic contact, they ‘profit’ more or less equally in terms of increased interethnic contact if objective opportunities rise. Our results stress the importance of distinguishing both dimensions of interethnic contact, i.e., with friends and colleagues, and shed more light on underlying determinants and mechanisms of interethnic contact.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 09:56:14','2016-07-26 18:23:09','','Waiting'),(2115,'Explaining Natives\' Interethnic Friendship and Contact with Colleagues in European Regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study we focus on underlying determinants of interethnic contact of natives within a large number of European regions. We use the ‘opportunity-preference-third parties’ framework to explain differences between social groups and distinguish interethnic contact with colleagues from interethnic friendship. Using the first wave of the European Social Survey (2002/2003), we found clear differences between social groups in terms of how likely they are to have interethnic contact. Men have more interethnic contact in terms of both colleagues and friends. Older residents in Europe have fewer immigrant friends, but hardly differ in terms of immigrant colleagues. Opportunity plays a significant role in fostering interethnic contact in terms of both friends and colleagues. Preference and third parties predominantly affect the chances of having interethnic friendships. The three mechanisms partly explain differences between social groups. Although social groups tend to differ in their probability of having interethnic contact, they ‘profit’ more or less equally in terms of increased interethnic contact if objective opportunities rise. Our results stress the importance of distinguishing both dimensions of interethnic contact, i.e., with friends and colleagues, and shed more light on underlying determinants and mechanisms of interethnic contact.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous entery of this journal article is incorrect!','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 10:02:11','2016-04-29 10:02:11','','Waiting'),(2116,'Public Support for Immigration Restriction in the United Kingdom: Resource Scarcity, Ethnicity or Poor Origins?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on anti-immigrant attitudes in the United Kingdom in the past has focused primarily on feelings of prejudice driven by local concentrations of ethnic minorities. The immigration debate, however, has arguably changed since the EU expansions and the economic crisis of the past decade. This paper tests whether public support for immigration restriction is empirically driven by factors such as resource scarcity and economic stagnation, skill supply of native and immigrant workers, and the origin of immigrants from poorer countries within and outside the EU. Survey data from the European Social Survey between 2002 and 2010 are matched with regional level indicators calculated using the UK Labour Force Surveys. Findings suggest that support for immigration restriction is higher in regions where more immigrants are unemployed, but lower in regions where more natives are unemployed for longer than a year. Both the origin and ethnicity of the immigrant population appear to play a role in immigration policy preferences among native respondents.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 10:35:51','2016-07-27 09:08:59','','Waiting'),(2117,'The weakest link in welfare state legitimacy: European perceptions of moral and administrative failure in the targeting of social benefits','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the field of welfare attitude research, generally studies examining critical attitudes toward the welfare state are rather limited. However, the existing studies find that people are most negative about the mis-targeting of welfare benefits – that is, people are particularly critical of the high overuse (misuse or fraud) and high underuse (non-take-up) of welfare benefits. This study contributes to the current literature by more extensively analyzing perceptions of the overuse and underuse of welfare benefits by revealing the underlying perceptions of moral failure or failed administrative implementation. We also assess how different individual- and contextual-level factors influence those perceptions. We use data from the European Social Survey 2008/2009 for 25 European countries. We find that instead of representing two manifestations of the same concept of mis-targeting, perceptions of the overuse and underuse of benefits appear to be driven by normative ideas and opinions about the administrative effectiveness of the welfare state. Whereas normative ideas about the overuse of benefits are mainly influenced by people’s political ideology and the selectivity of the redistribution system, ideas about the effectiveness of benefits are mainly influenced by people’s institutional trust, the quality of the welfare state and the economic context. We conclude that critical attitudes toward the welfare state have multiple dimensions and can be both substantive and procedural in nature.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 10:41:04','2016-07-27 11:00:14','','Waiting'),(2118,'Extra-representational types of political participation and models of trade unionism: a cross-country comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Applying multi-level modelling to the four rounds of the European Social Survey currently available (2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008), our paper provides evidence of cross-country divergence in the empirical association between extra-representational types of political participation and trade union membership. Cross-national differences in union members\' political participation of this kind, we argue, can be explained by the existence of models of unionism that differ with respect to the institutionalization of trade union activity and the opportunities for left-wing parties to gain access to executive power.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 10:45:13','2016-07-27 09:09:19','','Waiting'),(2119,'Extreme-Right Voting in Western Europe: The Role of Social-Cultural and Antiegalitarian Attitudes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The joint impact of antiegalitarian attitudes and social-cultural attitudes on citizens’ tendency to vote for extreme right-wing political parties was investigated. In the first study, we explored these attitudes in representative samples of seven Western European countries. In a follow-up study, we predicted respondents’ likelihood of voting for a Dutch right-wing party on the basis of the measures of social-dominance orientation (as an indicator of antiegalitarian attitudes) and right-wing authoritarianism (as an indicator of social-cultural attitudes). Our findings demonstrated that voting for extreme right-wing parties was associated more consistently with antiegalitarian attitudes than with social-cultural attitudes. Moreover, the effect of antiegalitarian attitudes was partly mediated by migration attitudes (Study 1) and ethnic prejudice (Study 2). We discuss the finding that antiegalitarian attitudes are more strongly related to extreme right-wing voting than social-cultural attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 11:04:17','2016-07-28 11:31:56','','Waiting'),(2120,'When the Going Gets Tough: The Differential Impact of National Unemployment on the Perceived Threats of Immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Economic competition theory predicts that anti-immigration sentiments will increase in periods with high unemployment, in particular among low-skilled workers. Using five rounds of cross-sectional data from the European Social Survey and utilising the rise in unemployment in many European countries due to the financial crisis, this article provides a more effective empirical test of interest-based theories than previous studies. It employs hierarchical, two-stage regression techniques to estimate the relationship between aggregate unemployment rates and immigration opinion, and explores whether the relationship differs according to respondent\'s level of education. It is found that high unemployment rates are associated with a high level of economic concern over immigration – particularly if the size of the foreign-born population is large. The relationship is stronger among the low skilled, implying a tendency for polarisation of opinions about immigration in economic recessions. Finally, it is discovered that the general level of cultural concern over immigration is unrelated to variation in unemployment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 11:16:47','2016-07-27 11:25:46','','Waiting'),(2121,'Does the macroeconomic context influence subjective well-being in Europe and Portugal? The puzzling case of the 2008 crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The happiness economics literature shows that, contrary to what happens in the long run, subjective well-being (SWB) and income evolve together in the short term. The aim of the present article is to examine whether this result holds in Europe, and in particular in Portugal, during the 2000s. The empirical study is based on the European Social Survey (ESS) micro-data, merged with Eurostat macroeconomic data (rate of change in gross domestic product (GDP), unemployment and inflation). Following the literature, our hypothesis is that self-reported well-being increases in expansionary periods and decreases in recessive ones. Results show that, while the association between well-being and macroeconomic fluctuations are as expected from 2002 to 2008, this is no longer the case when the 2010 data is included in the regression models. In fact, well-being increased in ten out of fifteen European countries after the 2008 crisis. Further examination of the Portuguese data shows that people of all age, education levels, health condition and employment status declared to be happier in 2010 when compared to 2008. Such a puzzling result may be explained by expectations and adaptation processes as well as by an increased awareness, possibly prompted by the crisis, that not only income but also social relationships count in life. Our results thus broadly confirm happiness economics findings: well-being is not exclusively linked with income.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 11:47:33','2016-07-28 15:28:28','','Waiting'),(2122,'Estimating public performance bias through an MTMM model: the case of police performance in 26 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Organisational performance is notoriously difficult to measure in the public sector. More often than not, objective performance measures are difficult to construct. Subjective performance is a popular alternative to, as well as, complement of objective performance measures. However, such subjective perception measures are likely to be biased. The bias tends to depend upon the specific stakeholder\'s position vis-à-vis the focal organisation. We show how a multi-trait–multi-method (MTMM) model cannot only determine the validity of performance measures, but is also valuable in generating estimates the potential biases in both method (e.g. respondent type) and trait (e.g. performance measure) of these subjective performance measures. To demonstrate the benefits of this methodology in public management, we apply this method to the subjective performance of Police Forces in 26 European countries. Our policing example demonstrates that single-handedly the available subjective performance measures are not reliable estimates of overall police performance. Moreover, the analysis shows that all three rater groups have significant bias, with police employees most positively biased about their own performance. Interestingly enough this bias depends on the performance measure; corporate managers are most biased about the police catching burglars, while health care professionals are more biased about policing arrival times.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 11:58:19','2016-07-28 15:58:23','','Waiting'),(2123,'Political trust, extra-representational participation and the openness of political systems','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The relationship between trust in representative political institutions and extra-representational participation (ERP) is contested. Generally, scholars have assumed that distrust is a major source of ERP. However, empirical studies have yielded inconclusive results. This article contributes to the debate by linking it to recent studies on how contextual factors affect the amount of ERP and interact with micro-level predictors. We take an innovative stance by conceptualizing the openness of political systems in both institutional and cultural terms, and by arguing that the negative micro-level relationship between political trust and ERP should be stronger in more open political systems. With a multi-level analysis of 22 European democracies, we show that citizens who distrust representative institutions are indeed more likely to engage in ERP. Most importantly, our findings indicate that the more open a political system in cultural terms, the stronger the negative micro-level relationship between political trust and ERP.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 12:03:21','2016-04-29 12:03:21','','Waiting'),(2124,'Migration-based Ethnic Diversity and Social Trust: A Multilevel Analysis of How Country, Neighbourhood and Workplace Diversity Affects Social Trust in 22 Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How does ethnic diversity affect social trust? The conflict hypothesis, which predicts a negative effect, and the contact hypothesis, which predicts a positive effect, represent the main competing answers. This article argues that the ‘true’ answer to the question is contingent upon the social units under study and how they interact. More specifically, it is argued that diversity will have a negative effect on social trust when focusing on social units where intergroup contacts are easy to avoid (neighbourhoods broadly defined), whereas diversity will have a positive effect when focusing on social units where intergroup contacts are hard to avoid and are supported by higher authorities (e.g., workplaces). The data substantiating the argument is from the first round of the European Social Survey, covering 30,000 individuals nested within 22 countries, and is analysed by means of multilevel linear regression modeling.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-04-29 12:27:26','2016-07-28 12:56:34','','Waiting'),(2125,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonians expect immigrants to be committed to way of life in Estonia','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: eestimaalased peavad sisserändajate puhul oluliseks Eesti elulaadi omaksvõttu ',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In ESS Round 7, people were asked how important they think different things should be in deciding whether someone born, brought up and living outside their country should be able to come and live there. It turned out that Estonians consider very important that immigrants are committed to way of life in Estonia. Work skills needed in Estonia and good educational qualifications are important as well.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/a627eb24-63ea-490b-878f-92be4f1cedb6/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-eestimaalased-peavad-sisserandajate-puhul-oluliseks-eesti-elulaadi-omaksvottu','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-04-29 16:09:52','2016-07-27 09:09:59','','Waiting'),(2126,'Explaining Protest in the Aftermath of the Great Recession in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European economic crisis has brought economic hardship and prolonged instability to many countries in the European Union. While economies are struggling to recover, citizens have opted to become more vocal unconventionally. Mass protest, public occupations and demonstrations have dominated Europe. Yet, numbers of people choosing to protest need to be assessed to verify whether the economic recession is indeed responsible for a surge in protest activism on the continent. With the use of multiple rounds from the European Social Survey (2006-2012), this article tests the hypothesis linking unconventional political behavior in Europe to the economy. Findings suggest that overall European protest levels are not higher after the crisis, although confrontational activism has spiked in few countries. Economic variables retain instead an important role in the explanation of protest in the post-recession era, with both objective and subjective economic measures supporting a grievance theory explanation of why Europeans protest. Economic decline matters in the selection of protest as a mode of political participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','francesca.vassallo@maine.edu','2016-04-29 20:33:12','2016-07-27 11:43:09','','Waiting'),(2127,'Culture, religion and social capital: evidence from European regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the possible relationship of religion and culture with the social capital in a particular region.\nDesign/methodology/approach: The data of 85 regions from 26 European countries are analysed. Regression analysis is used for analysing cultural dimensions, religion-related aspects and the communist past as possible factors of social capital components. In addition, graphic analysis is used for the generalisation of the results.\nFindings: The results from both the regression and graphic analyses indicate that cultural dimensions capture the possible reasons for different levels of social capital better than religion-related aspects or the division according to the communist background.\nResearch limitations/implications: Conclusions can be drawn only for the European regions analysed. Data were not available for regions in all European countries and including control variables was limited by the data availability.\nPractical implications: When intending to develop policies for increasing social capital, the culture of a particular region should be assessed in order to predict the success of the policies.\nOriginality/value: The novelty of this study lies in including cultural dimensions based on Hofstede’s concept to the set of possible factors determining the level of social capital in a region.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anneli.kaasa@ut.ee','2016-05-02 14:48:24','2016-07-28 14:54:28','','Waiting'),(2128,'Electoral and Non-Electoral Participation in the Visegrad Countries: Complements or Substitutes?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The problem of low turnout at elections has become common in almost all post-communist countries. Given this weak participation in elections, some political scientists tend to see a crisis of emerging post-authoritarian political systems. Nevertheless, political participation, frequently considered to be the heart of democracy, should not be reduced to casting a ballot alone. This article makes an effort to discuss turnout more comprehensively. It aims at the association of this basic mode of civic engagement with less conventional political activities. Analysing European Social Survey data gathered in the Visegrad Four, the most advanced region in the former Eastern Bloc, it tries to address the issue of whether people who are active at a polling station simultaneously perform other activities in the broad repertoire of political participation. In other words, do active voters in the specific context of Central Europe also take part in different political actions, so that the relationship between participatory modes can be seen as tending to be complementary, or do voting and other forms of political action show little correlation?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-03 09:17:37','2016-07-28 16:53:01','','Waiting'),(2129,'Who Cares? Caregiver Well-being in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyzes a multi-national sample comparing self-reported well-being of those who provide dependent care with that of noncaregivers. We pair individual-level data from the 2004 European Social Survey (ESS) for respondents in 22 nations (n = 41,000+) with country-level measures of attitudinal support for coresidential familial caregiving (2007 Eurobarometer), old age and family public transfers (OECD Social Expenditures Database, 2014), and economic development (GDP). Using multi-level modeling, we examine the association between country-level coresidential familial attitudes and public spending and individual-level caregiver well-being, comparing effects by gender. We find that—(i) caregiving is differentially associated with well-being for men and women; (ii) female caregivers report worse well-being than male caregivers in countries with greater attitudinal support for coresidential familial caregiving; (iii) caregivers, regardless of gender, report better well-being in countries with more generous old age transfers. These findings are important in the context of Europe’s population structure and the threats to public spending for dependent populations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-03 09:28:09','2016-07-28 17:06:40','','Waiting'),(2130,'Does Institutional Trust in East Central Europe Differ from Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Compared to Western European countries, the new democracies of East Central Europe (ECE) demonstrate substantially lower levels of institutional trust. Some authors consider this phenomenon as a consequence of the transition process and raise concerns about the public approval and legitimacy of ECE political systems and institutions. Based on the datasets of the European Social Survey (ESS), in this paper we aim to address this issue by shedding light on the possible differences between old and new European democracies regarding the origins and patterns of institutional trust. We especially focus on the micro-level foundations of institutional trust and through a quantitative analysis of the 2010 ESS dataset we find that, overall, similarly to Western Europe, institutional trust in ECE is positively associated with success in social and economic life. We also find that relative to westerners, ECE citizens demonstrate comparable degrees of “materialistic trust” as income levels and trust in institutions are similarly associated with each other across these countries even after controlling for several socio-economic characteristics. In addition, the citizens of new European democracies seem to be equally ready to formulate separate evaluative attitudes towards specific institutions. Our findings suggest that in order to explain the persistently low levels of trust in ECE a greater emphasis should be devoted to how people perceive institutional performance when they formulate their trust judgements towards specific institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-03 09:42:13','2016-08-18 13:11:36','','Waiting'),(2131,'Hello pension, goodbye tension? The impact of work and institutions on older workers’ labor market participation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'To sustain the welfare state, several EU countries agreed to take measures aimed at increasing the labor market participation of older workers (European Commission 2001). In this study, we developed a framework integrating individual, work, and institutional characteristics in order to explain the labor market participation of older workers. While prior studies focused mainly on individual characteristics, the present analysis investigated the impact of work and institutions more closely using the European Social Survey. Multilevel analyses across 21 countries showed that work characteristics increased the benefits from work, hence increasing the likelihood of participation among older workers, and that the generosity of institutions discouraged older workers to remain in the labor market.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-03 10:22:47','2016-08-18 11:15:47','','Waiting'),(2132,'Modelling the relationships between work-to-family conflict, work and family stressors and well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The current study examines three structural equation models concerning work-to-family conflict. The\npredictors and outcomes of work-to-family conflict pertained to family domain, represented by family\nstressors such as partnership disagreements; to work domain, represented by work stressors such as\nwork demands; and to affective domain, represented by subjective well-being perception. We focus on the\nrelationship between the three domains (work, family, and affective) and work-to-family conflict using the\nEuropean Social Survey R2 (2004/2005) data. The aim of the study is to explore the bidirectional links\nbetween work-to-family conflict and selected factors: work demands, partnership disagreement and\nsubjective well-being. Our results support the spill-over theory (Eby et al. 2010; Champoux, 1978);\nclaiming that the domains of work and family spill over and that work stressors and family stressors can\nboth explain work-family conflict as predictors and be explained by work-family conflict as its outcomes.\nThe results also show reciprocal effects of the affective domain on work-to-family conflict and vice versa.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-03 12:35:31','2016-05-03 12:35:31','','Waiting'),(2133,'Public attitudes toward government responsibility for child care: The impact of individual characteristics and welfare regimes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines the extent to which individual\'s attitudes toward government responsibility for child care provisions are influenced by personal characteristics as well as the social contexts in which these attitudes are formed. The analysis draws on data from a random sample of 24, 240 respondents in 12 of the countries included in the European Social Survey (ESS) round 4 (2008–2009). The analytic framework focuses on individual-level factors related to self-interest, perceptions of the current care available and egalitarian ideology as well as the societal context reflected in the alternative institutional arrangements for social welfare represented by the countries clustered into different welfare state regimes. The findings indicate that among the individual level variables, although factors related to self interest were significant, egalitarian ideology had the relatively strongest impact on the respondents\' level of support for government provision of child care. At the institutional level the introduction of welfare regimes increased the proportion of explained variance well beyond that accounted for by individual level factors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-03 13:17:54','2016-07-27 12:23:43','','Waiting'),(2134,'Return to and Departure from Social Origin: Trends in Social Fluidity in the Czech Republic between 1990 and 2011','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The authors analyse trends in social fluidity between 1990 and 2011 in Czech society and examine how the transition from socialism to capitalism has affected these trends. The data consist of 28 annual surveys conducted in the Czech Republic between 1990 and 2011 (N=28,726). The results show that social fluidity decreases in Czech society between 1989 and 2000. This is the result of social change (the period effect), namely, intragenerational changes that the authors conceptualise as a return to social origin, which are related to the re-stratification of Czech society after 1989. The period of return to social origin finishes sometime around the year 2000. After that, the trend reverses and social fluidity slowly increases. The authors argue that the period of return to social origin is replaced by a period of departure from social origin. This shift is the effect of the educational expansion that occurs after 1989 in Czech society and cohort replacement.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-04 09:04:37','2016-07-27 12:24:07','','Waiting'),(2135,'Understanding Inequality-Comparatively','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book is a valuable addition to the existing literature on economic inequality.Coming relatively soon after the publication of the comprehensive and authorita-tive Oxford Handbook of Economic Inequality (Salverda et al., 2009), two majorreports on inequality by the OECD (2008, 2011), and the detailed account of recentglobal shifts in top incomes by Atkinson and Piketty (2010), one might haveexpected that income distribution research has already been more than adequatelyserved. Not so. As this ?ne book exempli?es, there are many intriguing questionsabout the nature, causes, and consequences of economic inequality that remainunresolved and/or unexplored and the complex theoretical and empirical issuesconfronting distributional analysts raise many new avenues of inquiry that providefertile ground for future research.A dominant feature of the rapid growth in income distribution studies overthe last ?ve decades has been the emphasis given to empirical examination ofexisting conditions, past trends and their possible causes, contributors, and con-sequences. This trend has been facilitated by the increased existence and availabil-ity of household income surveys that give researchers the ability to study what hashappened, to check the robustness of ?ndings using sensitivity analysis, to linkthese data to other survey and administrative data, and to explore the associationsbetween income distribution parameters and other economic, social, and politicalvariables. Such surveys, as Tony Atkinson notes in his Foreword to this volume,are under a dual threat represented by their increasing cost and declining responserates in the face of public resistance and privacy concerns (including, in somecountries, those associated with data matching). These threats apply not only tothe conduct of the surveys themselves, but also to the effort (and cost) involved inmaking the data available to researchers. Yet without the latter, the case for theformer becomes weaker and with it the justi?cation for asking (in some countriesrequiring) survey respondents to provide the information on which the entireedi?ce rests',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-04 09:09:33','2016-07-27 12:27:25','','Waiting'),(2136,'Democratic Values and Protest Behavior: Data Harmonization, Measurement Comparability, and Multi-Level Modeling in Cross-National Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article describes the research project Democratic Values and Protest Behavior: Data Harmonization, Measurement Comparability, and Multi-Level Modeling. This survey data harmonization project engages with the relationship between democracy and protest behavior in comparative, cross-national perspective by proposing a theoretical model that explains variation in political protest in light of individual-level characteristics, country-level determinants, and interactions between the two types of factors. Methodologically, the project requires data with information at both the individual- and the country-level that varies over time and across space. While the social sciences have a growing wealth of survey projects, the data are often not comparable. This project selects variables from existing international surveys for ex post harmonization to create an integrated dataset consisting of large number of variables with individuals nested in countries and time periods. Throughout this process, focus is on three important and well-defined fields of methodology, namely data harmonization, measurement comparability, and multi-level modeling. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-04 09:38:36','2017-12-27 15:22:24','','Waiting'),(2137,'Euromaidan Values from a Comparative Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ukrainian revolution frequently called “Euromaidan” changed Ukrainian society in 120 days and, later, became a regional conflict and a challenge to a global order. This primary social revolution was followed by value and paradigmatic shifts, middle class revolution, and a struggle for human rights, equality, justice, and prosperity. This study examines values and social structure of Euromaidan. In addition to ethnographic study consisting of participant observations and informal interviewing, data from European Social Survey (2010-2013) and face-to-face survey conducted by an initiative group of sociologists on Maidan were used in order to approach this goal. Results of the study show that values of Euromaidan (Universalism, Benevolence, Self-Direction, Stimulation, and Security) coincide more with European values, especially those of developed Western and Scandinavian countries, than Ukrainian ones. Furthermore, values of protesters find its reflection in deeply rooted Ukrainian identity. Moreover, Maidan was consisted of three major groups of protesters: “moralists,” “individualists,” and “explorers.”',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-04 09:55:43','2016-07-27 12:40:09','','Waiting'),(2138,'Safety Perceived by the Slovaks in the Research of ESS (Generation Aspect)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the study is to present the results of the project of ESS, which focuses on the perception of individual safety by Slovak respondents. We studied two indices: characteristics of a safety situation and personal experience with criminality. We compared outcomes from individual results carried out in Slovakia (rounds 2-6) and at the same time we studied safety perception from the generation point of view. The aim of the study is to inform technical public on empirical research of a social-scientific character and to contribute to the enrichment of an information base in a research sphere as well as to contribute to the synthesis of various sciences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-04 10:27:06','2016-07-27 12:45:40','','Waiting'),(2139,'Civil Compliance and “Political Luddism”: Explaining Variance in Social Unrest During Crisis in Ireland and Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'When badly hit by the same global financial and economic crisis in the early 2000s, the Irish and the Greek societies reacted in quite different ways. Whereas Ireland remained largely acquiescent and displayed a high degree of civil compliance, Greeks took massively to the streets using violence and attacking specifically the state and the state personnel, a phenomenon we refer to as “political Luddism.” It is shown that the two countries are quite similar in terms of their economic condition, cultural background, social composition, ideological profiling, and party system dynamics, among other factors. What, then, explains the two countries’ dissimilar reactions to crisis? Through a detailed analysis of the cases, the article offers evidence that the most compelling explanation relates to the varying ability of the Greek and Irish states to continue providing basic public goods and other state-related services to their respective societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-05 09:07:39','2018-01-19 15:44:19','','Waiting'),(2140,'How Migration Affects the Timing of Childbearing: The Transition to a First Birth Among Polish Women in Britain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Views differ on how migration affects the timing of childbearing. Whereas migration has long been considered a break in the life course, hindering family formation, this disruption hypothesis has recently been challenged. New findings indicating that there is often an acceleration of childbearing shortly after migration have led to the formulation of the interrelation hypothesis. Examining the childbearing behaviour of Polish women, this study extends previous research by combining information from the countries of origin and of destination. Using retrospective data from Poland (derived from the European Social Survey) and Britain (derived from the Labour Force Survey), discrete-time event history methods are applied to study the transition to a first birth in relation to the timing of migration. The results show that there is a disruption of childbearing prior to migration, as well as an acceleration of fertility in the years immediately following the move.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-05 12:06:53','2016-07-27 13:00:08','','Waiting'),(2141,'The Decline of Political Trust in Spain and Portugal Economic Performance or Political Responsiveness','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article deals with the problem of the increasing distrust in institutions in European democracies, paying special attention to countries such as Spain and Portugal, which are being severely harmed by the current economic crisis and the austerity measures imposed by supranational organizations such as the European Union and implemented by their respective national governments. Contrary to the purely political-economic paradigm, the present article, based on panel survey data gathered during the years 2011 and 2012 in Spain and Portugal, shows that this deterioration is due principally to the negative perception of the political responsiveness of representative institutions and aggravated by the increasing perception of political corruption. Multilevel governance and the present economic crisis are challenging representative institutions, but their functioning and elite misbehavior during the crisis are the main explanations of increasing citizen distrust in such institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-05 13:31:03','2016-07-27 13:07:28','','Waiting'),(2142,'The role of values in collaborative consumption: insights from a product-service system for lending and borrowing in the UK','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Collaborative consumption is an emerging socio-economic model based on sharing, renting, gifting, bartering, swapping, lending and borrowing. Made possible through community interaction and, increasingly, use of network technologies, these alternative and more sustainable ways of consuming have attracted growing attention for their potential to prevent new purchases, intensify the use of idle assets and promote reuse of possessions that are no longer wanted. Nonetheless, the uptake of Product-Service Systems (PSSs) that enable collaborative consumption is still very limited. This paper investigates how consumers\' values can influence the acceptance, adoption and diffusion of collaborative consumption. It reviews two theoretical frameworks used to understand pro-environmental behaviour, social psychological models of behaviour and social practice theory. Coming from contrasting disciplinary perspectives, these approaches conceptualise values differently. The paper evaluates the possibility of resolving these differences through a mixed methods study. It examines values empirically through a case study of Ecomodo, a UK-based online marketplace where people can lend and borrow each other\'s objects, spaces and skills, and present the results of a quantitative study which identified and measured value priorities among Ecomodo users through Schwartz\'s Portrait Value Questionnaire. It concludes with a discussion of the role of values in relation to the introduction and scaling up of PSSs that enable collaborative consumption.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-05 13:53:07','2016-07-27 13:12:06','','Waiting'),(2143,'Keeping it in the family: the self-rated health of lone mothers in different European welfare regimes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines whether health inequalities exist between lone and cohabiting mothers across Europe, and how these may differ by welfare regime. Data from the European Social Survey were used to compare self-rated general health, limiting long-standing illness and depressive feelings by means of a multi-level logistic regression. The 27 countries included in the analyses are classified into six welfare regimes (Anglo-Saxon, Bismarckian, Southern, Nordic, Central East Europe (CEE) (new EU) and CEE (non-EU). Lone motherhood is defined as mothers not cohabiting with a partner, regardless of their legal marital status. The results indicate that lone mothers are more at risk of poor health than cohabiting mothers. This is most pronounced in the Anglo-Saxon regime for self-rated general health and limiting long-standing illness, while for depressive feelings it is most pronounced in the Bismarckian welfare regime. While the risk difference is smallest in the CEE regimes, both lone and cohabiting mothers also reported the highest levels of poor health compared with the other regimes. The results also show that a vulnerable socioeconomic position is associated with ill-health in lone mothers and that welfare regimes differ in the degree to which they moderate this association.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-06 11:54:22','2019-02-15 09:40:30','','Waiting'),(2144,'Double Standards: Differences in Norms on Voluntary Childlessness for Men and Women','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We examined double standards in norms concerning voluntary childlessness. Whether the choice to remain childless is more accepted for men or women is not a priori clear; we formulated hypotheses in both directions. Parenthood might be considered as more central to women’s identity than to men’s, resulting in higher disapproval of childlessness for women. Yet, as the costs of parenthood are higher for women, people might also be more accepting of their choice to remain childless and disapprove more of childless men. Multilevel analyses were conducted, including individual and societal-level variables. Our sample consisted of N = 44,055 individuals nested in 25 European countries, obtained from the third round of the European Social Survey (2006). Subjective norms regarding voluntary childlessness were measured with a split-ballot design: half of the respondents were randomly assigned items regarding women choosing childlessness, and the other half was assigned items regarding men. Findings indicated that men were more disapproved of when choosing not to have children than women. Generally, this double standard was endorsed by women, not by men. Clear cross-national variation in the double standard existed, which was partly explained by the level of gender equality. We found that higher levels of gender equality were associated with larger double standards favouring women.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-09 09:07:52','2016-07-27 13:24:29','','Waiting'),(2145,'Dualism and support for the welfare state','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates the determinants of citizens’ preferences for the size of the welfare state. Previous studies have shown that individuals in lower socioeconomic positions express stronger support for welfare state expansion. We argue that this support declines in dual labor markets (those in which there is a significant portion of the labor force not enjoying the working conditions of standard workers) because welfare state intervention is less redistributive as social protection policies tend to benefit the well-protected sectors of the labor force. As a result, the relationship between the socioeconomic attributes of individuals and their views of the welfare state is conditional on the structure of the labor market. We use evidence from the European Social Survey to substantiate empirically this claim and find that in dual labor markets economically disadvantaged groups are less willing to expand the welfare state, and that the mechanism underlying this finding indeed appears to be the less redistributive nature of welfare state intervention in these contexts.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-09 09:22:07','2016-07-29 10:00:43','','Waiting'),(2146,'Family Policy Indicators and Well-Being in Europe from an Evolutionary Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social progress and the evolution of civilizations have traditionally been predominant fields of study for sociology and important topics on political action for modern states as part of the concept of the Welfare State. The study, assessment, and design of social policies related to welfare have always focused on material indicators. However, some recent studies (Pfau-Effinger and Geissler 2005; Gauthier 1996; Held 2006; Daly and Lewis 2000) argue for the inclusion of subjective indicators to cater for aspects traditionally relegated to families’ private lives such as care or the perception of happiness. This article deals with the need to go beyond welfare to well-being from an evolutionary perspective. To do this, we propose a comparative study of different variables used by the European Social Survey (2010) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) family policy database (2013b) to analyze (a) possible variations in family policy in European countries, (b) links between well-being and the family policies being implemented, (c) the extent to which traditional indicators can measure the development of families’ needs, and (d) ways in which these indicators could be improved.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-09 10:28:03','2016-07-27 13:36:34','','Waiting'),(2147,'Deliberative Capacity of Individuals – Dimensions and Determinants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This essay deals with an area of deliberative democracy where research has hitherto been limited: individual deliberative capacity. The main objective of the study is to define and create a concept and a measure of deliberative capacity of individuals; in addition, some determinants of deliberative capacity are examined. The purpose of and the very meaning of deliberative democracy, and what deliberation requires from the citizen constitute the point of departure in developing the dimensions of deliberative capacity. The aim is to capture the cognitive and attitudinal characteristics that are beneficial to deliberation, such as respectful, reciprocal, tolerant, empathic and open-minded; that is, characteristics that largely define a “deliberative citizen”. Three dimensions are elaborated, labeled generalized trust, equality and other-regarding ability. In order to examine the concept empirically, the dimensions are transformed into an index of deliberative capacity by means of survey data from the European Social Survey 2008. The analysis suggests that education is the most important socio-demographic variable; women also have more deliberative capacity than men. Non-institutionalized political participation clearly surpasses electoral and associational activity as a determinant of deliberative capacity. Naturally, political interest enhances capacity, whereas internal efficacy is of modest importance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-09 11:53:56','2016-07-27 13:50:20','','Waiting'),(2148,'The Role of Education at Young and Older Ages in Explaining Health Inequalities in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Abstract\nThe well-educated tend to have lower levels of morbidity and mortality than their less well-educated counterparts. This positive association between education gradient and health outcomes is widely documented in literature. However, the age-specific pattern of this relationship remains largely contested in Europe and elsewhere. Single-country longitudinal studies highlight a peak of relative health inequalities at the early part of old age and then a convergence in later life (status divergence–convergence model). On the other hand, most cross-national studies that use European-wide cross-sectional data reveal a pattern of persisting or even widening inequalities for older ages (status divergence model). We examine regional and country variations of health inequalities for younger and older ages and separately for men and women to test which model, if any, prevails in Europe and use multilevel logistic regression models to understand these variations. Data from the European Social Survey and the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe are used for younger and older ages, respectively. Our findings suggest that health inequalities are greatest for men at younger ages (25–34?years) and for both men and women during pre-retirement ages (50–64?years). Thus, the ‘status divergence/convergence model’ appears to be common among European countries. While the expectation to find relatively smaller health inequalities in regions with more advanced welfare provision is largely supported, separate country analyses also reveal far more heterogeneity not always consistent with the expected welfare state regime patterning for younger and older ages and for men and women. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-09 12:01:10','2016-07-27 14:06:26','','Waiting'),(2149,'Developing a Concept of Muslim Religiosity: An Analysis of Everyday Lived Religion among Female Migrants in Austria','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, we generate a concept of Muslim religiosity based on narrations reflecting Muslim women’s everyday lived religion in Austria. Using Grounded Theory, we analysed 30 biographical interviews conducted in 2006 with first-generation female migrants from Turkey and Bosnia-Herzegovina. In agreement with prior studies, we emphasise that Muslim religiosity is multi-dimensional. According to our results, it consists of a belief and a behavioural dimension, with the latter dividing into ‘rituals and duties’ and ‘ethical behavioural principles’. Moreover, we pay close attention to the interrelation between religion and culture—which is particularly relevant in a migration context—and shed light on the functions of religiosity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-09 12:13:23','2016-07-27 14:16:13','','Waiting'),(2150,'The interplay of external punishment and internal rewards: An exploratory study of insurance fraud','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Economic theories related to ethical consumer behaviour have for the most part examined the role of external incentives and deterrents, and relatively less focus has been given to the role of internal incentives. This study explores the independent and joint effects of internal rewards and external punishment mechanisms on the likelihood of consumers exhibiting unethical behaviour in insurance fraud (IF) contexts. By utilizing a data set consisting of survey data on over 43?000 consumers across 26 European countries, this study examines the interaction of internal moral values and external deterrents, affecting unethical consumer behaviour. Ordinal regression analysis and binary logistic regression were used to assess the role of internal rewards and external punishment mechanisms in the occurrence of IF. Attitudinal differences towards IF and perceptions of the probability of being caught were used to classify customers and to predict the incidence of IF. Demographic variables were also found to be correlated with IF. Perceptions of ineffectiveness of fraud investigation and detection systems by fraudulent customers significantly influences their likelihood to commit IF.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-09 13:21:03','2016-07-27 14:31:59','','Waiting'),(2151,'Economic shocks, resilience, and male suicides in the Great Recession: cross-national analysis of 20 EU countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: During the 2007–11 recessions in Europe, suicide increases were concentrated in men. Substantial differences across countries and over time remain unexplained. We investigated whether increases in unaffordable housing, household indebtedness or job loss can account for these population differences, as well as potential mitigating effects of alternative forms of social protection. Methods: Multivariate statistical models were used to evaluate changes in suicide rates in 20 EU countries from 1981–2011. Models adjusted for pre-existing time trends and country-fixed effects. Interaction terms were used to evaluate modifying effects. Results: Changes in levels of unaffordable housing had no effect on suicide rates (P = 0.32); in contrast, male suicide increases were significantly associated with each percentage point rise in male unemployment, by 0.94% (95% CI: 0.51–1.36%), and indebtedness, by 0.54% (95% CI: 0.02–1.06%). Spending on active labour market programmes (ALMP) (-0.26%, 95% CI: -0.08 to -0.45%) and high levels of social capital (-0.048%, 95% CI: -0.0096 to -0.087) moderated the unemployment–suicide association. There was no interaction of the volume of anti-depressant prescriptions (P = 0.51), monetary benefits to unemployed persons (P = 0.77) or total social protection spending per capita (P = 0.37). Active labour market programmes and social capital were estimated to have prevented ~540 and ~210 male suicides, respectively, arising from unemployment in the countries studied. Conclusion: Job losses were a critical determinant of variations in male suicide risks in Europe’s recessions. Greater spending on ALMP and levels of social capital appeared to mitigate suicide risks.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-10 09:44:38','2016-07-27 14:38:38','','Waiting'),(2152,'Validation of the Eight-Item Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) Among Older Adults','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the present study was to examine the factor structure and psychometric properties of the 8-item short version of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies-Depression Scale (CES-D) in a large sample of European older adults. Data from The European Social Survey (ESS Round 6 Edition 1.1) provided the basis for this study (5,774 Males and 7,258 Females). Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses provided support for a single factor structure. The results from multi-group confirmatory factor analyses revealed that the factor structure of the CES-D 8 is invariant across sexes, including invariance of item intercepts, item residuals, and item factor loadings. Moreover, the results provided support for the nomological validity of the scale. These results suggest that the shorter 8-item CES-D scale is a valid and reliable instrument of depression and extends the list of available instruments for screening depression among older adults.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-10 13:05:06','2016-07-27 14:43:07','','Waiting'),(2153,'The insider-outsider divide and economic voting: Testing a new theory with German electoral data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Adding to the recent debate on insider-outsider politics, the article provides a novel theory of how non-standard employment affects voting behavior. While existing theories stress effects on ideological position and rely on a spatial model of party choice, it argues that labor market status can also affect variables relevant in a valence model. Based on the concept of relative deprivation, it argues that non-standard workers with a poor job situation tend to hold the government responsible and punish it at the polls. The article makes a theoretical contribution by integrating elements from political economy, electoral behavior and social psychology. The argument is tested for temporary workers in the 2009 German general election. The findings lend support to the theory: compared to permanent workers, temporary workers in this election were more likely to hold the government responsible for their poor economic situation and vote against it.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-10 13:42:53','2016-07-27 14:58:13','','Waiting'),(2154,'Which members? Using cross-national surveys to study party membership','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Reports of party membership have documented steep declines in formal enrollment in many countries, but numbers alone tell us little about the systemic causes or likely implications of such drops. Existing cross-national surveys can help illuminate the extent and consequences of these changes. Unfortunately, they are difficult to use for this purpose because differences in question wording and institutional differences in the meaning of party membership produce unstable results. This paper proposes to overcome these obstacles by using behavioral measures of party membership in survey-based studies of party membership. We demonstrate that such measures produce results which are more consistent across surveys and therefore more meaningful. We then illustrate their utility by using a behaviorally-qualified measure to study how party membership decline has affected parties’ ability to mobilize grassroots partisan participation. Our analysis also shows that even though reported party membership declined from the 1990s to the 2000s, there was surprisingly little change in this decade in the number of politically active partisans.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-10 13:48:28','2016-07-29 10:13:00','','Waiting'),(2155,'Economic Factors Of Marriage And Cohabitation In European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper deals with economic factors of marriage and cohabitation of women and men in European countries. Binary logistic regression on the basis of the sixth round of international comparison project European Social Survey (ESS6) held in 2012-2013 was used. An analysis has shown that the influnce of economic factors of marriage and cohabitation is inherent, to a higher extent, in population of developed countries of Northern Europe. Great parts of dispersion of the influence of economic factors are more frequently traced among women than among men. The marriage and cohabitation of men in general is more successively determined by the level of total income. Instead, only cohabitation of men is determined more sequentially by availability of paid work. As in case with men, marriage and cohabitation of women is more determined by the level of total income. At the same time the cohabitation of women in some countries is determined by availability of paid work, in others - by a decrease of total income.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-10 13:52:48','2016-07-27 15:09:56','','Waiting'),(2156,'The Effects of the Economic Crisis on Inter-Ethnic Relations in Cypriot Schools','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the paper is to examine the effects of the current economic crisis in the way teenagers experience and report interethnic relations with emphasis on interethnic violence in the school environment in Cyprus. It will report findings from an EU funded project which was recently completed (2012) titled: “Children’s voices: Exploring interethnic violence in schools”. Through an eclectic analysis on interview transcripts from group interviews with teenagers (16-17 year old) it emerges that in Cyprus there is an environment of growing concern about the presence of migrants in society and this has direct and indirect effects on education. Overall there are mixed perceptions about interethnic tolerance in schools ranging from negative to (politically correct) positive ones. While the prevalent discourse of multiculturalism in Cyprus uses the rhetoric of integration, what appears to be happening in the Cypriot educational system, is assimilation practices focusing on language acquisition. The findings of the empirical investigation point to interesting directions for educational policy regarding the whole gamut of interethnic relations in Cyprus at a period in time when the current economic crisis appears to have largely negative effects on multiculturalism. The paper concludes with a discussion on the way the Ministry of Education and schools in Cyprus respond to the above challenges and the prospects for the near future.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-10 13:58:03','2016-07-27 15:16:30','','Waiting'),(2157,'Risk, Political Detachment and Welfare State De-Commodification','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political Trust and Disenchantment with Politics contributes fresh empirical findings to research on the relationship between trust and participation. The results indicate that the citizens of European societies and beyond are far from an universal retreat from the political sphere.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-10 14:13:24','2016-07-27 15:25:27','','Waiting'),(2158,'Trends in Conventional and Unconventional Political Participation in Europe, 1981-2008','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trends in Conventional and Unconventional Political Participation in Europe, 1981-2008',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-11 10:04:52','2016-07-27 15:37:01','','Waiting'),(2159,'Citizenship and Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A defining characteristic of democratic political systems is that citizens have the opportunity to freely voice their policy preferences and to participate in the policy-making process. Mass political participation is traditionally considered a crucial element of a well-functioning democracy (Almond and Verba 1963; Pateman 1970). Benjamin Barber (1984) is among the contemporary authors who have most strongly defended the importance of participation. According to Barber, “strong democracy” should be based on the assumption that citizens can participate in numerous ways in political decision-making and that in practice they will also do this in a routine manner, thus reviving the republican ideal of citizens who are actively involved in the politics of their society. Typically, citizens have different means at their disposal to participate. By far the most widespread act of political participation is voting in elections. In systems of representative democracy, citizens use their vote to select the political personnel who will be responsible for day-to-day political decisions. Empirical research, however, shows strong differences with regard to voter turnout, both between individuals with specific background characteristics and between political systems. Citizens also have numerous other ways to express their preferences, like taking part in demonstrations, joining political action groups, or other forms of protest behavior. Although these acts are performed less frequently, they allow citizens to voice their preferences in a very clear and sometimes highly effective manner. \nWhile there is a strong consensus about the importance of political participation, other questions remain open and are hotly debated in the political science literature. There is obviously a clear normative preference for “high” levels of participation, but there is no agreement on how high this level should be, nor of the precise impact of varying participation levels on the functioning of democratic politics. Elevated levels of political participation might equally indicate satisfaction or the occurrence of widespread discontent about the political regime. Conflicting demands from public opinion might also imply that political decision-making becomes more difficult as politicians are confronted with an overload of demands from society. \nNor will all authors will agree that taking part in elections is the first and foremost form of political participation. During elections, citizens only have a limited set of options to voice their preferences, while in non-electoral forms of politics the options on timing, scope, and intensity can be much wider. We also know that in many democracies, the frequency of election-related participation has been declining, while non-electoral forms of participation are on the rise. We do not know, however, whether this implies that citizens are better able to prevail in the decision making process. While there are some well-known examples of how demonstrations and strikes have toppled regimes that looked quite solid, we also know that most demonstrations do not have all that much effect on policy. Continuous mass demonstrations clearly played a role in the downfall of Arab autocracies in 2011, but a vast majority of all demonstrations are not even picked up by the radar of mass media, let alone by political decision makers. \nAn additional question is whether it makes sense to continue to broaden the definition of political participation. In the 1950s, the focus of empirical research was on electoral forms of participation, but in more recent work, non-institutionalized forms of participation have increasingly received attention. Political consumerism—that is, the buying or boycotting of products for political reasons—is now also routinely included in definitions and operationalizations of political participation. But scholars disagree whether various acts of what has been called life-style politics also should be included in the standard definition of political participation. While these activities might have a clear political relevance, it is less clear whether they are actually meant to influence political decision-making. \nIn this chapter, we first conceptualize and define political participation and question how this concept fits within a normative democratic concept. Second, we investigate electoral participation, with a focus on determinants of voter turnout. Third, we highlight the role of non-electoral forms of participation. We close with observations on how inequalities in participation repertoires and levels might have an effect on the democratic role of political participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-11 10:24:26','2016-07-28 12:29:26','','Waiting'),(2160,'Personal Perceptions and Political Affiliation Shaping Immigration Attitudes in Times of Fiscal Austerity: The Case of Greece.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Personal Perceptions and Political Affiliation Shaping Immigration Attitudes in Times of Fiscal Austerity: The Case of Greece.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-11 12:45:33','2016-07-28 12:36:27','','Waiting'),(2161,'Happiness matters: the role of well-being in productivity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article is about the link between people’s subjective well-being, defined as an evaluation of one’s own life, and productivity. Our aim is to test the hypothesis that subjective well-being contributes to productivity using a two step approach: first, we establish whether subjective\n well-being can be a candidate variable to study Total Factor Productivity; second, we assess how much subjective well-being contributes to productivity at aggregate level through efficiency gains. We adopt Data Envelopment Analysis to compute total factor productivity and efficiency indices using European Social Survey and AMECO data for 20 European\n countries. Results show that subjective well-being is an input and not an output to production.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-12 10:06:10','2016-07-28 12:45:56','','Waiting'),(2162,'Lost in Transition: Criminal Justice Reforms and the Crises of Legitimacy in Central and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Lost in Transition: Criminal Justice Reforms and the Crises of Legitimacy in Central and Eastern Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-12 10:28:15','2016-07-28 12:50:02','','Waiting'),(2163,'Empirical Legitimacy as Two Connected Psychological States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Empirical Legitimacy as Two Connected Psychological States',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-12 10:52:11','2016-07-28 12:59:17','','Waiting'),(2164,'Assessing Validity of Different Legitimacy Constructs Applying Structural Equation Modeling','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Assessing Validity of Different Legitimacy Constructs Applying Structural Equation Modeling',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-12 11:03:31','2016-07-28 13:03:08','','Waiting'),(2165,'Do We Trust Them? Public Opinion on Police Work in Plural Policing Environments in Central and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Do We Trust Them? Public Opinion on Police Work in Plural Policing Environments in Central and Eastern Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-12 11:21:56','2016-07-28 13:17:57','','Waiting'),(2166,'Growing Inequality with contested consequences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Growing Inequality with contested consequences',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 10:02:27','2016-07-28 13:19:32','','Waiting'),(2167,'Economic or Cultural Threat? Orientations towards immigration and European integration among EU citizens and national parties over time','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The recent Lampedusa tragic events have brought the attention once again to the fact that addressing\nimmigration issues is critical for the future development of the European Union project. During the last\ndecades, immigration became increasingly salient for the entire European Union. The net number of\nimmigrants has kept growing for years (Figure 1). Even today, although the global economic crisis\ndrastically reduced job opportunities and the well-being of European societies, immigration from less\ndeveloped countries has not stopped, sometimes at the price of hundreds of lives of people trying to reach\nEU boundaries in search of a better life. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 10:11:59','2016-07-28 13:27:31','','Waiting'),(2168,'The impact of Survey item characteristics on mode-specific measurement bias in the Crime Victimisation Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The interaction between survey item characteristics and survey mode is\ninvestigated in terms of measurement bias. For this purpose a typology of survey\nitems was constructed. Mode-specific measurement bias was estimated using a\nlarge-scale mixed-mode experiment linked to the Crime Victimisation Survey 2011.\nThis experiment consisted of a randomized allocation of sample persons to the four\nsurvey modes web, paper, telephone and face-to-face. A multi-level model is used\nto explain the mode-specific measurement bias for a set of approximately 125\nitems from the Crime Victimisation Survey.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 10:37:15','2016-07-28 13:31:51','','Waiting'),(2169,'Does Compliance Correlate with Political Support?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The literature on state legitimacy posits a close relationship between attitudinal political support and compliant behavior. The relationship is well theorized, but an examination of the empirical evidence suggests a significant lacuna. In the literature that focuses citizens’ attitudinal political support, the relationship has been tested through the use of proxies for behavior. In the literature that focuses states’ actions to coax compliance out of citizens, the relationship is derived from behavior. To begin fill this gap in the research, the paper estimates country-level correlations between standard measures of attitudinal political support and a compliant behavior index generated by us. Using data from comparative survey studies (attitudinal support) and official records (compliant behavior), we find a strong and consistent correlation between the two key variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 10:42:05','2016-07-28 14:59:37','','Waiting'),(2170,'Income-related inequalities in self-raported health across 29 European countries: Findings from the European social survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: The degree of health variation among social groups is an important indicator of population health and the efficiency of economic and social systems. Previous studies revealed existence of health inequalities across Europe, however recent studies on the contribution of income to such inequalities are scarce.\n\nAim: To investigate differences in self-reported health between the lowest and the highest income groups across Europe.\n\nMethod: Data from the European Social Survey for 29 countries were examined. The absolute inequalities were calculated as differences in age-adjusted prevalence of poor self-reported health between the lowest and the highest income quintiles. The relative inequalities were measured by odds ratios for reporting poor health in the lowest income group compared to the highest one.\n\nResults: Income-related health inequalities were found in all countries. Larger relative inequalities among men were observed in Greece, Kosovo, Ireland, Israel, Iceland, and Slovenia; among women – in Lithuania, Denmark, Norway, Portugal, Cyprus, and Czech Republic.\n\nConslusions: In Europe, income-related health inequalities persist, however, their degree varies across countries. Gender differences in income-related inequalities were observed within certain countries. For a comprehensive description of health situation in a country assessing both the prevalence of poor health and the inequality level is crucial. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 11:59:11','2016-07-28 13:36:39','','Waiting'),(2171,'Europeanizing Social Science-The case of the European social survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper sketch out and analyze the historical development of the European Social Survey (ESS). In the 1996 a group of European social scientist under the auspice of the European Science Foundation initiated what became one of them largest social scientific projects, a project that now is seen as the golden standard in transnational survey research. The first wave was launched in 2001 and has since been conducted biannual in an increasing number of European countries. From the first wave and onwards the ESS has been heavily funded through the European Union Frame Work Programs and National Research Councils. Simultaneously the ESS has been leading in developing and disseminating transnational surveys research techniques from items design through field works to data management and dissemination. Using documents and interviews, the paper analyses the case of the ESS shedding light two interrelate processes both very central to the analysis of social sciences in society. First, it can tell us about the current changes and developments of surveys research. Surveys research has been one of the most influential social scientific techniques, but the classical techniques of surveys research has in different ways been attached to the nation state. Thus, the paper asks which kinds of changes does tansnationalization of surveys research bring? Secondly, the paper analyses the relations between the social sciences and the EU. The social sciences has since their first institutionalization been closely entangled to the nation state, but how is this entanglement changes in the Europeanization process and with what consequences for the social scientific knowledge?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 12:31:55','2016-07-28 13:40:15','','Waiting'),(2172,'Paradata in Non-Response Bias Adjustment: Application of Sequential Propensity Weighting on Dutch Reluctant Respondent Sample in the European social survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores the use of European Social Survey (ESS) Round 5 paradata Z-variables (eg. type of dwelling and neighborhood characteristics, and characteristics of contact procedure variables) to adjust survey estimates for non-response. By taking reluctant respondents - as opposed to cooperative respondents, as proxies for all types of non-respondents - this paper obtains calibrated propensity weights in sequential steps. Two types of propensity scores (i.e. focus is on ‘contactability’ and ‘survey cooperation’) are obtained through logistic regression models and multiplied with each other in order to obtain nonresponse weights for reluctant respondents based on sub-group stratification methods. ESS Round 5 Dutch sample is used as a case study because of high number of reluctant respondents sample (N=460). This paper illustrates sequential steps to transform reluctant respondents sample that are representative of all types of non-respondents through sequential propensity weights. The effectiveness of propensity weights are studied through level of standardized bias, level of correlations between Z-R and Z-Y variables as well as effects of multiple regression models on attitudinal variables tested between unweighted and weighted samples. These evaluative items are also compared with the effects of post-stratification weights based on key socio-demographic variables (eg. age, gender, region). The paper addresses implications of data quality in paradata, fieldwork design on refusal conversion activities and use of reluctant respondent sample  for non-response adjustments in cross-national research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 12:49:28','2016-07-29 10:22:54','','Waiting'),(2173,'Dwelling type and quality of life in urban areas: evidence from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Much of the literature on sustainable communities and compact cities calls for higher density housing. However, case studies suggest that there can be problems with multi-unit dwellings. Problems identified include inadequate space, noise pollution, suitability for families and children, and a lack of personal green/outdoor space. These studies raise questions about the quality of life, life satisfaction and liveability for its residents. Some suggest that residing in these dwellings is likely to be short-term, that those who can do so relocate to lower density housing over time. However, rigorous comparative research on this topic has not been conducted to date. This paper draws on comparative data from the European Social Survey to analyse: the quality of multi-family dwellings in European urban areas; the characteristics of residents of these dwellings, and their quality of life compared with those living in detached housing.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 12:52:59','2016-07-29 10:46:06','','Waiting'),(2174,'Mirror, mirror on the wall: am I young or am I old?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The views of society at large regarding age thresholds are likely to influence the extent to which age limits will be revised. Our attempt to document the views of society, using the European Social Survey (ESS) data, suggests that both within and between country differences are significant. The task (only started) is to understand the determining factors of both within and between country variations. While institutional variables (official retirement age), demographic features (old age dependency ratio) and labor market outcomes (employment rates) appear associated with the degree to which suitably qualified individuals are accepted at the workplace significant within and cross-country differences remain.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 13:05:32','2016-07-29 11:07:30','','Waiting'),(2175,'Measuring “Total Net Household Income” in Interviews with an Emphasis on Comparative Social Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In social surveys income is an indicator of the socio-economic status. It is used as an explanatory variable in mobility studies and as a social-demographic background item in inequality research. In most cases, information about the income brackets in which the net household income is located is usually enough for a comparative analysis of social structure. The respondent\'s socio-economic position is determined by the access to the monetary resources of the household. This paper shows how the answer quality of the “total net household income” question depends on the data source about the national income distribution used to design the answer categories offered to the respondent.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 13:19:59','2016-07-29 11:17:46','','Waiting'),(2176,'The Good Society: A Comparative Study of Denmark and Switzerland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Denmark and Switzerland are small and successful countries with exceptionally content populations. However, they have very different political institutions and economic models. They have followed the general tendency in the West toward economic convergence, but both countries have managed to stay on top. They both have a strong liberal tradition, but otherwise their economic strategies are a welfare state model for Denmark and a safe haven model for Switzerland. The Danish welfare state is tax-based, while the expenditures for social welfare are insurance-based in Switzerland. The political institutions are a multiparty unicameral system in Denmark, and a permanent coalition system with many referenda and strong local government in Switzerland. Both approaches have managed to ensure smoothly working political power-sharing and economic systems that allocate resources in a fairly efficient way. To date, they have also managed to adapt the economies to changes in the external environment with a combination of stability and flexibility.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 13:43:25','2016-07-29 11:41:03','','Waiting'),(2177,'Overcoming Institutional Barriers: The Relationship Between Basic Human Motivations and Immigrant Integration Across European Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on the incorporation of immigrants into host societies has paid particular attention to the question of who is most likely to integrate, by distinguishing between individual, country of destination, and country of origin effects. Most of these debates have largely overlooked the question of why some people are more likely to integrate. In this study, we analyze integration at the micro-level by identifying what basic human motivations lead to greater socioeconomic success, cultural adaption and political participation. Social psychological research has identified four higher-order universal human values that are consistent with specific types of motivations: self-transcendence (motivation = social justice), conservation (motivation = social order), self-enhancement (motivation = self-esteem enhancement), and openness-to-change (motivation = creativity and independence of thought). Although each exists in every culture, there is much variation in regards to the distribution of these values within and between countries (Schwartz & Bardi, 2001). In this study, we posit that immigrant integration should depend on whether immigrants have the same values and motivations that are dominant among native residents. Moreover, we expect self-enhancement values in particular to be strongly correlated with integration. Yet, because immigrants are more likely than native-born citizens to experience discrimination, we expect this motivation to be more important for immigrant outcomes than for natives. Further, we hypothesize that the relationship between these values and integration will be strongest in societies that have additional institutional features that make immigrant integration more challenging (i.e. weaker welfare states, societies without multicultural policies, and societies without inclusive immigrant integration policies). To test these hypotheses, we analyze the 2002-2012 cumulative file of the European Social Survey, which includes the Schwartz’ Portrait Values Questionnaire in addition to a number of social and political and attitudes and behavior.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 13:48:17','2016-08-01 09:16:31','','Waiting'),(2178,'Unveiling Correlates of “Don\'t Know” Responses in the Left-Right Scale','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Europe’s current economic crisis has spread to the political sphere and escalated populist tendencies and nationalistic politics. Specifically in indebted member-states the political crisis is echoed in citizens’ skepticism about an uncorrupted political system and widespread perceptions that political parties are not strongly ideological oriented, but rather populist, personalistic and clientelistic. In a period of socio-political bewilderment, the division of traditional patterns of individual’s ideological orientation towards political parties has become more ambiguous. In empirical research a classical measure to operationalize political orientation and identity is the left-right scale. The “Don’t Know” (DK) responses in the specific scale are usually treated similarly with “Refusal” or “No Answer” and interpreted as individuals’ cognitive inability in the left-right self-placement; hence excluded from analysis. However, in the present study the DK responses in the left-right scale become the core of investigation. During an era of economic and political crisis, DK responses may reflect individuals’ perceptions of weakening of democratic institutions, their distrust in political parties to revive the economic growth, their condemnation of the political system and their focus on alternative forms of governing to confront the socio-economic vows. Using data from the European Social Survey (ESS) in 18 European countries, the study charts changes in DK responses in the left-right scale before and during the economic crisis. The analyses unearth specific patters of DK responses whereas the greatest changes are detected in two countries severely affected by the recession, i.e. Greece and Spain. Multiple logistic regression analyses unveil the differentiated impacts of political and civic participation, trust in democratic institutions and political parties in elucidating DK responses in respondents’ left-right orientation during a period of economic downturn and political turmoil.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 13:50:38','2016-08-01 09:23:48','','Waiting'),(2179,'Working time, satisfaction and work life balance: A European perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using three different measures for satisfaction, I investigate gender-specific differences in working time mismatch. While male satisfaction with life or job is slightly not effected by working more or less hours, only over-time lowers male work life balance significantly. Women are more sensitive to the amount of working hours. They prefer part-time employment and are dissatisfied with both changes towards over-time and under-time.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-16 14:02:52','2016-08-01 09:30:53','','Waiting'),(2180,'Is Legitimacy Police Property','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper discusses the question whether or not the problem of legitimacy is one that the police themselves can manage. The answer to this question seems obvious: the police have a problem with their legitimacy and should consequently gain public trust and confidence by increasing their effectiveness. Contrary to this position, this paper defends the position that the police are not active agents in the construction on their own legitimacy. The paper begins with the classic Weberian sociological meaning of legitimacy by introducing the distinction between normative and empirical legitimacy. A remarkable geographical variability of empirical legitimacy is observed. The introduction of Community (Oriented) Policing is presented as a police strategy to raise the effectiveness of the police and consequently public confidence. Evaluation studies of COP do not give a satisfactory answer to this relationship.\nNext, the paper develops the point of view that causal factors for the geographical variability are to be found in structural and individual characteristics of the inhabitants of territorial aggregates. These characteristics are hardly influenced by police strategies or actions. Again the observation is made that the police are not active agents of change in the citizens’ institutional trust. Trust seems to be tied to variations in social mechanisms that are beyond the reach of the police. In this way, the circle is round. While police legitimacy is not police property, it are political decision makers who are responsible for the improvement of causal factors that influence public confidence, institutional trust, and ultimately police legitimacy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-17 12:07:21','2016-08-01 09:33:04','','Waiting'),(2181,'Social Capital, Mental Well-Being, and Loneliness in Older People','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An increasing body of research has used the concept of social capital to explain health and well-being inequalities. Still, relatively few studies have specifically focused on older people. Our prime interest in this chapter concerns the concepts of social capital and mental well-being and the meaning of social capital for mental well-being in terms of absence of loneliness in older people. We focus on two commonly used aspects of social capital, structural and cognitive, and their association with loneliness by analyzing the European Social Survey data for three countries. Our analyses suggest that there are differences in social capital, in terms of social contacts and trust, and loneliness between Finland, Poland, and Spain. In general, older people in Finland report lower levels of loneliness and higher levels of social capital. The level of loneliness tends to be lower with high levels of social capital; however, this association differs between the studied countries. The findings are discussed within the framework of active and healthy ageing policies and welfare state regime contexts.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-17 12:19:11','2016-08-01 09:35:29','','Waiting'),(2182,'Assessing Nonresponse Bias with Microdata from Official Statistics–the European Case','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'“Data without Boundaries” – a project funded under the 7th European Framework Programme – aims at improving access to microdata from official statistics in Europe. This overarching goal is reached through several tasks, among them: compiling information on available data and access conditions, proposals for harmonized accreditation access conditions, building a remote access network and offering web-based, structured and searchable codebooks for Eurostat data. Among the data sources that Eurostat produces and disseminates and that “Data without Boundaries” is creating a service for is the European Union Labour Force Survey, the largest household survey of the continent. EU-LFS is a continuous household survey currently carried out in 33 countries. In many of these countries EU-LFS is mandatory leading to very high response rates. Because of its size and the high quality of its sampling this survey is often used as benchmark to measure nonresponse bias in social surveys.\nAfter introducing “Data without Boundaries” the presentation will demonstrate how EU-LFS can be exploited to assess nonresponse bias in surveys conducted in Europe. The empirical analysis focusses on the European Social Survey, the European Values Study and the European part of the International Social Survey Programme. Nonresponse bias will be assessed relative to the variables sex, age, education, employment status, household size and where available region or size of place.\nThe analysis demonstrates how not only those directly interested in micro data from official statistics but also survey researches benefit from the efforts of “Data without Boundaries” and the improved access to Eurostat’s data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-17 12:47:21','2016-08-01 09:37:28','','Waiting'),(2183,'Multiculturalism and Minority Well-Being in Fourteen European States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite pronouncements of its death by leaders of key European states in 2010, multiculturalism “carries on” (to use the Guardian’s term 9/19/12) in public policies at the national and local level in these same states.  Kymlicka (2012: 6) argues that “[m]ulticulturalism is part of a larger human-rights revolution involving ethnic and racial diversity.”  Using the European Social Survey (2002, 2008, 2010) for fourteen European states with scores on the Banting/Kymlicka Multiculturalism Policy Index (MPI), we operationalize well-being in terms of the Council of Europe’s (2003) specification of the eight key areas of life (cf. Jackson and Doerschler, 2012).  These are employment, housing, health care, nutrition, education, information, culture, and basic public functions (which include equality, anti-discrimination and self-organization) (Jackson and Doerschler, 2012: 1).  Greater well-being of minority populations is seen to result from reductions in disparities and polarizations between them and the majority population (European Parliament, 2007).  Scores for the eight dimensions of multicultural policy development (Banting/Kymlicka, 2012) allow us to consider the effects that specific state policies have on targeted areas of minority well-being.  We furthermore examine the possibility that the situation of majorities also improves when states turn toward multiculturalism because these policies foster economic growth and free up societal resources from security functions.    Do minority group members feel safer in states that have taken a greater turn toward multiculturalism?  Are minorities better educated and more likely to be employed in these states?  Do minorities report greater trust in the political system where multiculturalism has taken hold?  What happens to majority group members’ levels of education, employment and political trust as states implement multicultural policies?  These are the questions on which this paper centers.  With such information, political leaders can defend multicultural policies from criticism or amend them in directions that will better reduce disparities and divisiveness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-17 12:51:05','2016-08-01 09:38:46','','Waiting'),(2184,'Core Social Variables and Their Implementation in Measurement Instruments','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present book focuses on six core social variables: education, labour status, occupation/job, household income, private household, and ethnicity. Chapter 5 describes the instruments available for the measurement of each variable, the conditions under which these instruments are applied, and the results that can to be expected. Taking sociological approach as their starting point, the authors then present their own proposal for the development of an instrument for the measurement of each variable. They start with the national or cultural concept and the national structures derived there from. They then proceed one step at a time to an instrument suitable for use in cross-national comparative survey research. In the case of the household income variable, the description of the development of the proposed measurement instrument is followed by a presentation of a number of instruments developed by statisticians that are designed either to standardise income or to define inequality indicators.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-18 10:01:57','2016-08-01 09:42:59','','Waiting'),(2185,'How Does the Majority Public React to Multiculturalist Policies? A Comparative Analysis of European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'igration and ethnic minority integration remain heavily contested issues in numerous European countries. Over the past decade, researchers and political commentators have observed an apparent retreat from multiculturalist policies, related to a belief that multiculturalism has lost support among the majority public. Recently, however, based on analyses of the evolution of migrant integration policies, it has been demonstrated that multiculturalist policies were largely left in place. To investigate the effect of multiculturalist policies on public opinion, we use a multilevel analysis of three policy indicators (MIPEX, MCP and ICRI-CD) and European Social Survey data in twenty European countries. Results show that migrant integration policies to some extent are negatively related to the occurrence of anti-immigrant sentiments, while they do not affect public attitudes toward political institutions. Regarding political attitudes, especially respondents with higher education levels tend to respond in a more positive manner to multiculturalist policies than respondents with lower education levels.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-18 10:10:16','2016-08-01 09:45:21','','Waiting'),(2186,'The Dynamics of Decline: Political Parties in the European Democracies, 2002-2010.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Party membership and activism has been declining in the advanced industrial democracies for many years. It is a development that has the potential to weaken democracy because it undermines political parties which are the core institutions of civil society. This paper tests the ‘state capture’ hypothesis which explains this development in terms of the growth in the state regulation of parties over time. The hypothesis is that growing regulation reduces the incentives for individuals to join and become active in political parties. It is tested by modelling trends in party involvement in some thirty advanced democracies over a period of eight years with the assistance of the European Social Survey cumulative file. Using a multi-level modelling approach in a dynamic setting, the results show that state capture has weakened both party activism and party membership. In addition there is evidence to suggest that it has weakened partisanship in the wider electorate as well, although this effect is indirect and works through incentives to participate in voluntary activities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-18 10:21:47','2016-09-07 13:17:37','','Waiting'),(2187,'Effects of Interview Mode on Self-Reported Well-Being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study explores the differential effects of face-to-face interviewing and web-survey self-interviewing on subjective well-being questions. The analysis employs individual data from traditional surveys (e.g. the World Values Survey, the European Social Survey, and other representative national surveys) and data obtained from a web survey posted at WageIndicator websites in more than 30 countries. Web survey has become a very attractive tool as it allows access to respondents at a lower cost and large numbers relative to traditional surveys that are conducted via phone, mail, or on a face-to-face basis. The WageIndicator is a labor market oriented survey that also includes several subjective well-being indicators. In the first step we contrast the characteristics of samples resulting from different modes. Second, controlling for demographic characteristics, we test the hypothesis that online surveys decrease measurement error in sensitive questions created by the presence of an interviewer (e.g. the underreporting of socially undesirable behavior). We show that mostly in advanced economies respondents tend to report higher subjective well-being levels in the presence of an interviewer, while in developing and former communist countries the presence of an interviewer generates a downward bias in the reported well-being levels. The paper also contributes to the ongoing debate on web survey data quality, reliability, and validity for scientific use. It demonstrates how social sciences can benefit from the use of web survey data in order to overcome the limits of traditional information sources.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-18 10:30:52','2016-08-01 09:52:42','','Waiting'),(2188,'Welfare Magnetism within Public Opinion. Evaluating Welfare Opinions Among First and Second Generation Immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Invoking the metaphor of the magnet, an oft-heard concern about the sustainability of the welfare state is that generous social welfare provisions serve as an important pull-factor in immigrants\' consideration of their preferred country of destination. With their accumulated social risks, immigrants are on average more likely to claim welfare benefits, fueling the idea that such generous provisions reinforce migration flows. If this concern would be justified, then the analysis of attitudes towards social welfare programs among immigrants would reflect such magnetism effect, namely that immigrants would exhibit stronger pro-welfare attitudes compared to the non-immigrant population, particularly in countries with higher per capita spending. To evaluate the extent to which immigrants reflect the idea of welfare magnetism, we analyze the 2008 ?Welfare Attitudes\' module of the European Social Survey, fielded in more than 20 countries. This survey allows us to untangle the extent to which self-interest motivations determine welfare attitudes among immigrants equally as they do among non-immigrants. Further, we can evaluate if pro-welfare attitudes are a function of the size of the welfare state immigrants reside in. While our analysis indicates that immigrants are indeed slightly more pro-welfare than the autochthonous population, it also shows that their welfare attitudes are an imprint of the welfare opinions of the majority population of the country they are living in. We conclude our contribution with the implications for the future of the welfare state, the theory of welfare magnetism, and the consequences for public policy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-18 10:43:06','2016-08-01 09:55:37','','Waiting'),(2189,'Statistical Study of the social-economic factors’ influence on the contemporary Bulgarian human values','Статистическо изследване на влиянието на социално-икономическите фактори върху ценностната система на съвременните граждани на Република България',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This monograph is based on the data from the 6th round of the ESS and its main aim is to study the impact of the social-economic factors on the contemporary Bulgarian human values. In order to analyse these complex interconnections some traditional and some state-of-the-art statistical techniques (such as Structural Equation Modeling) are used.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anaydenov@unwe.bg','2016-05-18 10:52:54','2016-08-01 09:58:07','','Waiting'),(2190,'Influence of Social-Economic Factors ?n the Contemporary Bulgarian Human Values - Experimental Results','Influence of Social-Economic Factors оn the Contemporary Bulgarian Human Values - Experimental Results',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper searches for the answer to\nthe question ‘What are the main reasons\nfor the formation of the contemporary\nBulgarian human values?’. The usage of\nsome ‘traditional’ statistical methods and\nalso non-conventional ones such as the\nstructural equation modeling, in combination\nwith data from the ESS representative\nnational survey, provides a solid basis for\na thorough analysis of the complex system\nof relations and interconnections between\nobserved and latent types of variables. The\nresults from the performed analyses are\nconvincing and provide sufficient evidence\nfor the adequate decision making process.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anaydenov@unwe.bg','2016-05-18 10:57:53','2016-08-01 10:02:53','','Waiting'),(2191,'Change of Basic Human Values in Europe 2002-2012','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Values research is gaining an increasing popularity among social scientists and there exists several theories, trying to deal with this complex phenomenon. Given study is based on the Basic Value theory by Shalom Schwartz, which while describing a theoretical circular structure of basic values has created a robust framework for both cross-time and cross-cultural value comparisons.\nDuring last two decades, Schwartz has developed several value instruments, which has been used in numerous surveys around the world. Given analyses uses data from European Social Survey (ESS), which includes one of mentioned instruments - a short version of portrait value questionnaire (PVQ-21).\nESS is a comparative social survey with free access and very high quality criterions. It was started in 2002 and is conducted in every second year in most of European countries. Therefor this survey provides a database with nearly 300000 cases from year 2002 through 2012, covering very dramatic period of developments in Europe.\nGiven study is not analyzing value change only on country level, but distinguishes also major ethnic minorities where applicable, which gives a more adequate picture of real differentiations and enables to describe occurred change in more detail.\nThe broader aim of this analysis is to fit the change of Europeans basic values into larger societal-change context, following the transition from economic prosperity to regression, which would also allow a better understanding of the value phenomenon in general.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-18 12:02:52','2016-08-01 10:07:32','','Waiting'),(2192,'Risk Taking, Religiosity and Denomination Heterogeneity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'n this paper, I have merged the European Social Survey, World Values Survey and Eurostat (European Statistics Information) into SHARE (Survey of Health, Aging and Retirement in Europe) by regional geographical cell (NUTS2). By using this specific merged data set, I have evaluated the effect of household level religiosity and regional denomination heterogeneity (Catholic/Protestant ratio) on household risk preference. The finding is as follows : the higher the level of religious belief the lower the risk-taking incentive the households have; however, for regional denomination heterogeneity, the higher the regional Catholic/Protestant ratio, the more popular the local risk-taking incentive prevails.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-18 12:07:29','2016-08-01 10:12:00','','Waiting'),(2193,'Was migrating beneficial? Comparing social mobility of Turks in Western Europe to Turks in Turkey and Western European natives','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on educational and occupational achievement of immigrants in Europe has mainly followed an assimilationist approach, focused on comparisons with natives or other immigrant groups (see for example Heath & Cheung 2007). However, this may not be at all the perspective that migrants themselves find most relevant, if we assume that people move to improve their life chances relative to what they would have been in the origin society without migrating. Following this argument, the paper studies social mobility and status attainment among Turkish migrants and their descendants in nine Western European countries in comparison with Turks in Turkey (and native populations in Western Europe). The emphasis is therefore on the origins, through a twofold perspective: with respect to parents and with respect to non-migrants in Turkey. This way, the widely used approach of ‘ethnic penalties’ (also included in the analysis) is complemented with a focus on the benefits (and limitations) of migrating, not only in terms of average achievements with respect to those left behind, but also in terms of the possibilities that migration opens for social mobility processes. The study is based on a combined dataset from the European Social Survey (2002-2010) and the European Values Study (2008). Among the main findings, the paper shows that ‘ethnic penalties’ in terms of occupational status have been declining between the generations, as more Turks in Western Europe have been educated in the destination country. However, the comparison with Turks in Turkey shows that migration has not favoured immigrants on all accounts. While second generation Turks are on average less dependent on their parental background than Turks in Turkey, and those with lower class backgrounds (which comprises most of cases) are indeed better able to move relative to their parents in terms of education, they continue to be disadvantaged in terms of the occupations they get. This is due to the fact that in Turkey the same education leads to a higher occupational status, which makes the occupational ‘gains’ that second generation Turks obtain in Western Europe (on average) transform into lags with respect to those left behind. These lags also seem to be particularly pronounced for higher educated women.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-18 12:13:43','2016-09-08 11:00:30','','Waiting'),(2194,'Trust in the police: A European cross-country comparative analysis using fsQCA','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The maintenance of public order and the control of crime are clearly amongst the primary objectives of global law enforcement agencies. An important antecedent to this is the consideration of public trust in their police service. Using data from the European Social Survey, this exploratory study investigates how public social indicators may be related to the level of trust in a country’s police service. With the investigation exposited around results from analyses using fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA), multiply conjunctional causal configurations of the considered social indicators are established. A consequence of using fsQCA, asymmetric causal configurations are identified for the relative high and low limiting levels of trust towards the police in the considered countries. The results offer novel insights into the relationship between social indicators and police trust, as well as expositing a nascent technique (fsQCA) that may offer future potential in this area.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-18 12:19:12','2016-08-01 11:07:53','','Waiting'),(2195,'Testing the Equivalence of Values in Europe with the New PVQ-RR Scale','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Investigating whether European societies share common values requires that the values are in the first place comparable. Since its inception in 2002 the European Social Survey (ESS) has included a short version of 21 questions to measure ten basic human values (Schwartz 1992). This enabled studying European values across countries and over time. Studies assessing whether and to what extent these values are comparable across European societies have led to partly disappointing results: Whereas it could be shown that associations between values and other theoretical constructs of interest may be meaningfully compared across countries, statistical tests of equivalence demonstrated that value means may not be comparable. Methodologists have suggested that this finding was a consequence of the efforts of the ESS to maintain value coverage while using nonhomogeneous items to measure each value. This might change now. In 2012 Schwartz and colleagues have proposed a refined value theory with 19 more finely distinguished values and a new instrument, PVQ-5X with 57 questions to measure these values. This scale has better reliability properties of the older ESS instrument, it takes only 2-3 minutes longer to complete, and most importantly, first results suggest that it displays better equivalence properties across countries and may allow comparing means of at least some of the values across some European countries. The current study investigates the comparability of values in Europe with this new instrument, and enquires if sufficient levels of equivalence are achieved, to study the similarity, commonality or uniqueness of value priorities across European societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 09:35:34','2016-08-01 11:12:54','','Waiting'),(2196,'Development, Inequality, and Discrimination in Europe: A Comparison of Post-Socialist and West European Democracies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper uses the European Social Survey 2002-2012 to examine trends in discrimination, taking into account two different groups: those who feel discriminated against because of their ethnicity, and those who espouse xenophobic attitudes. The country-level relationship between feelings of discrimination and xenophobic attitudes calls for explanations that consider economic development and social inequality. A complimentary research question is: To what extent does social inequality influence feelings of discrimination and intolerant attitudes, beyond economic-development factors, individuals’ socio-demographics and various personal outlooks? Our analysis covers post-socialist and West European countries (N>16) in the period 2002-2012. Multilevel regression analysis on the ESS data provides the statistical means to examine the effects of country-level and individual-level determinants and their interactions on feeling discriminated and on xenophobic attitudes. Economic variables at the country level include national income per capita and Gini index of income inequality. At the individual level, we focus on social stratification – education, occupational status, and income – subjective evaluations of standard of living, as well as a range of attitude measures. Results demonstrate how these variables are related to ethnic discrimination and xenophobic attitudes, controlling for political views and national orientations. We show that in post-socialist countries ethnic discrimination became more salient as society embraced party pluralism and freedom of speech. At the same time, in both post-socialist countries and Western democracies right-wing and nationalistic attitudes are strongly fuelling discrimination. At the end of the paper, we discuss theoretical implications of our findings for analyses of development, inequality, and democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 09:38:00','2016-08-01 11:27:46','','Waiting'),(2197,'The Disadvantage in Subjective Well-Being among Self-Defined Ethnic Minorities: A Multilevel Analysis of European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study we try to explain the difference in subjective well-being between citizens who self-identify as a member of an ethnic minority group and citizens who describe themselves as a member of the majority population. We use data from twenty countries that are represented in the fifth edition of the European Social Survey, with more than 1,500 ethnic minority respondents and 36,000 respondents in total. Though initially majority-minority differences in both life satisfaction and happiness can be observed, with ethnic minority respondents having lower levels, these differences can be fully explained by the fact that ethnic minority respondents occupy relatively disadvantaged socio-economic positions and experience more discrimination in society, and this finding is in line with the need-gratification theory of subjective well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 09:42:10','2016-08-01 11:29:30','','Waiting'),(2198,'The Success of the Populist Message Explained','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Populism has become a regular feature of many liberal democracies. As a result, various studies have focused on the upsurge of parties that employ a populist discourse. However, comparative studies of populism mainly focus on one specific form of the phenomenon: right-wing populism. Other forms of populism, such as left-wing populism or liberal populism, have received far less attention in comparative research. This paper conceives of populism as a set of ideas that can be combined with every political ideology. Moreover, it is assumed that political parties can employ the populist set of ideas to a larger or lesser extent. As such, populism becomes a matter of degree: parties –on both the left and the right – can be more or less populist. This raises the question as to how the success of the populist message can be explained. Why and under which circumstances do citizens vote for parties that employ a populist discourse? In order to answer that question, I focus on both micro-level explanations (socio-demographic characteristics and political attitudes on the individual level), and macro-level variables (corruption, social inequality, party system polarization and the electoral system). The paper combines the results of a computer-based content analysis of election manifestos with the European Social Survey (2002-2010). By means of multi-level analyses of parties and voters in 15 Western European countries, it is assessed how the success of parties that employ a populist discourse can be explained.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 09:48:19','2016-08-03 09:42:33','','Waiting'),(2199,'From Social Science Concepts-by-Intuition to Assertions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter indicates that the many different concepts that are used in the social sciences can be classified in general classes of basic concepts. It illustrates the link between many concepts from the European Social Survey (ESS) and basic concepts of the social sciences. The chapter discusses the basic structures of assertions, and the forms of assertions that can be used for basic concepts. The elementary structures of the assertions refer in a simple way to the concepts. However, the assertions can be made rather lengthy by use of complex sentences, subordinate clauses, time and place statements, and conditions.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 10:16:06','2016-08-01 13:04:40','','Waiting'),(2200,'Social Trust–Differences And Similarities Between Eastern European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social trust or the belief that others will not harm us or will look after\nus, if possible, is a concept of interest for many scientists coming from different\nareas. It can be important for economists, for sociologists, for psychologists or\nhealth researchers. Differences in social trust can predict differences in economic\ndevelopment as well. The present study aims to compare the levels of social trust\nfrom Romania, Ukraine, Bulgaria, Hungary, Czech Republic and Poland. To do\nthat, we will use data from the European Social Survey, the 2008 round. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 10:45:54','2016-08-04 08:50:44','','Waiting'),(2201,'The Effect of Party Membership and Party Closeness on Political Trust in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political parties are essential linkage mechanisms between citizens and the political system. We know less, however, about the question how this mechanism actually operates. While some authors assume it is sufficient that parties offer citizens various ideological options about the way society should be governed, others indicate that parties can offer strong ties to the political system mainly by offering stable identities like party membership. In this analysis of the European Social Survey cumulative file (five waves, 2002-2010), we investigate the relation between party membership, closeness to a political party and trust in political institutions. While party membership is declining, its relation with political trust is limited. We do not find any indication therefore that the decline of party membership could have a substantial negative effect on levels of political trust. Feeling close to a political party, on the other hand is more strongly related to political trust, even controlling for political interest. Results furthermore indicate that in most European societies levels of party closeness are stable. We conclude that political parties indeed function as a linkage mechanism between citizens and the state, but that there is no reason to attribute a privileged role to formal party membership, as feeling close to a political party apparently has a stronger linkage effect.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 10:53:37','2016-08-02 08:50:21','','Waiting'),(2202,'Anti-immigrant attitudes in context: The role of rhetoric, religion and political representation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background. This thesis directs attention to how attitudes towards immigrants evolve under different contextual circumstances. Unlike previous research that primarily focuses on contextual factors related to the availability of material resources, the included studies explore the influence of less tangible aspects of our surroundings, brought together under the term immaterial contexts. Three kinds of immaterial contexts are in focus: political representatives’ use of nationalistic rhetoric, the parliamentary presence of the extreme right, and the religious context. The studies examine the direct effects of these contexts, but also how individuals’ beliefs, loyalties, and experiences interact with the contextual factors to shape peoples’ attitudes.\n\nMethods. The thesis takes a comparative approach where countries serve as the main contextual unit. Data on attitudes and other individual features are gathered from the European Social Survey 2002-2012. To be able to analyze these data in the same model as used for country-level data, the thesis applies multi-level models.\n\nResults. The findings support a theoretical expectation that immaterial contexts influence anti-immigrant attitudes. How people perceive immigrants and immigration can be traced to political and religious aspects of their surroundings. Also, it is found that individuals are not passive recipients of contextual influences as their reactions depend on their preferences and experiences. While political representatives influence anti-immigrant attitudes, these effects are strongly conditional both on features of the representatives themselves, and on characteristics and experiences of individuals. For example, individuals respond to political rhetoric by traditional political parties but are not influenced by the same kind of message if conveyed by a party belonging to the extreme right.\n\nConclusion. The thesis is an attempt to widen the very notion of contexts in empirical research, and as such, it is a contribution to the literature on anti-immigrant attitudes. It shows that anti-immigrant attitudes depend not only on material circumstances, but also on immaterial circumstances tied to the political and religious arena. Further, the thesis demonstrates how combining the theoretical perspectives of group threat theory and framing theory implies greater possibilities to conceive of the link between contexts and attitudes, as well as improved theoretical tools to understand when and why such effects do not occur. It signals that research on immaterial contexts is necessary to further advance the comparative scholarship on anti-immigrant attitudes and reach a deeper understanding of how such attitudes emerge and evolve.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 11:14:45','2016-08-02 08:59:15','','Waiting'),(2203,'Ethnic Diversity in European Welfare States: Contact and Conflict','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As rapidly as immigrants and their descendants are populating western European welfare states, scholars are attempting to assess immigration\'s impact on political economies, evidenced by an explosion of research on the relationships among ethnic diversity, anti-immigrant sentiment, social spending and welfare policy preferences. Electoral gains by neo-nationalist parties, neo-liberal pressures in the post-\'golden age\' of the welfare state, and the recent economic crisis have led some to predict that the European coordinated marked economies will continue to implement austerity measures and adopt characteristics of the liberal market economies. Empirically these expectations derive from a conflict hypothesis, where immigration generated ethnic diversity leads to in-group and negative out-group biases and thus preferences for welfare retrenchment. However, there is a growing body of research that gives credence to a contacthypothesis, where increased contact between members of different ethnic groups leads to greater tolerance and acceptance of diversity. Therefore if ethnic diversity produces less anti-immigrant sentiment, one might expect increased support for social welfare policies. We test these competing hypotheses with a unique regional dataset merged with the European Social Survey (2008) and use structural equation models to examine the impact of exposure to diversity on welfare attitudes. Results reveal support for both hypotheses: contact and conflict are simultaneously at work. Ethnic diversity reduces anti-immigrant sentiment through contact, but it also decreases support of welfare policies through conflict; thus, diversity directly reduces support for welfare while indirectly increasing support for it.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 11:25:11','2016-08-02 09:00:44','','Waiting'),(2204,'Effect of Economic Crises on Work Orientations Among European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An extensive body of research in social sciences has analyzed the change of values in developed societies, assuming that as populations experience higher levels of wealth and security there will be a shift in their goals to show an increasing interest for self-actualization and quality of life. Concerning to work, it will be expected a relative decrease of extrinsic work orientations -those related to external aspects of work and based on the notion that work is mainly a means of obtaining instrumental resources- in favor of intrinsic work orientations -those linked to working tasks and based on the supposition that work in itself is an enriching experience that allows one to enhance their personal development and self-expression-.\nThe current context of economic crisis has brought up a new scenario that could alter the direction of the predicted change in work orientations, producing a return to the instrumental views in detriment of the expressive work orientations, as a response to the uncertain and risky labor conditions.\n The aim of this paper is to compare work orientations in several European countries in two moments of time, analyzing the differences among countries as well as the evolution of work orientations in order to test the impact of the economic crises on such evolution. Data analysis will consider the impact of the economic crisis on work orientations at a double level –aggregated and individual-, and will be based on relevant data from the European Social Survey (2004 and 2010).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 11:27:42','2016-08-02 09:04:25','','Waiting'),(2205,'Ethnic Visibility, Context, and Xenophobia: A European Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this study is to answer the following overarching question: how does ethnic diversity among immigrant and native populations impact xenophobia? Many studies answer this question by examining the effects of relative immigrant group size. Instead, I argue that group size increases xenophobia when immigrants are ethnically visible, crossing salient linguistic, religious, or racial boundaries. In three investigations I look at the effects of the following factors on xenophobia: ethnic diversity in the immigrant population, ethnic diversity in the broader society, and being cultural marginal. Analyzing multilevel models using cross-national data from the European Social Survey (ESS), I examine the effects of regional and national contexts of immigrant visibility on xenophobia. I define xenophobia as the perception of immigrant threat. I also test the hypothesis that average xenophobia is higher among individuals living in more ethnically diverse countries. In the second investigation, I reexamine immigrant visibility, this time using Swiss ESS data to compare across municipalities. I also consider the effects of living adjacent to rather than in an immigrant-rich community. In a final investigation, I again analyze cross-national ESS data to determine the effects of being different from the cultural majority on xenophobia.\n\nI find that xenophobia is higher among individuals living in more religiously diverse countries. Also, for those living in communities with few to no immigrants, the presence of immigrants in surrounding areas amplifies xenophobia. Comparing across countries and regions within those countries, I find that the size of the ethnically visible population does not affect xenophobia. However, immigrant visibility does increase xenophobia in the Swiss context. All other things equal, cultural minority and majority members do not appear to differ in their levels of xenophobia. However, individuals who perceive marginality tend to be more xenophobic than those who do not. The interesting exception is religious minority members, who are least xenophobic, but only when they perceive marginality.\n\nThe findings cast doubt on the size argument of group threat theory, which predicts that xenophobia is higher where there are more immigrants. Even when measured in terms of the most ethnically visible and potentially most culturally threatening, immigrant group size does not explain cross-national differences in individual xenophobia. It seems to explain attitudes in some national contexts, but not others. Group size may only evoke perceptions of immigrant threat under certain necessary conditions as an interaction effect. Living adjacent to immigrant-rich communities amplifies xenophobia, but in a way that is partly attributable to contact. Counter to the predictions of cultural marginality theory, being culturally different does not universally lead one to espouse more tolerant views toward immigrants. The religious exception may stem from increased contact with immigrants, rather than simply the increased sympathy for other marginalized peoples implied by cultural marginality theory.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 11:29:53','2016-08-02 09:09:29','','Waiting'),(2206,'Labor Force Participation among Immigrants in 10 Western European Countries: Generation, Gender and Ethnicity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from five European Social Surveys the study focuses on labor force incorporation of sub-groups of immigrants in 10 West-European countries. Whereas the analysis reveals that rate of labor force activity among first-generation immigrants is lower than that of comparable native-born populations regardless of ethnicity or gender, meaningful differences across sub-groups of second-generation immigrants are observed. Second-generation male and female immigrants of European origin achieve parity with native-born Europeans in rate of participation; by contrast, second-generation immigrant men and women of non-European origin and of the Muslim faith are less likely to become economically active than comparable Europeans.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 11:36:36','2016-08-02 09:14:00','','Waiting'),(2207,'Perceived employability for non-native employees: an individualized approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article argues that the relationship between work and exclusion\nfrom the labour market needs to be considered for understanding how\nthe focus on actively working citizens affects individuals in contemporary\ntransnational European labour market. Transnational mobility\nrequires a transportability of qualifications and competences. Therefore,\nthis article link individual perceived employability to the concept\nof exclusion. Researchers claim that the self-perception and attitude\ntowards one’s individual employability has become more important\nthan the actual possibilities. However, a general view is that\nnon-native inhabitants do not get the same labour market possibilities\ncompared to natives. By combining these two dimensions, one might\nask whether the level of education differs in its subjective importance\nfor native compared to non-native employees. Moreover, it can be\nassumed that the institutional rights and social spending are perceived\nas more restrictive by non-native employees compared to natives.\nThe study compares data from before and after the recent European\nenlargement (European Social Survey (ESS)) from 2004 and 2010.\nThe impact of individual and contextual factors on perceived employability\nis highlighted by the use of multi-level modeling. The article\npostulates that the possibility to match individual qualifications with\nopen positions is smaller for non-native employees compared to natives.\nIt is assumed that non-native employees will have a more individualized\napproach to gain employability and income security.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-19 13:07:08','2016-08-02 09:19:02','','Waiting'),(2208,'Whose health suffers most from job loss in recessions? Longitudinal analysis of vulnerable groups and protective factors in 27 European countries (2007-2009)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background\n\nJob losses rose sharply during the Great Recessions of 2007-2010, but it is not well-known which groups have suffered the most. Using longitudinal data from the EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC), we tested the effects on self-reported health of job loss by age and presence of a chronic illness as well as evaluated potential modifying factors.\n\nMethods\n\nMulti-level regression models were used to evaluate the effects of job loss on self-reported health using the longitudinal EU-SILC. We constructed a baseline of employed persons (n = 72 801) in year 2007 and country-level data on levels of social capital and unemployment benefits were taken from Eurostat and the European Social Survey, respectively.\n\nResults\n\nThe association of job loss with poor self-reported health was significantly stronger in people aged 30-49 (B = 0.16, p < 0.001), compared with people aged 18-29 (B = 0.06, p < 0.001) and people aged 50-65 (B = 0.12, p < 0.001). There was no differential effect observed in persons with or without chronic illnesses. We observed that higher population levels of social capital attenuated the association of job loss with self-reported health for people aged 30-49 (B = -0.09, p < 0.01) and people with chronic illness (B = -0.13, p < 0.05). Unemployment benefits particularly appeared to mitigate harmful effects in younger persons aged 18-29 (B = -0.01, p < 0.01) and people with chronic illness (B = -0.02, p < 0.01).\n\nConclusions\n\nJob losses significantly worsened self-reported health during the Great Recession, especially in middle-age groups. These impacts were mitigated where social capital and unemployment benefits were high.\n\nKey messages\n\nJob losses significantly worsened self-reported health during the Great Recession, especially in middle-age groups.\n\nThese impacts were mitigated where social capital and unemployment benefits were high.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-20 10:49:18','2016-08-02 09:22:31','','Waiting'),(2209,'Social Policies for Old Age: A Story of Shifting Images and Time Lag','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Population aging pushes aging policies up the political agenda and poses new challenges to them. These policies currently need to accommodate a growing number of older people and the increasing healthy life expectancy. Therefore, most Western governments are currently evaluating and reforming their aging policies. In doing so, however, policy-makers are not only guided by empirical facts on old age and by the welfare state design but the image of old age also exerts an influence. Policy-makers need to balance the empirical facts against images when designing aging policies. Moreover, they need to do this while ironing out time lags, which emerge because of the different speeds at which the situation in old age, the image of older people, and aging policies change. This chapter discusses social policies for older people, focusing on the roles of shifting images and time lag.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-20 11:08:28','2016-08-02 09:30:01','','Waiting'),(2210,'The relationship between values and white-collar crime.: Basic human values as predictors for risk of individual white-collar offending–Evidence from Sweden.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This is the first systematical test of the relationship between basic human values (Schwartz, 1992) and white-collar crime. The data used is a country specific (Sweden) subset sample of the European Social Survey, round 2. Due to measurement problems, only 7 value constructs could be submitted to testing. The dependent variable used answered the question whether respondents had, or had not, committed any of four types of white-collar crime within a period of the last five years. Using logistic regression models the bivariate relationships between each value construct and white-collar crime was calculated, controlling for gender, age, education and socio-economic status. Additionally, the higher-order value types stipulated by value theory (Schwartz 1992) were submitted to testing using the same approach. Results reveal all values except hedonism and all higher-order value types to be statistically significant in their respective relationships with the white-collar crime variable. The values of power/achievement, stimulation and self-direction, as well as the higher-order-types of self-enhancement and openness-to-change, relate in a positive manner; increasing odds of white-collar crime prevalence. The values of universalism/benevolence, tradition/conformity and security, as well as the higher-order value types of self-transcendence and conservation, relate in a negative manner; decreasing odds of white-collar crime prevalence. These results provide evidence of basic human values and higher-order value types being suitable predictors to be included in any model trying to account for variation in white-collar offending.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-20 12:52:13','2016-08-02 09:40:57','','Waiting'),(2211,'Why they lack support: The effect of perceived policy responsiveness on the political support of ethnic minorities in 14 heterogeneous European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A lack of responsiveness towards ethnic minorities is not only problematic from a normative\npoint of view, but has far-reaching political consequences. It directly endangers the stability of a\ndemocracy as under-represented groups tend to see the system as less legitimate and to lose trust\nin its institutions. Building on Easton\'s concept of political support, this paper focuses on the\npolitical support of ethnic minorities. Based on data from the sixth wave of the European Social\nSurvey it assesses the role of substantive and descriptive representation as well as of winning and\nlosing for ethnic minorities\' political support in 14 European countries. The findings suggest that\nwhile substantive representation increases the level of political support among all individuals\nfrom ethnic minority groups, it is most important for individuals who are otherwise not well represented\nin the political system - i.e. for individuals whose ethnic group is not adequately represented\nin parliament. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-20 12:57:58','2016-08-02 09:49:36','','Waiting'),(2212,'Inflated discrete Beta regression models for Likert and discrete rating scale outcomes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Discrete ordinal responses such as Likert scales are regularly proposed in questionnaires and used as dependent variable in modeling. The response distribution for such scales is always discrete, with bounded support and often skewed. In addition, one particular level of the scale is frequently inflated as it cumulates respondents who invariably choose that particular level (typically the middle or one extreme of the scale) without hesitation with those who chose that alternative but might have selected a neighboring one. The inflated discrete beta regression (IDBR) model addresses those four critical characteristics that have never been taken into account simultaneously by existing models. The mean and the dispersion of rates are jointly regressed on covariates using an underlying beta distribution. The probability that choosers of the inflated level invariably make that choice is also regressed on covariates. Simulation studies used to evaluate the statistical properties of the IDBR model suggest that it produces more precise predictions than competing models. The ability to jointly model the location and dispersion of (the distribution of) an ordinal response, as well as to characterize the profile of subject selecting an \"inflated\" alternative are the most relevant features of the IDBR model. It is illustrated with the analysis of the political positioning on a \"left-right\" scale of the Belgian respondents in the 2012 European Social Survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-20 13:06:08','2016-08-02 09:54:04','','Waiting'),(2213,'Generational changes, gaps and conflicts: A view from the South','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Earlier longitudinal and well-known\nstudies on the long-term effects\nof experiencing economic deprivation\nduring childhood – such as those\ncaused by the Great Depression of 1929\n– have shown that feelings of insecurity,\nfear of unemployment and hunger,\nand an overall sense of powerlessness\ntowards a collective and individual\nfuture prevail for many years after the\nactual economic historical episode, if\nnot the rest of the lives of the individuals\n(Elder 1974; ILO 2012) and their\ndescendants. These consequences are\nmanifested not only as concrete negative\neffects produced in the access to\nthe structure of opportunities in life\navailable, but also as life styles, educational\nstrategies, parental approaches,\nand overall social values and identities\nof whole generational units. This longitudinal\nand timely approach might\nhelp us to reflect on the current situation\nof young people and young adults,\nalways bearing in mind its eventual\nfuture consequences – namely in the\nEuropean countries experiencing the\nhardest economic scenarios.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 09:27:37','2016-08-02 10:01:10','','Waiting'),(2214,'Trust Across Political Conflicts: Evidence From A Survey - Experiment In Divided Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we report on an on-line survey experiment carried out on national samples in Spain and Portugal in which we implemented multiple trust games. The results confirm that citizens’ interpersonal trust is heavily affected by partisan identities favoring in-group members trust over that of the out-group identifiers. This finding seems to be robust in both countries under study, although the partisan effect on trust seems to be stronger in Spain, a more polarized party system. The Spanish case also shows that partisanship is the political identity affecting interpersonal trust the most, followed by other important political divides such as the left-right ideological dimension and the national/regional cleavage. Additionally, trust gaps between political in and out-groups widen depending on the intensity of citizens’ political or social identities and their degree of politization.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 09:33:02','2018-02-02 13:50:21','','Waiting'),(2215,'Trust across political conflicts: Evidence from a survey experiment in divided societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we report on an on-line survey-experiment carried out on national samples in Spain and Portugal in which we implemented multiple trust games. The results confirm that citizens’ interpersonal trust is heavily affected by partisan identities favoring in-group members trust over that of the out-group identifiers. This finding seems to be robust in both countries under study, although the partisan effect on trust seems to be stronger in Spain, a more polarized party system. The Spanish case also shows that partisanship is the political identity affecting interpersonal trust the most, followed by other important political divides such as the left-right ideological dimension and the national/regional cleavage. Additionally, trust gaps between political in and out-groups widen depending on the intensity of citizens’ political or social identities and their degree of politization.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 09:36:47','2018-02-02 13:47:08','','Waiting'),(2216,'Modelling missing values in cross-national surveys: a latent variable approach.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In survey research, the aim is often to measure some underlying trait(s) of the respondents through their responses to a set of questions. In the paper, we focus on cross-national surveys, where the main research objective is to compare the distribution of the latent variables across countries. We focus on the modelling of item non-response in such surveys, and studying its effects on cross-national comparisons. We consider models which are extensions of standard multigroup latent variable models, extended in such as a way as to model the missing data mechanism together with the latent constructs and their measurement. The model for the missing data mechanism will serve two purposes: first to characterize the item non-response as ignorable or non-ignorable and consequently to study the patterns of missingness and characteristics of non-respondents across countries, but also to study the effect that a misspecified model for the missing data mechanism might have on the substantively interesting parts of the model, including the crossnational comparisons.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 09:43:55','2016-08-19 15:35:19','','Waiting'),(2217,'Immigrants, Trust, and Political Institutions: The Case of European Muslims. Doctoral thesis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Given the constant increase in the share of Europe&#x2019;s population made up of individuals with immigrant origin, understanding political engagement and attitudes among the migrant population becomes crucial for the stability of European regimes. This paper integrates theories of political participation with literature on immigrant incorporation to examine factors that shape trust in institutions among immigrants in Western Europe. Results of analyses using cross-national survey data from the European Social Survey and country-level indicators of quality of governance show that among immigrants trust in institutions is positively associated with the difference in quality of governance between the residence country and the country of origin, but the magnitude of these effects varies between the foreign-born and second generation migrants. Additionally, controlling for quality of governance, having former colony origin has a negative effect on trust. Surprisingly, adherence to Islam has a positive effect of political trust above and beyond other individual- or country-level factors. This striking finding may be partially due to selection dynamics, which could operate differently for migrants from different religious-cultural backgrounds. By improving the understanding of factors shaping levels of political trust, this research has practical implications for immigration and diversity-management policies in Western Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 10:05:06','2016-08-02 12:23:22','','Waiting'),(2218,'Social Cohesion and Support for the Welfare State during the Financial Crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We outline a theoretical framework to understand how support for the welfare state is affected by the shocks to the unemployment rate, earnings, and state revenue during the Financial Crisis. We emphasize how the economic interests of different groups change in response to the shocks and how the social cohesion underlying the support for the welfare state might be eroded. Since Alesina and Glaeser (2004) the role of immigration and ethnic heterogeneity has played a prominent role in the welfare state literature and we relate this literature to our framework on the importance of economic shocks for social cohesion. We confront the theoretical framework with data on the development of support for the welfare state during the recession, using data from six rounds of the European Social Survey, 2002-2012. We examine not only aggregate changes, but also examine changes within and across different socio-economic groups, such as low- and high-skilled respondents.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 10:17:34','2016-08-02 12:25:22','','Waiting'),(2219,'Can increasing religiosity foster democratization in Ukraine','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Stable democracies are characterized by the predominance of certain values and political orientations. Ukraine, as a\nnewly independent post-Soviet state, chose a democratic path toward its development and over the last two decades it\nexperienced massive changes including transformations in the religious sphere. Statistical and survey data suggest\nthat religiosity has significantly increased in Ukraine after independence. It is however not clear, whether religious\npeople differ from the rest of the population with respect to socio-demographic characteristics, what kind of religiosity\nhas increased and whether this growth can foster the democratic development of the society? This report presents the\nresults of an explorative study of the link between the degree of religiosity and political orientations of the Ukrainian\npopulation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 10:27:22','2016-08-02 12:26:43','','Waiting'),(2220,'Culture or Institutions? A Quasi-Experiment on the Origins of Political Trust in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political trust is an essential ingredient for the functioning of democracies. Cultural theory hypothesizes that trust in political institutions originates in deeply rooted and long standing cultural norms, which are transmitted through early-life socialization and thus are exogenous to political institutions. By contrast, institutional theory views political trust as a direct consequence of institutional performance. This paper studies political trust in Europe within a quasi-experiment framework of migration. I compare Russian-born immigrants\' political trust in Eastern and Western European countries. Results using European Social Survey data by itself or merged with the Integrated Values Surveys suggest that Russian-born migrants in Western Europe have higher probability of political trust than Russian-born migrants living in Eastern Europe. Within a narrow analysis at the level of a single culture, I find transparent evidence in favor of a strong causal effect driven by institutions. Along with it, cultural heterogeneity in parental background also affects political trust. Moreover, the evidence favors an interactive, i.e. joint effect of institutions and culture. An ad hoc test for determining similarly interpersonal trust only weakly verifies the empirical validity of the two theories.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 10:36:27','2016-08-02 12:30:45','','Waiting'),(2221,'Public Television and Anti-immigrant Sentiments in European Societies: A Multilevel Analysis of Patterns in Television Use and Audience','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recently a consensus is rising that television effects on civic attitudes should be studied as multidimensional phenomena, disentangling the effects of specific television type and content. This study aims to expand current knowledge by systematically assessing the differential impact of television type and content on anti-immigrant sentiments. Adopting a comparative approach, we use data from the six waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) to assess the impact of individual and aggregate level patterns of television use on anti-immigrant sentiments in European societies. Overall individual television viewing time is positively associated with anti-immigrant sentiments, while frequent exposure to news and information programs seems to counterbalance this effect. At the aggregate level the results show that in societies with higher market shares for public broadcasting stations generally anti-immigrant sentiments are lower. We can conclude that strong public broadcasting stations continue to exert an important gatekeeping role in democratic societies by fostering civic attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 11:00:29','2016-08-02 12:43:20','','Waiting'),(2222,'Codebook: European Labour Market Resilience (ELMaR) Dataset','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ELMaR (European Labour Market Resilience) Dataset draws on a number of available data sources, and covers key independent and dependent variables of labour market resilience. This dataset is part of Work Package 1 (WP1) of the INSPIRES (Innovative Social Policies for Inclusive and Resilient Labour Markets in Europe) research project, funded by the European Commission under the Framework Programme 7 (grant agreement No. 320121). The main objective of WP1 is to define, operationalize and assess labour market resilience across European countries. In order to create a publicly available cross-national dataset on labour market resilience, we have compiled a time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data, comprising of the total of 147 variables, covering 30 European countries, including 28 European Union Member States: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom, as well as Switzerland and Norway; and running from 1995 till 2012. In addition to aggregated/country level data, the ELMarR Dataset also includes data for four vulnerable groups, identified by INSPIRES project, namely youth, older people, migrants and disabled persons. Consequently, the ELMaR Dataset is appropriate for both cross national and longitudinal analyses.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 13:09:30','2016-08-18 11:09:01','','Waiting'),(2223,'The influence of parental socio-economic status on the timing of first union across European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Past empirical research has demonstrated the importance of parental socio-economic status\n(SES) as a determinant for entry into a first union. The majority of existing studies found that\nyoung adults growing up in high socio-economic status families delay their first unions\ncompared to those from lower socio-economic backgrounds. Most studies examined the\nimpact of parental SES on the timing of first union within one context or one country only.\nHowever, it can be assumed that the strength of the link between parental status and the\ntiming of first union depends on the societal context. Therefore, this study examines the link\nbetween parental SES and the timing of first union for 25 European countries participating in\nthe European Social Survey (2006). Results from discrete-time hazard models show that in\nalmost all countries young adults from advantaged backgrounds delay their entry into first\nunion, although the strength of this effect differs between countries. Moreover, the impact of\nparental status on the timing of first union is stronger for women than for men. The impact of\nparental SES is also stronger at early ages and did not change much over historical time.\nLastly, for almost all European countries, the impact of parental status on the timing of first\nunion is partly mediated by individual educational attainment',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 13:16:55','2016-08-02 13:45:22','','Waiting'),(2224,'Impacts of the Economic Crisis on Gender and Class Inequalities in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The presentation aims to understand to what extent the present crisis increases gender and class inequalities and subjective well being in Europe.\nIn periods of rising unemployment and reduced disposable income it is clearly relevant to assess their differential impact on gender and class relations.\nEvidence will mainly be collected from the different rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS - 2002; 2004; 2006; 2008; 2010 and 2012). Other sources will also be used such as official information of GDP, Unemployment rates, Gini Indexes per country, Human Development Index (HDI), Gender Development Index (GDI) and Gender Empowerment Measurement (GEM), in order to “quantify” the effects of the crisis, comparing rescued and non-rescued European countries, the last ones being submitted for long to severe austerity policies.\nDifferences and inequalities between women and men should be accounted for, among other evidences, in social values types and loads of paid and unpaid work and in levels of life and work satisfaction.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 13:22:00','2016-08-02 13:46:57','','Waiting'),(2225,'Giving a Fish or Teaching to Fish? Forms of State Intervention and Subjective Well-Being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The literature on the political determinants of well-being finds a strong, positive relationship between empirical measures of Esping-Andersen’s concept of decommodification and subjective reports of life satisfaction.  While important, the concept of decommodification concerns itself primarily with passive, income-based supports designed to `emancipate\' individuals from their dependence on the market.  This is an important aspect of state intervention, but the concept entirely ignores how state intervention can also empower individuals to improve how they interact with the market through key investments in human capital formation.  This alternative pathway—‘intervention-as-empowerment\'—is also argued to exert a positive influence on individual well-being.  Moreover, this second pathway is argued to exert a stronger positive influence on well-being than the `intervention-as-emancipation\' pathway associated with decommodification.  Because of the decreasing marginal utility of income and our psychological predisposition to adapt to changes in our material environment, passive income supports designed to emancipate individuals from their dependency on the market will exert a weaker, perhaps even fleeting, effect on life satisfaction.  Public expenditures on active- vs. passive- labor market policies proxy the differences between these two forms of state intervention into the market.  Both hypotheses are tested against data from three rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2007).  The results not only provide confirmatory evidence of an alternative pathway linking state intervention and levels of life satisfaction, but intervention-as-empowerment exerts a stronger positive influence on life satisfaction than the conventional, intervention-as-emancipation pathway represented by Esping-Andersen’s concept of decommodification.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-23 14:03:27','2016-08-02 13:52:47','','Waiting'),(2226,'The effect of contextual factors on the association between different forms of prejudice: a cross-national approach on generalized prejudice','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Traditional prejudice research departs from the theoretical expectation that specific types of prejudice targeting different outgroups are strongly correlated and can be summarized in a ‘general prejudice’ factor. The assumption is that different forms of prejudice have a mutual origin and can be triggered by the same factors. In this paper, we strive to answer two research questions: (1) do different types of prejudice have the same causes, and (2) how can the structure of prejudice, i.e. the correlation between different types – be explained. We focus on country-level factors – economic and cultural – as these are important covariates of prejudice and are not yet included in the theory on generalized prejudice. Data from the European Social Survey are used to analyze the research questions. Results show that different types of prejudice not necessarily have the same causes and that contextual factors explain target-specific prejudices rather than the common core of generalized prejudice. Further, the structure of prejudice is explained by the dominant religion in a country and a country’s dominant view with regard to hierarchy vs. egalitarianism. Contrary to the expectations of the groups threat theory, the economic situation of a country has only a very limited impact on prejudice.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-24 10:17:03','2016-08-02 14:08:49','','Waiting'),(2227,'Political and civic participation: Findings from the modelling of existing survey data sets','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political and civic participation: Findings from the modelling of existing survey data sets',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-24 10:40:48','2016-08-03 10:12:04','','Waiting'),(2228,'New Political Issues, Niche Parties, And Spatial Voting In Multiparty Systems: Immigration As A Dimension Of Electoral Competition In Scandinavia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the present study I use spatial voting model to assess the importance of the left-right and immigration issue dimensions on electoral behavior in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. My findings indicate that distances between parties and voters on both left-right and immigration dimensions do significantly influence voting choice in all three countries, although effect of the latter is substantially lower. I also demonstrate that voting for the niche parties, and especially for the radical right, is much stronger related to the immigration issue than voting for the mainstream parties, both center-left and center-right ones. Finally, my analysis demonstrates that positional spatial voting model shows a good degree of stability even under imperfect measurement of policy preferences. In conclusion, I discuss implications of my findings for the research on new political issues and niche parties.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-24 10:48:33','2016-08-03 12:41:38','','Waiting'),(2229,'Nonresponse in Comparative Studies: Enhancing Response Rates and Minimising Nonresponse Bias ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey (ESS), a biennial face-to-face survey on values, attitudes, opinions and beliefs in more than 30 countries, specifies a target response rate of 70%. Despite great efforts by participating countries, this target is out of reach for many, and response rates vary across countries and over time. Several studies have shown that there is no straightforward relationship between response rates and nonresponse bias. The presence and size of nonresponse bias is especially hard to assess in a study on values and attitudes where no external evidence is available on population outcomes. Different types of auxiliary variables and paradata have been used to identify potential nonresponse bias: population statistics, interviewer observations of neighbourhood and dwelling, information from doorstep questionnaires to refusals and follow-up studies among respondents and nonrespondents, and information derived from contact forms and detailed call schedules. This paper will give some basic information on the ESS, outline response enhancing efforts, and give an overview of different strategies to estimate and correct for nonresponse bias. It will also discuss the present focus on overall response rates and alternative approaches for reducing nonresponse bias.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-24 10:59:14','2016-08-31 14:29:31','','Waiting'),(2230,'Is it getting worse? Anti-immigrants attitudes in Europe during the 21th century','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The	authors show	how	attitudes	to	immigration	have	not	become	more	negative	during	\nthe	past	decade,	despite	what	one	might	be	led	to	believe	given	the	attention	given	to	the	\nelectoral	successes	of	anti-immigration,	populist	par- ties.	They	begin	by	reviewing	the	\nfactors	influencing	people’s	attitudes	and	 focus	on	»group	 threat	 theory«.	According	 to	\nthis	 theory,	 negative	 attitudes	 to	 immigration	 occur	 when	 people	 feel	 threatened	 by	\nimmigrants,	for	example	on	an	economic	or	cultural	basis.	On	a	contextual	level,	whether\nimmigrants	 are	 perceived	 negatively	 also	 depend	 on	 how	 accepted	 prejudice	 is	 in	\nsociety,	 while	 the	 size	 of	 the	 immigrant	 population	 has	 different	 effects	 in	 different	\ncontexts.	On	the	individual	level,	higher	levels	of	education,	friendship	with	immigrants	\nand	 a	 less	 authoritarian	 personality	 correlate	 with	 more	 positive	 attitudes	 to	\nimmigration.	Hjerm	 and	 Bohman	 point	 out	 that	 because	 of	increasing	 ethnic	 diversity	\nand	 changing	 economic	 and	 political	 circumstances,	 negative	 attitudes	 to	immigration	\nshould increase.	 Yet,	 as	 they	 show,	 this	 is	 not	 the	 case.	 By	 comparing	 different	 age	\ncohorts,	 they	 argue	 that	 younger	 people	 tend	 to	 be	more	 positive	 to	immigration,	 but	\nthat	demographic,	economic	and	political	circumstances	cannot	explain	the	reasons	for	\nthis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-24 11:19:40','2016-08-03 12:56:50','','Waiting'),(2231,'Multiple Discrimination, Intersectionality and Vulnerability','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In its 2012 report, Amnesty International underscores the consequences of discrimination against Muslims in Europe.  “Multiple discrimination” is a special focus of the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights.  Discussion of the need for a “‘Horizontal Directive’” (EU-MIDIS, 2010 (5): 5) and the “Genderace” project of the 7th Framework Programme both highlight multiple discrimination and the “intersectionality” (Genderace, 2010:  272) of axes of discrimination.  The GendeRace report (2010: 32) uses the term intersectionality “to define a situation . . .  in which several grounds of discrimination interact concurrently.” This report follows the European Commission’s 2007 study, in which the problem of multiple discrimination and the significance of intersectionality on the impact of discrimination are investigated.  Using  the European Social Survey (2002, 2008, 2010) for fourteen European states along with scores on the  Banting/Kymlicka (2012) Multicultural Policy index and its eight dimensions (available for 1980, 2000, 2010), we examine over time both the reported discrimination faced by Muslims on the basis of their religion, race, nationality, ethnicity and gender and the impact of specific areas of state policy on the trajectory of discrimination.  We give particular attention to consideration of the discrimination-reducing impact of state policy in eight areas: (1) affirmation of multiculturalism by the constitution, legislature or parliament; (2) school curriculum; (3) media—sensitivity and representation; (4) dress-code exemptions; (5) dual citizenship allowed; (6) funding of cultural activities of ethnic group organizations; (7) bilingual education; (8) affirmative action (Banting and Kymlicka, 2012: 11).  On the basis of the results, we assess the policy changes warranted by the data to enable European Muslims to fully utilize their talents and abilities to the benefit of Europe and its member-states.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-24 11:30:00','2016-08-03 12:59:04','','Waiting'),(2232,'Trust and Social Classes in Russia and Nordic Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust and Social Classes in Russia and Nordic Countries\nSociological studies have shown that economic and social inequalities are increasing everywhere. Studies have also shown that there is a strong connection between generalized trust and equality (Wilkinson&Pickett 2010). Comparative evidence indicate that strong social institutions prevent free riding and other similar problems. The Nordic countries are in many respect good examples of generalized trust, well functioning social institutions and equality. On the other Russia is an example of low trust, weak institutions and inequalities. However there are clear differences between different social actors both in the Nordic countries and in Russia. In the paper we ask what is the role of social class in this respect? what kind of differences there are between social classes and trust? Can we find one Nordic model, or are there different models? What are the main differences between Russia and the Nordic countries? Our paper is based on 2010 European Social Survey data.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-24 11:32:49','2016-08-03 13:08:12','','Waiting'),(2233,'What Explains People\'s Attitudes Towards Immigrants? A Comparative Study of Estonia and Russia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper focuses on a comparative analysis of people’s attitudes towards immigrants’ role in several aspects of countries’ life depending on individual’s socio-demographic and economic characteristics in Estonia and Russia. The empirical part of the paper relies on the European Social Survey (ESS) fifth round database. The results of the study show that Estonian peoples’ attitudes towards immigrants are, on average, better in all aspects of the country’s life – economy, culture and the country as a living place, compared to Russia. Both economic and non-economic factors explain the observed variation of individual’s opinions about the role of immigrants in countries’ life. Ethnic minorities, religious people and people with higher income are more tolerant to immigrants in both countries. Socio-demographic characteristics such as age, gender and education are valid determinants of people’s attitudes towards immigrants only in Estonia. Better educated people have more positive attitudes towards immigrants compared to less educated people in the case of Estonia but not Russia. The results of the analysis therefore highlight the necessity to take different factors into account for the design of migration and integration policies in the countries with ethnically diverse population.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-24 11:37:37','2016-08-03 13:12:21','','Waiting'),(2234,' Do financial strain and labour force status explain why Nordic countries have wide health inequalities relative to other European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background A major puzzle is why Nordic countries do not have the smallest health inequalities despite having relatively egalitarian social policies. The aim of this paper is to investigate whether important drivers of class differences in health such as financial strain and labour force status account for the social patterning of health in Nordic countries to a similar degree to other European countries with different welfare regimes.\n\nMethods Our analyses used data for men (n = 48,249) and women (n = 52,654) aged between 25 and 59 for 20 countries from five rounds (2002–2010) of the European Social Survey which is a nationally representative repeated multinational cross sectional survey. The main outcome was self-rated health in 5 categories. Using separate models by country and gender and adjusting for survey round we used linear regression to investigate the degree to which class inequalities – comparing working to professional occupations using the European Socio-Economic Classification – were attenuated by financial strain and labour force status.\n\nResults Before adjustment, Nordic countries had comparatively large inequalities in self-rated health relative to other European countries. For example the linear regression coefficient for the difference in health between working class and professional men living in Norway was 0.33 (95% CI 0.25–0.4), while the comparable figure for Spain was 0.16 (95% CI 0.09–0.23). Adjusting for financial strain and labour force status lead to attenuation of health inequalities for all countries. However, unlike some countries such as Spain where after adjustment the regression coefficient for working class men was only 0.04 (95% CI -0.04 to 0.11), health inequalities persisted after adjustment for Nordic countries. For example the adjusted coefficient for Norway was 0.16 (95% CI 0.09 to 0.24). The effects of survey round were very small and non-significant for most countries. Rerunning the analyses using ordinal logistic regression did not substantively change the results. Results for women and men were similar. However, in comparison to men, class inequalities tended to be stronger for women and financial strain and labour force status explained a lower proportion of health inequalities for countries in all welfare regimes.\n\nConclusion Adjusting for financial security and labour force status attenuates a high proportion of health inequalities in some counties, particularly Southern European countries, but attenuation in Nordic countries is modest. To address class inequalities in Nordic countries policies need to focus on other mechanisms.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-24 11:41:47','2016-08-03 14:39:40','','Waiting'),(2235,'Public Opinion on Immigration: Has the Recession Changed Minds','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is widely believed that the current recession has soured public attitudes towards immigration. But most existing studies are cross sectional and can shed little light on the economy-wide forces that shift public opinion on immigration. In this paper I use the six rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2012) to test the effects of economic shocks on immigration opinion for 20 countries. The recession that began in 2008 provides a useful test because its severity varied so widely across Europe. For Europe as a whole the shifts in average opinion have been remarkably mild. But trends in opinion have varied across countries, especially in the responses to a question on whether immigrants are good or bad for the economy. At the country level, pro-immigration opinion is negatively related to the share of immigrants in the population and to the share social benefits in GDP, but only weakly to unemployment. These effects differ somewhat across responses to different questions relating to immigration policy and to the desirability of immigrants. The recession also influenced other attitudes and traits that are sometimes linked to opinion on immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-24 11:46:23','2016-08-04 08:55:38','','Waiting'),(2236,'Inequality of Opportunities and Preferences for Social Policies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The positive relationship between democracy and equalization of income predicted by the well-known Meltzer-Richard has been highly criticized on both theoretical and empirical grounds. In this paper, I analyze whether inequality of opportunities (rather than outcomes) is connected with preferences for social policies at the individual level. I focus specifically on the sources of current inequalities by decomposing individual outcomes into a fair share, which can be attributed to personal merit and effort, and surplus outcomes, which are the results of structural barriers in the labor markets or depend on inherited factors such as social background. To do that I rely on the methodological approach used by the growing economic literature on reference groups, in which individual income is the product of two components: the average income of the group and an idiosyncratic factor, which is the result of individual attributes. I use data from five waves of the European Social Survey in order to test these hypotheses. Empirical findings prove that occupational status and individual differences with respect to reference groups (especially those caused by inherited disadvantages) have a strong and significant impact on preferences for redistribution. In addition, educational inequality has a negative a significant effect over preferences for redistribution at the aggregate level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-25 09:21:55','2016-08-04 08:58:11','','Waiting'),(2237,'Disentangling Greek Xenophobia during Recession','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the recent recession, the most severe one since the Great Depression, Greece has been considered the Achilles heel of Eurozone\' s economies. Since 2008 the country has experienced an economic turmoil as well as an unprecedented social and political collapse. Due to the devastating economic conditions, the society’s social fabric has grown more frayed generating a mixture of frustration, insecurity and anger among Greeks which has been directed against immigrants fuelling the upsurge of anti-immigration backlash. The acute augmentation of xenophobic stances has been expressed by the rise of the neo-fascist Golden Dawn which has grown from a fringe group into a nationwide political party propagating that immigrants are responsible for the socio-economic vows of the country. The study attempts to disentangle the complexities of Greek xenophobia during the recession using an amalgam of theoretical frameworks (i.e. realistic group conflict, social identity and scapegoating theory) as well as multiple secondary data sources, i.e. European Social Survey (ESS), European Value Survey (EVS) and Eurobarometer. The analyses unveil the etiologies of Greek xenophobic stances traced in the intense inter-group competition due to the scarcity in jobs and economic recourses but most importantly in the formation of a far right-wing populist identity that tends to displace the blame for personal hardships and misfortunes onto the relatively powerless immigrant group members. The study unearths one of the social facets of the Greek economic crisis in breeding hostility against migrants and highlights that such hostility has recently taken more violent forms of racist attacks and racial clashes. It is underlined that the call to transform the xenophobic climate into a xenophilic one in Greece becomes more urgent than ever; hence immediate policy responses are needed to curtail xenophobia and safeguard the fragile social cohesion and order of the country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-25 09:40:14','2016-08-04 08:59:54','','Waiting'),(2238,'Social Norms, Economic Conditions and Spatial Variation of Childbearing within Cohabitation across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Childbearing within cohabitation has gained considerable ground in recent\ndecades, but existing explanations for this development are not coherent. Proponents of\nthe Second Demographic Transition interpret it rather as a pattern of progress driven by\nprocesses such as emancipation from traditional social norms. Others see rises in\nchildbearing in cohabitation being related to a “pattern of disadvantage” as they are\noften concentrated among individuals faced with blocked opportunities. In this paper we\nargue that these inconsistencies might stem from a gap in knowledge how the relevance\nof existing theories varies dependent on whether we look at variation in family\nformation behavior across individuals, subnational regions or countries. To test this\nhypothesis we revisit the existing theories by analyzing harmonized survey data from 16\nEuropean countries using a three-level hierarchical model. Our results suggest that the\nSecond Demographic Transition framework is particularly important to understanding\nvariation between countries, while pattern of disadvantage hypotheses seem more\nrelevant to understanding variation between individuals and subnational regions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-25 09:46:46','2016-08-04 09:01:54','','Waiting'),(2239,'Social Context As Mediator Between Values and Well-Being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ed Diner (2009, p. 66) claims that individuals attain subjective well-being (at least partly) while moving toward an ideal state or accomplish a valued aim. Shalom Schwartz (1994, p. 20) defines values as „desirable transsituational goals, varying in importance, that serve as guiding principles in the life of a person or other social entity”. Consequently happiness occurs after needs are met and goals are fulfilled. Therefore people are happy when their values are “right”; that is, attainable in given social, cultural and economic context. Sagiv & Schwartz (2000) have also argued that people are likely to experience a positive sense of well-being when they emphasize the same values that prevail in their environment, when they inhabit an environment that allows them to attain the goals to which their values are directed.\nThe purpose of this paper is to evaluate relations between basic human values (or desirable subjective goals), socially differentiable environments undermining or supporting the value priorities in question and subjective well-being.\nMulti-group and multilevel structural equation models are used to accomplish this task. Data from the fifth round (year 2010) of European Social Survey is used.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-25 10:33:51','2016-08-04 09:07:11','','Waiting'),(2240,'Social Capital and Health in Europe: The potential reduction of all-cause mortality by eliminating educational differences in social capital in 16 European nations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Social inequalities in health are persistent in society and remain one of the greatest challenges for public health. Europeans with lower socioeconomic status have shorter life expectancy and experience more health problems than people in the higher socioeconomic groups. Previous studies have revealed that the health impact of social health determinants may be comparable to smoking and other well-established risk factors. The main aim of this thesis is to provide estimates of the extent to which health inequalities in Europe realistically can be reduced by policies and interventions aimed at increasing the level of social capital among lower educational groups to the level seen among the highest educated.\n\nData and methods: For each population, social risk factor prevalence data from the early 2000s by gender, age and level of education were gathered from the first two rounds of the European Social Survey (2002 & 2004). Relative risks for the impact on mortality for the social risk factors was collected from a large meta-analytical review of 148 studies on social factors impact on health (Holt-Lundstad et al. 2010). Mortality data from a range of studies were available in the EURO-GBD-SE (2013) project data. The social risk factor prevalence data, the relative risks and the mortality data were combined in order to calculate Population Attributable Fractions (PAF) for mortality by population, level of education and gender, in order to simulate scenarios where educational differences in the social risk factors are completely eliminated.\n\nResults: Different social risk factors were upward levelled so that all educational groups got the social risk factor prevalence currently seen in the highest educational group. The results vary from considerable reductions to no reduction at all in all-cause mortality depending on both the social risk factor, gender and country. Overall, living alone seems to be the social risk factor with least health potential, followed by marital status, while social isolation seemed to be the social risk factor with the greatest health potential. Social participation and perception of social support also seem to have a great potential for reducing educational inequalities in allcause mortality in Europe, but there are important variations between countries.\n\nConclusion: The findings from this thesis show a substantial theoretical modifiability of educational inequalities in mortality by increasing the levels of social capital seen in the lower educational groups to the level currently seen among the highest educational groups through Europe. Educational inequalities in all-cause mortality could be substantially reduced and deaths could be avoided if policy makers succeed with policies aimed at eliminating differences in social risk factors in Europe. However, the magnitude of the reduction varies by social risk factor, country and gender. It is therefore important for the different nations to choose the most important entry-points in their population when forming policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-25 11:06:13','2016-08-04 09:17:47','','Waiting'),(2241,'International Migration and Life Satisfaction in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A core finding of research on subjective wellbeing – concluding that an increase in one\'s income does not generally bring greater life satisfaction - suggests that economic migration (motivated by hopes of an increased income) would not result in greater life satisfaction. Income affects life satisfaction mainly via the way it signals status, and many immigrants in wealthier countries have a lower status in the destination society than in their origin society.  This paper also considers the economic migration scenario \"in reverse\": people who move from wealthier countries to poorer ones might attain a higher status position in the destination, relative to the status they enjoyed in their country of origin - and, if so, then perhaps they would experience an increase in life satisfaction.  The paper assesses these proposition via analysis of European Social Survey data – in the first instance investigating people moving from eastern to western Europe, and (for the second proposition) on people moving from wealthier countries in northern Europe to Mediterranean destinations such as Spain, Portugal and Greece.  In general, migrants do not appear to gain life satisfaction as a consequence of migration – and in some instances (particularly for migrants moving to a poorer country) migration appears to reduce life satisfaction.  Migrants certainly expect migration to improve their lives, but it is not clear that these expectations are generally met in their experiences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-25 11:58:34','2016-08-05 08:48:45','','Waiting'),(2242,'Understanding of democracy in unified Germany. Is there convergence of democratic values between east and west through institutional learning? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The stability of democratic political systems depends on the congruence\nof the actual institutional design and the normative model\nof democracy favoured by the public. In the late 1990s, research on\npolitical culture in Germany had shown that after 40 years of separation\npeople were divided by different understandings of democracy.\nGiven that political culture is primarily determined by political socialisation,\nI use the natural experiment of german reunification to\nanalyze the democratic attitudes of the first generation completely socialised\nin unified Germany. Empirically I draw from the sixth round\nof the ESS covered in 2012, which provides a wide range of questions\nconcerning the understanding of democracy. The results support the\nthesis that differences between people from East and West Germany\nare considerably smaller within the youngest generation. Surprisingly\nthe convergence of attitudes is bidirectional: young Germans combine\npositions to a new unified understanding of democracy: while there is a\nconvergence in the expected direction in a socialist model of democratic\nunderstanding, convergence in a liberal model runs against theoretical\nexpectations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-25 13:30:07','2016-08-05 08:50:42','','Waiting'),(2243,'The political inclusion of young citizens','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Voter turnout is declining across all groups, but the slide is even more pronounced amongst young people. In this new joint IPPR and Democratic Audit publication, Guy Lodge, Glenn Gottfried, and Sarah Birch set out the scale of the problem, and propose a radical solution: a requirement for first time eligible voters to turn out on polling day.\n \n Doing so, they argue, would help redress the political power gap which sees spending skewed towards the oldest members of society, at the expense of the young.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-25 13:37:14','2016-08-05 08:55:41','','Waiting'),(2244,'Attitudes of Estonian Population towards New Migrants from the Third-Countries in the European Social Survey Data','Eesti elanikkonna hoiakud kolmandatest riikidest sisserändajate suhtes Euroopa Sotsiaaluuringu andmetes',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The book aims to provide overview of the different aspects that influence the attitudes of Estonian population towards new migrants from the third-countries. Attitudes of Estonian population are compared to other European countries. The book consists of eleven chapters from different authors. All the analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://www.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-05-25 14:02:01','2016-08-05 08:57:05','','Waiting'),(2245,'How Does the Rate of Change Affect Attitudes about Immigration?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent work has shown in the American context that the volume of immigrants is less important for predicting opposition to immigration than starting levels and the rate of change—rapid increases lead to stiff opposition. This paper investigates whether this finding can be replicated in the multinational context using data from the European Social Survey. Drawing from political psychology literature which shows that those with certain personality profiles are disproportionately likely to oppose immigration, this paper assesses two causal mechanisms which may link macro level change to individual behavior. Do rapid immigration influxes affect all natives roughly equally or is there a polarizing effect whereby those with authoritarian tendencies have particularly stark reactions? Understanding these dynamics is important in the European context because countries on the EU’s frontiers (on the Mediterranean and in Central Europe) are experiencing unprecedented levels of migration. Understanding these dynamics is important in general because migration rates tend to follow economic boom-bust cycles and so it is important to understand the threshold after which one would expect ethnic discrimination and possibly even political violence.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-26 09:37:26','2016-08-05 08:58:16','','Waiting'),(2246,'The increase in cohabitation and the role of marital status in family policies: a comparison of 12 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The role of marital status is seldom considered in welfare state research. This perspective however is important, since many welfare state policies focus on the married and do not apply to unmarried cohabitants. This may render them vulnerable in moments when state support is needed. Since cohabitation levels are increasing across Europe, understanding the role of marital status in welfare state policies becomes increasingly important. By analysing data from the European Social Survey and a self-constructed policy database, we answer three questions: 1) How many couples live in cohabiting unions across 12 European countries today? 2) Which rights do they have in different policy areas? 3) How many couples, therefore, are covered or fall outside the scope of policies in their country? We find that cohabitation is often, but not always, more strongly regulated in countries with high cohabitation levels, leaving more cohabitants legally unprotected in some countries than in others. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-26 09:44:53','2016-08-05 09:11:22','','Waiting'),(2247,'The Polarized News Audience? A Longitudinal Study of News-Seekers and News-Avoiders in Europe ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With more media choices, people can easily remove themselves from news and current affairs. This has arguably led to an increased impact of political interest and an audience polarization dividing people into news-seekers and news-avoiders. Using data from the European Social Survey, this study investigate polarization of news consumption in 34 European countries from 2002 to 2010. The results show a general increase in the amount of news-avoiders, while the share of news-seekers has decreased. On a European level, news-avoiders now outnumber news-seekers, but there are important cross-national differences. The impact of political interest on news consumption has not increased.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-26 10:47:32','2016-08-05 09:21:29','','Waiting'),(2248,'Essays on well-being during crisis in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The claim that economic crisis matters for well-being seems intuitive; supporting evidence, however, remains elusive. The present study aims to examine the individual and contextual determinants of well-being across regions in Europe during the 2007-2008 economic crisis. This study contributes to the existing research on the determinants of well-being in three ways. First, while most studies explain the determinants of well-being in the context of non-crisis, this study examines the determinants during a period of crisis. Second, while most research on well-being focuses on cross-national comparisons of well-being, this study investigates variations at both the regional and national levels. Third, while most studies use either individual or aggregate analyses to examine the determinants of well-being, this study uses multilevel models.This study uses datasets that combine individual, regional and country level data. Individual data is taken from the 2008 European Values Study (EVS) and the 2004-2010 European Social Survey (ESS). Regional level data comes from Eurostat and Euroboundarymaps, while country level data comes from the Inglehart Index, UNU-WIDER and Esping-Andersen categorisation on welfare states. To analyse the data, this study uses various multilevel models including multivariate multilevel model, multilevel simultaneous equations model and spatial dependence multilevel model.The main findings show that during the crisis under consideration, well-being is associated not only with individual determinants, but also with regional and national determinants. Results suggest that happiness and health are positively correlated at individual, regional and national levels. In terms of social capital, this study shows the reciprocal relationship between association membership and trust. Frequent Internet use at the time of crisis is positively associated with well-being. Finally, the findings suggest that, by means of unobserved factors, well-being is spatially correlated with the well-being of those neighbouring regions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-26 11:02:28','2016-08-05 09:27:50','','Waiting'),(2249,'(Un)happy transition? Subjective Well-being in European Countries in 1991-2008 and Beyond','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper contributes to the debate about the impact of the transition to subjective well-being. After reviewing the relevant literature the authors draw on the surveys of the European Values Study between 1991 and 2008 to describe the trends in life satisfaction in 13 \"Western\" and 11 \"Eastern\" countries. The analysis finds that life satisfaction levels in transition countries have come to approach those in the West: the \"rather unhappy\" 1990s were followed by the \"rather happy\" 2000s. The correlation between life satisfaction and GDP reflects this process of convergence: the two separate lines in 1991 merge to become a single continuum later on. The characteristics of respondents are however more important than GDP, and a regression of life satisfactions with basic demographic and stratification variables shows their reinforcing effect in both Eastern and Western countries. As a result, the explained variance of life satisfaction was increasing. The findings of other surveys reporting on developments of attitudes since 2008 vary but are far from proving a uniform negative impact of economic recession on life satisfaction. The paper concludes by suggesting that various surveys have to be compared in order to obtain more reliable information on the development and factors of subjective well-being. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-26 11:14:13','2016-09-13 15:45:43','','Waiting'),(2250,'Democratic engagement of xenophobes and the ethno-discriminated in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Democratic engagement of xenophobes and the ethno-discriminated in Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-26 11:33:06','2016-08-05 10:41:12','','Waiting'),(2251,'Value Systems in Transformation: Changing Values in Relation to Changing Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Changes in the value systems are usually studied by comparing some values, value types or value orientations and their estimates over time or between generations. With few rare exceptions, there are practically no studies concentrating on the transformation of the value structures or on the changing relations between different values. Associations between values are being seen as stable and universal both between countries/societies and over time. This is an assumption that cannot be taken for granted in a world that is more and more characterized by cultural and social pluralism as well as alteration of traditional cultural templates, communication technologies, economic systems, political ideologies etc. All this necessitates the usage of methodological and theoretical approaches that are enabling to recognize the heterogeneity in the value structures within societies and between different time points. In order to compare value systems, they must be equivalent in their structural formation. If this is not the case, then diverse value structures must be distinguished and structural differences (between societies and over time) that arise, must be explained by the variations in the socio-economic or other settings and by the developmental trajectories of those settings.\nCurrent paper intends to fill this cap. Using value questionnaire developed by Shalom Schwartz (PVQ21) and data from European Social Survey, present study argues that the assumption of homogeneity of value structure does not hold. Using latent class modeling framework, diverse value structures are being distinguished within European societies and in different time points. Those value systems are being compared between societies and over time. Culture-specific aspects of them are being allocated and related to wider socio-economic contexts. Finally, the temporal dynamics of those cultural specificities are explored and further related to the historical settings of their development.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-26 12:19:37','2016-08-05 10:55:05','','Waiting'),(2252,'The Discreet Charm of Direct Democracy: Europe and Portugal and the representation crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Discreet Charm of Direct Democracy: Europe and Portugal and the representation crisis',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-26 12:38:26','2016-08-08 11:07:19','','Waiting'),(2253,'The Social Transmission of Religiosity to Second Generation Migrants: An Interactive Model','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper, we examine the social transmission of religiosity to second generation migrants in cross-national perspective. We apply theories on cultural transmission and assess the influence of vertical interactions (i.e. through parents), horizontal interactions (i.e. through peers) and oblique interactions (i.e. through social institutions) and the religious context on the transmission of first generation religiosity to second generation co-ethnics. We use data from four waves (2-5; 2004-2010) of the European Social Survey (ESS) comprising 8,123 second generation migrants coming from 102 origin countries and living in 26 European destination countries. We apply cross-classified multilevel analyses to examine subjective religiosity and the frequency of praying. Results indicate that the social transmission of religiosity is quite successful: second generation migrants tend to be more religious the higher the religiosity among first generation co-ethnics. The transmission is more successful when interactions are favorable for this transmission process, however: when second generation migrants grew up in traditional families, are less socially integrated, have spent less time in educational institutions and in countries where religiosity is lower. Our research also shows important divergences between the transmission of subjective religiosity, which is more universal, and the frequency of praying, which is more susceptible to the influence of interactions. This could indicate a trend towards the privatization of religiosity among migrants in Europe in the long term.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-05-26 12:42:28','2016-08-08 11:10:31','','Waiting'),(2254,'Widowhood and well-being in Europe: The role of national and regional context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Researchers have documented that widows have lower levels of subjective well-being than married individuals, but we still know little about how the regional and national contexts affect the impact of widowhood on well-being. Building on social capital theory and using data from 5 rounds of the European Social Survey (N= 119,292 people, 206 regions, 23 countries), the authors tested how marital status composition at the national and regional levels affects the well-being of widows. Widows fare worse in countries with high proportions of married people and in regions and countries with high proportions of widowed persons. The proportion of married individuals at the regional level does not affect their well-being. These results are in line with the greedy marriage hypothesis, but varying effects at regional and national levels suggest that the standard explanation for this phenomenon, lack of individual social support, is not valid. This study demonstrates the importance of multiple contextual embeddedness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ory@fsw.eur.nl','2016-05-26 15:07:58','2016-08-08 11:19:29','','Waiting'),(2255,'Religion and Public Opinion in Britain: Continuity and Change','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on extensive analysis of social surveys and opinion polls conducted over recent decades, this book provides a detailed study of the social and political attitudes of religious groups in Britain. This covers a period when religion has declined in significance as a social force in Britain, with falling levels of identity, belief, attendance and of the traditional rites of passage. It looks at group attitudes based on religious affiliation, attendance and other indicators of personal engagement with faith. It details the main areas of attitudinal continuity and change in relation to party support, ideology, abortion, homosexuality and gay rights, and foreign policy. It also examines wider changes in public opinion towards the role of religion in public life, charting the decline in religious authority, a key indicator of secularisation. It provides an important ‘bottom-up’ perspective on the historical and contemporary linkages between religion and politics in Britain.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bc101@leicester.ac.uk','2016-05-26 15:43:41','2016-08-08 11:21:07','','Waiting'),(2256,'Who lives well in Estonia, who better? An equality measurement framework','Kellel on Eestis hea, kellel parem? Võrdõiguslikkuse mõõtmise mudel',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The inequality of social groups manifests in various spheres of life. According to the indicators used in this equality measurement framework, gender inequality manifests primarily in career, sense of security, education, health and politics. The main problems of ethnic minorities are connected to health, career and living standards; the inequality in the society they perceive, i.e., their own opinion that they belong to a discriminated group, is also significant. Age inequality mainly manifests itself in areas connected to life, work and living standards but also in political representation. Many problems of persons with disabilities stem from access to education and manifest later in the inequality of work, income and living standards. The main problems of the LGBT group stem from the prejudice and negative attitudes of Estonians that manifest in harassment and exclusion at the workplace and education system, and problems with safety (becoming subject to violence).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Available at:\nhttp://www.vordoigusvolinik.ee/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/mudel_final.pdf','kadri.lees@ut.ee','2016-05-27 10:47:52','2016-08-08 12:41:30','','Waiting'),(2257,'Is it possible to get out of the present? A prospect theory','É possível sair do presente? Uma teoria prospetiva',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In contemporary societies, marked by increasing complexity, time has become a problem, in part, due to the instability of the future, which does not allow any kind of forecast of social and organizational processes which leads not only to a considerable lack of own future, as the instability the present itself.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eduardoduque@braga.ucp.pt','2016-05-28 16:28:14','2016-08-08 12:47:40','','Waiting'),(2258,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Social trust enhances a positive attitude towards immigration','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: usaldus teiste suhtes toetab positiivset suhtumist sisserändesse',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey data from 2014 confirms the social integration theory hypothesis that people, who generally trust other people, have more positive attitudes towards immigrants. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/a5777790-5e32-4924-b965-c28964e303eb/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-usaldus-teiste-suhtes-toetab-positiivset-suhtumist-sisserandesse','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-06-03 11:44:55','2016-08-08 12:53:10','','Waiting'),(2259,'Facts from the European Social Survey: People prefer immigrants who are ethnically similar to them','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: sisserändajatena eelistatakse endale etniliselt sarnaseid inimesi',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey data from 2014 demonstrates that Estonians prefer new immigrants who are of a same race or ethnic group as most of the people already living in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/d6a57aca-ed6f-4959-a44d-80eb3205a0dc/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-sisserandajatena-eelistatakse-endale-etniliselt-sarnaseid-inimesi','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-06-03 11:57:40','2016-08-08 12:54:53','','Waiting'),(2260,'Estonians consider the support for learning the local language as the most important ingredient in the integration process','Eestimaalased peavad sisserändajate kohanemisel olulisimaks keeleõppe toetamist',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey data from 2014 demonstrates that Estonians consider the support for learning the local language as the most important ingredient in the integration process. About two thirds of Estonian population share the opinion that state should provide free language courses for the immigrants. More than half of the Estonians are willing to help immigrants with getting accustomed with the life in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/0abc794a-d8cd-413d-9a11-73b0a009eeec/eestimaalased-peavad-sisserandajate-kohanemisel-olulisimaks-keeleoppe-toetamist','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-06-03 12:10:22','2016-08-08 12:56:26','','Waiting'),(2261,'European Social Survey: Estonian residents are more sceptical towards immigrants than average European','Euroopa Sotsiaaluuring: Eesti elanik on sisserändaja suhtes Euroopa keskmisest skeptilisem',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'33 per cent of the Estonian population perceives immigration rather beneficial, 29 per cent harmful, and 38 per cent is somewhere in the middle. A recent report, which is based on the European Social Survey data, reveals that the attitudes towards immigrants according to their origin, race and ethnic group differ more in Estonia than in most other European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/059e1c44-51f9-4b65-b49f-a5e48d103553/euroopa-sotsiaaluuring-eesti-elanik-on-sisserandaja-suhtes-euroopa-keskmisest-skeptilisem','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-06-03 12:22:10','2016-08-08 12:57:13','','Waiting'),(2262,'Facts from the European Social Survey: People who trust state institutions are more positive towards immigration','http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/bcdd5d95-2573-4c99-942d-becf296ad0d9/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-riigiinstitutsioone-usaldavad-inimesed-suhtuvad-sisserandesse-positiivsemalt',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey data from 2014 demonstrates that people who trust state institutions have more positive attitudes towards immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/bcdd5d95-2573-4c99-942d-becf296ad0d9/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-riigiinstitutsioone-usaldavad-inimesed-suhtuvad-sisserandesse-positiivsemalt','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-06-03 12:27:05','2016-08-08 12:57:57','','Waiting'),(2263,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonians would not want person of a different race or nationality to be their boss','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanik ei tahaks endale teisest rassist või rahvusest ülemust ',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey data from 2014 reveals that Estonian citizens do not consider the consequences of immigration negative for the country’s economy. However, they would not want person of a different race or nationality to be appointed as their boss.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/eaa3fab6-150a-40ff-83d4-9188a2f6af33/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-eesti-elanik-ei-tahaks-endale-teisest-rassist-voi-rahvusest-ulemust','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-06-09 12:23:06','2016-08-08 12:58:41','','Waiting'),(2264,'Facts from the European Social Survey: Estonians are not afraid that immigrants are taking their jobs','Fakte Euroopa sotsiaaluuringust: Eesti elanikud ei karda, et sisserändajad nende töökohad ära võtavad',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In European Social Survey 2014 people were asked whether they think that immigrants take away jobs from natives or they rather create new ones. Compared to other European countries, Estonia ranks in the middle. 29 per cent of the Estonian respondents believe that immigrants take jobs away from natives, 40 per cent think that they rather create new jobs, and 31per cent are in the middle of those two positions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/ce68d621-37af-4534-b6ea-9a9830677ba7/fakte-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringust-eesti-elanikud-ei-karda-et-sisserandajad-nende-tookohad-ara-votavad','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-06-09 12:34:26','2016-08-08 12:59:47','','Waiting'),(2265,'The macropsychological situation and tolerance/intolerance in Russia and other European countries','Макропсихологическая ситуация и толерантность/интолерантность в России и других европейских странах',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The macropsychological situation in Russia, in comparison to that of other European countries, is analyzed according to a wide range of characteristics with the aim of evaluating the situation in this country. Findings of the project «The European Social Survey» have been analyzed in connection with social moods which, by means of value oriented involvement, affect political orientations which manifest themselves in electoral preferences. Groups of countries with  similar political situations were identified. The findings are illustrated on the example of the events of the last few years in Hungary (which falls into the same cluster as Ukraine and Russia) with emphasis on electoral preferences of the majority of the population which revealed themselves during the parliamentary election in the process of voting for the right-of-centre and the ultra-right candidates. The author analyzes specificity of the situation in Russia and a high degree of intolerance which may have a negative effect on further developments.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Zelenev@yandex.ru','2016-06-11 12:56:13','2016-09-05 10:10:42','','Waiting'),(2266,' Age norms on leaving home: Multilevel evidence from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Young people leave the parental home at different ages, and differences exist both between and within societies. International comparisons have emphasised the importance of institutions, in particular the welfare regime, the educational system, and the labour market, as well as of long-standing cultural differences. Here we focus on subjective age norms (‘age deadlines’) for leaving home—a key determinant of actual behaviour. We analyse the data of a unique multicountry dataset, the third round of the European Social Survey, through a series of multilevel regression models where simultaneously country, regional, and individual-level factors come into play. We find strong normative differences between countries, and significant, though lower, regional-level variation. Norms are significantly influenced by country-level ‘institutional’ factors, as well as by regional-level ‘cultural’ factors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-14 11:20:48','2016-08-12 15:42:40','','Waiting'),(2267,'Worry about Crime in a Cross-National Context: A Focus on Measurement using European Social Survey Data ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines European Social Survey (ESS) indicators of worry about crime. To scale the measures into a single categorical measure, we use an analytical approach that combines statistical latent class modelling with pragmatic choices for the final classification of the responses. We also undertake an informal examination of the latent class solution in individual countries. Finding the ESS indicators of the frequency and impact of worry to be reasonable cross-national measures of the experience of negative emotions in people’s lives, we close the paper with an estimation of levels of worry in 23 countries. The results display a fairly consistent geographical gradient, with the lowest levels of worry about crime mostly in Nordic countries and Western Europe, and the highest in Eastern Europe and Mediterranean countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-14 13:41:53','2016-08-12 15:47:22','','Waiting'),(2268,' Response Rate and Nonresponse Bias - Impact of the Number of Contact Attempts on Data Quality in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Increasing respondent contact problems and decreasing respondent willingness to cooperate have contributed to declining response rates in general population surveys, which has raised concerns of survey accuracy. To counteract nonresponse, several methods have been employed, including incentives, advanced letters, alternative survey modes for reluctant respondents, and increased field efforts to contact potential respondents. In particular, the number of contact attempts has been increased for many surveys. Even though more contact attempts increase survey costs, they are a reliable means for increasing response rates. However, the assumption that high response rates foster data quality and smaller nonresponse bias has been challenged. In this paper, we used contact data from the European Social Survey for Norway, Finland and Slovenia to see whether or not additional contact attempts resulting in a higher response rate can potentially reduce nonresponse bias.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-14 14:01:15','2016-08-12 15:56:31','','Waiting'),(2269,'The Impact of Mobile Phones on Survey Measurement Error','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We propose a framework of ways in which the different context of mobile interviews—such as multi-tasking, distraction, and the presence of others—and differences inherent in the technology can influence survey responses. The framework also highlights the mechanisms through which these influences operate. We evaluate selected elements of the framework using data from a randomized experiment in which respondents were interviewed by mobile or landline. Measures of interview context were gathered via interviewer evaluation, respondent perception, and direct questioning. We find less social desirability bias with mobile phone interviews, but overall only small differences between mobile and landline interviews.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-15 10:55:08','2016-08-15 11:32:36','','Waiting'),(2270,'Religious behavior, health, and well-being among Israeli Jews: Findings from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study investigates the relationship between religious behavior and health status and psychological well-being in a population sample of Israeli Jewish adults (N = 1,849). Using data from the Israeli sample of the European Social Survey, measures of synagogue attendance and private prayer were examined in relation to single-item indicators of subjective and functional health, happiness, and life satisfaction and to a three-item scale tapping into the somatic dimension of well-being. Bivariately, the religious, health, and well-being measures are mostly related, and in a salutary direction, but multivariable analyses revealed that these associations are more nuanced. Specifically, after age-adjustment and controls for effects of various sociodemographic characteristics, including Israeli nativity, synagogue attendance is associated with greater happiness only, whereas prayer is associated with greater happiness and life satisfaction and higher scores on the well-being scale. Additionally, prayer is significantly associated with functional health, but in an inverse direction, suggesting its use as a coping resource in response to physical or functional challenges or impairments. These latter results are supported by supplemental analyses of the well-being indicators, which also adjust for possible exogenous or moderating effects of functional health. These findings contribute to current streams of empirical research on the putative influence of Jewish religious observance on physical and mental health and psychological well-being in Israel and the Jewish diaspora',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-15 11:00:24','2016-08-15 11:43:12','','Waiting'),(2272,'Exploring Predictors of Marriage in Albania: The Role of Education, Social Support, Media Exposure, and Religiosity in the 2012 European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Strong marriages are an asset to society. They are a context in which human and social capital can be developed, which in turn foster the development of other types of capital. However, few studies have explored the predictors of marriage attitudes in Albania. In order to better understand the impact of the hypothesized predictors of media exposure, social support, religiosity, and education on attitudes toward sexuality and marriage in Albania, this study used data from the 2012 European Values Study in Albania. The study found that media exposure positively and significantly predicted a history of cohabitation, that social support and educational attainment negatively and significantly predicted a history of cohabitation. Furthermore, it found that educational attainment also significantly predicted attitudes toward homosexuality, with religiosity marginally predicting such attitudes. These findings point to the need for more research to better understand what influences attitudes toward marriage and sexual behavior in Albania and in turn inform possible interventions to encourage relationship choices and behavior most conducive to human well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','thagen@epoka.edu.al','2016-06-15 12:01:44','2016-08-15 11:54:29','','Waiting'),(2273,'Economic recession and first births in Europe: Recession-induced postponement and recuperation of fertility in 14 European countries between 1970 and 2005','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives: The economic crisis that emerged after 2008 caused speculation about further postponement of fertility and a recession-induced baby-bust in countries affected by the economic downturn. This paper aims to disentangle short-term and long-term effects of economic context on entry into parenthood and explores variation of postponement and recuperation by age, gender, educational level and welfare state context.\nMethods: Random-effects complementary log–log models including macro-level indicators are used to analyse longitudinal microdata on 12,121 first births to 20,736 individuals observed between 1970 and 2005.\nResults: Adverse economic conditions and high unemployment significantly reduce first birth hazards among men and women below age 30, particularly among the higher educated. After age 30 economic context continues to affect first birth hazards of men, but not for women. Recuperation of fertility is further associated with access to labour markets and entry into cohabiting unions.\nConclusions: The continuing postponement of first births has clear medical consequences and implications for health policies. Preventive policies should take access to labour markets for younger generations into account as an important factor driving postponement.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-16 09:12:05','2016-08-15 12:01:29','','Waiting'),(2274,'Childlessness and Psychological Well-Being in Context: A Multilevel Study on 24 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we examine to what extent childlessness is associated with poor psychological well-being in Europe. Moreover, we examine whether the relationship between childlessness and psychological well-being varies between 24 European countries. Additionally, we investigate to what extent societal norms towards childlessness and social contacts at the national level account for these cross-national variations. Information on 24,195 individuals aged over 40 years is analyzed, using the third wave of the European Social Surveys (2006). A validated shortened version of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression scale is used to measure psychological well-being. Using multilevel regression analyses, we found that the extent to which childlessness is associated with worse psychological well-being differs between European societies, especially among women. The disadvantage in psychological well-being of childless people is smaller in countries with tolerant norms towards childlessness and high levels of social contacts. The results suggest that the extent to which childlessness is associated with lower psychological well-being appears to be dependent on the societal context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-16 09:17:45','2016-08-15 12:17:50','','Waiting'),(2275,'Disapproval of Homosexuality: Comparative Research on Individual and National Determinants of Disapproval of Homosexuality in 20 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this contribution, we elaborate on disapproval of homosexuality in 20 European countries. We mainly focus on the explanation of differences in the disapproval of homosexuality at the individual and the national level. Data from four waves of the European Social Survey are used, using multilevel techniques to test our hypotheses. Individual differences in disapproval of homosexuality can be derived from theories of socializing agents (religious institutions, schools) and socializing circumstances as well as from psychological theories on conventionalism and tradition. We find that religious people, people who support conventionalism, and those who attach to traditions disapprove of homosexuality more, whereas highly educated people disapprove less. Differences between countries can be explained by socializing circumstances of the national context as the countries’ religiosity and laws on homosexuality turned out to be important determinants of the disapproval of homosexuality. We found that disapproval of homosexuality is the least in countries where law permits homosexuals to marry. In addition, people who live in more religious countries disapprove of homosexuality more than people who live in secular countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-16 09:43:10','2016-08-15 12:28:39','','Waiting'),(2276,'Operationalizing the Theory of Human Values: Balancing Homogeneity of Reflective Items and Theoretical Coverage','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Schwartz’s theory of human values, as operationalized using di_erent instruments such as the Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ), was confirmed by multiple studies using Smallest Space Analysis (SSA). Because of its success, a short version of the PVQ was introduced in the European Social Survey (ESS). However, initial tests using Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) pointed to low discriminant validity of the 10 basic values: The correlations between values next to each other in the two-dimensional space described by SSA were close to or greater than 1. In response, one research stream suggested combining the factors with low discriminant validity. Another stream suggested that the problem was not low discriminant validity but rather misspecifications in the model. Analyses of the short Portrait Values Questionnaire of the ESS confirmed the latter view. This paper demonstrates that the problems of the short version of the PVQ exist in the full 40-item PVQ as well. Based on SEM analyses of the items of the full PVQ, we propose that it can provide measures of 15 more narrowly defined values with good discriminant validity. Our proposal respects the conceptual complexity of the values theory while avoiding contamination of composite scores. It can be expected that the improved measurement of 15 values will increase their predictive power. The presence of some single items suggests the extension of the value theory and scales to encompass more than 15 values. Implications for further development of the scale are drawn.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-16 09:59:25','2016-08-15 12:53:04','','Waiting'),(2277,'The Impact of Socio-Economic Status on Self-Rated Health: Study of 29 Countries Using European Social Surveys (2002-2008)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Studies show that the association between socio-economic status (SES) and self-rated health (SRH) varies in different countries, however there are not many country-comparisons that examine this relationship over time. The objective of the present study is to determine the effect of three SES measures on SRH in 29 countries according to findings in European Social Surveys (2002–2008), in order to study how socio-economic inequalities can vary our subjective state of health. In line with previous studies, income inequalities seem to be greater not only in Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian countries, but especially in Eastern European countries. The impact of education is greater in Southern countries, and this effect is similar in Eastern and Scandinavian countries, although occupational status does not produce significant differences in southern countries. This study shows the general relevance of socio-educational factors on SRH. Individual economic conditions are obviously a basic factor contributing to a good state of health, but education could be even more relevant to preserve it. In this sense, policies should not only aim at reducing income inequalities, but should also further the education of people who are in risk of social exclusion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-16 10:51:13','2016-08-16 11:35:07','','Waiting'),(2278,'Life satisfaction and air quality in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Concerns for environmental quality and its impact on people\'s welfare are fundamental arguments for the adoption of environmental legislation in most countries. In this paper, we analyze the relationship between air quality and subjective well-being in Europe. We use a unique dataset that merges three waves of the European Social Survey with a new dataset on environmental quality including SO2 concentrations and climate in Europe at the regional level. We find a robust negative impact of SO2 concentrations on self-reported life satisfaction.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-16 13:17:59','2016-08-16 12:00:56','','Waiting'),(2279,'Social Capital and Health Inequality in European Welfare States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Drawing on cross-national European data from the European Social Survey as well as Swedish national survey data and registers, this book investigates social capital in relation to health and health inequalities in European welfare states.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-17 10:01:22','2016-08-16 12:37:40','','Waiting'),(2280,'Mobilization through online social networks: The political protest of the indignados in Spain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The 15M demonstration (the origin of the indignados movement in Spain and the seed of the occupy mobilizations) presents some outstanding characteristics that defy the established principles of the collective action paradigm. This article develops some observable implications of the concept of connective action and tests them against the case of the 15M demonstration. Cases of self-organized connective action networks are expected to be different from traditional collective action cases with regard to the characteristics of the organizations involved, the prevalent mobilization channels and the characteristics of participants. Based on a comparative analysis of data gathered from participants and organizations in nine demonstrations held in Spain between 2010 and 2011, relevant and significant differences were found in the characteristics of the 15M staging organizations (recently created, without formal membership and mainly online presence), the main mobilization channels (personal contact and online social networks rather than co-members or broadcast media), and participants (younger, more educated and less politically involved). These findings help to understand the large turnout figures of this movement and have important implications for the mobilization potential of social networks, particularly as it can affect the political participation of the less-involved citizens.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-17 10:10:32','2016-08-16 13:10:26','','Waiting'),(2281,'European Social Survey’s video: physically active people are happier','Sotsiaaluuringu video: füüsiliselt aktiivsemad inimesed on õnnelikumad',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey data from 2014 indicate that there is a positive relationship between physical activity and happiness. Happiness grows according to how many days in a week people are working out or are physically active.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/v/yhiskond/239a3162-1eae-4e9d-8e28-3d943a6793e6/sotsiaaluuringu-video-fuusiliselt-aktiivsemad-inimesed-on-onnelikumad','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-06-17 10:15:22','2016-08-16 13:21:51','','Waiting'),(2282,'From Social Capital To Health - And Back','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We assess the causal relationship between health and social capital, measured by generalized trust, both at the individual and the community level. The paper contributes to the literature in two ways: it tackles the problems of endogeneity and reverse causation between social capital and health by estimating a simultaneous equation model, and it explicitly accounts for mis-reporting in self-reported trust. The inter-relationship is tested using data from the first four waves of the European Social Survey for 25 European countries, supplemented by regional data from Eurostat. Our estimates show that a causal and positive relationship between self-perceived health and social capital does exist and that it acts in both directions. In addition, the magnitude of the structural coefficients suggests that individual social capital is a strong determinant of health, whereas community level social capital plays a considerably smaller role in determining health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-17 10:56:32','2016-08-16 13:40:26','','Waiting'),(2283,'The Educational Gradient in Marriage: A Comparison of 25 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous research has suggested that a new marriage gradient has emerged in the United States, with marriage becoming increasingly the privilege of the better-educated. This article examines whether this is true for Europe and explores differences in the marriage gradient among 25 European countries, using multilevel models. The focus is on the chances of living in a marital (or cohabiting) union during midlife (ages 40–49). Multilevel analyses show that the direction and strength of the gradient depend on the societal context. In countries where gender roles are traditional, better-educated women are less likely to be married than less-educated women; in gender-egalitarian countries, better-educated women are more likely to be married. For men, the educational effect on marriage is absent in traditional countries but becomes positive as gender roles become more equal. Inequality in a society also modifies the gradient: if the degree of economic inequality between educational groups in a society is strong, better-educated men are more likely to be married than less-educated men. In general, the results suggest that there may be an accumulation of social and economic disadvantages for the less well educated in more-developed countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-17 11:40:52','2016-08-16 16:25:34','','Waiting'),(2284,'Environment and Happiness: New Evidence for Spain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores the relationship between air pollution, climate and reported subjective well-being (or happiness) in Spanish regions. The results show that, after controlling for most of the socio-economic variables affecting happiness, there are still significant regional differences in subjective well-being. Evidence also suggests that climate and air pollution variables play a significant role in explaining these regional differences in happiness. The analysis also allows us to calculate the monetary value of air quality and climate, deriving the average marginal rate of substitution between income and air quality and climate for the Spanish regions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-17 11:50:19','2016-08-16 16:34:47','','Waiting'),(2285,'Political Conservatism and Left-Right Orientation in 28 Eastern and Western European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'he relationship between political conservatism and left–right orientation was examined in 15 Western European and 13 former communist Central and Eastern European countries using the data from European Social Survey Round 3 (N = 46,103) and Round 4 (N = 50,601). Cross-culturally validated values were used to measure the two potential aspects of conservatism: resistance to change and acceptance of inequality. Both of these aspects were positively related to right-wing orientation in Western countries. In the former communist countries, the relationships were positive, negative, and nonexistent; they differed between the countries and varied between 2006 and 2008. The results indicate that conservatism can be related to left-wing or right-wing orientation depending on the cultural, political, and economic situation of the society in question. The results also show that despite the shared communist past, former communist Central and Eastern Europe is a diverse region that should be treated as such also in research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-17 11:59:03','2016-08-16 16:46:35','','Waiting'),(2286,'The Roots and Routes to Compliance and Citizens’ Cooperation with the Belgian Police','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Procedural justice theory assumes that trust in procedural justice and in the effectiveness of the police are important issues for building the legitimacy of the aforementioned institution. Additionally, the perception of police legitimacy, as a result of public trust, is necessary for the recognition of police authority. When citizens recognize the right of the police to determine authority, they are assumed to feel the obligation to obey the police and ultimately comply with the law and cooperate with the police. This theoretical framework has mainly been tested in Anglo-Saxon countries. Hence, the purpose of this contribution is to test the key assumptions of procedural justice theory in the Belgian context using data from the European Social Survey (ESS). Little evidence was found for the procedural justice theory in the Belgian context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-17 12:05:06','2016-08-17 10:34:19','','Waiting'),(2287,'The effect of macroeconomic and social conditions on the demand for redistribution: A pseudo panel approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses the effect of macroeconomic and social conditions on the demand for redistribution. Using a synthetic cohort design to generate panel data at the level of socio-demographic groups, analysis of fives waves of data from the European Social Survey (2002–2010) shows that differences across countries in macroeconomic and social conditions have an effect on the demand for redistribution. Consistent with theoretical expectations, economic growth generates a lower demand for redistribution, while higher income inequality generates a higher demand. By contrast, differences across countries in unemployment levels and social expenditure are unrelated to the demand for redistribution. The analysis also suggests that empirical results depend to a considerable extent on the assumptions underlying different methodological approaches.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 08:59:29','2016-08-17 10:43:57','','Waiting'),(2288,'Social Capital and Individual Happiness in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores the relationship between social capital and happiness both in Europe as a whole, as well as in its four main geographical macro-regions—North, South, East and West—separately. We test the hypothesis of whether social capital, in its three-fold definition established by Coleman (Am J Sociol 94:S95–S120 1988)—trust, social interaction, and norms and sanctions—influences individual happiness across European countries and regions. The concept of social capital is further enriched by incorporating Putnam (Making democracy work—civic traditions in modern Italy. Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1993) and Olson (The rise and decline of nations—economic growth, stagflation, and social rigidities. Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1982) type variables on associational activity. Using ordinal logistic regression analysis on data for 48,583 individuals from 25 European countries, we reach three main findings. First, social capital matters for happiness across the three dimensions considered. Second, the main drivers of the effects of social capital on happiness appear to be informal social interaction and general social, as well as institutional trust. And third, there are significant differences in how social capital interacts with happiness across different areas of Europe, with the connection being at is weakest in the Nordic countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 09:06:09','2016-08-17 10:51:19','','Waiting'),(2289,'Sectoral Economies, Economic Contexts, and Attitudes toward Immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Do economic considerations shape attitudes toward immigration? In this article, we consider the relationship between economic interests and immigration preferences by examining how developments in individuals’ sectors of employment affect these views. Using survey data across European countries from 2002 to 2009 and employing new measures of industry-level exposure to immigration, we find that sectoral economies shape opinions about immigration. Individuals employed in growing sectors are more likely to support immigration than are those employed in shrinking sectors. Moreover, the economic context matters: making use of the exogenous shock to national economies represented by the 2008 financial crisis, we show that sector-level inflows of immigrant workers have little effect on preferences when economies are expanding, but that they dampen support for immigration when economic conditions deteriorate and confidence in the economy declines. These sectoral effects remain even when controlling for natives’ views about the impact of immigration on the national economy and culture. When evaluating immigration policy, individuals thus appear to take into account whether their sector of employment benefits economically from immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 09:32:32','2016-08-17 11:17:54','','Waiting'),(2290,'Bridges and Barriers: Religion and Immigrant Occupational Attainment across Integration Contexts','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article advances knowledge about context-dependent impacts of religion on immigrant structural integration. Drawing on theories of inter-generational immigrant integration, it identifies and spells out two context-dependent mechanisms through which religion impinges upon structural integration – as ethnic marker prompting exclusion and discrimination, or as social organization providing access to tangible resources. The propositions are empirically tested with nationally representative data on occupational attainment in three different integration contexts which vary in religious boundary configurations and religious field characteristics – the United States, Canada, and Western Europe. Using data from the US General Social Survey, the Canadian Ethnic Diversity Survey, and the European Social Survey, the article analyzes indirect and direct effects of religious affiliation and participation on occupational attainment among first and second generation immigrants. The analyses find only limited evidence for the assumption that in contexts with strong religious boundaries (such as Western Europe and, to a lesser extent, Canada), immigrants face religious penalties in structural integration. By contrast, the analyses support the assumption that in contexts with a thriving religious field (such as the United States and, to a lesser extent, Canada), religious attendance tends to be positively related to occupational attainment, especially for the second generation. For the first time, the article empirically tests arguments about transatlantic differences in the role of religion for immigrant structural integration, and it suggests ways of better integrating micro-oriented survey research with macro-oriented institutional analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 09:38:33','2016-08-17 12:07:24','','Waiting'),(2291,'Parental Education and the Gender Gap in University Completion in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: A female-favorable gender gap in university completion has emerged in the majority of industrialized countries in recent decades. Research in the United States demonstrates that the female advantage in college completion is the largest among individuals with low-educated parents, but it is not known whether this pattern also exists in European countries. \nObjective: This article has three main objectives: 1) to illustrate the growing female advantage in university completion across European countries, 2) to provide evidence on whether gender differences in university completion differ by parents\' level of education in those countries, and 3) to investigate whether these patterns changed across cohorts.\nMethods: Using pooled data from the 2002 to 2010 European Social Survey, this article investigates gender differences in university completion by levels of parental education across three birth cohorts (1955-1964, 1965-1974, 1975-1984) in 16 European countries. \nResults: A female-favorable gender gap in university completion has emerged over time in the majority of European countries but, unlike in the United States, parental education has similar effects on university completion for males and females in a majority of countries and birth cohorts. \nConclusions: The analyses demonstrate that parental education has similar effects on males\' and females\' university completion across the majority of European countries studied, and is not an important predictor of the female-favorable gender gap in university completion in Europe, in contrast to the United States',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 10:00:42','2016-08-17 12:20:38','','Waiting'),(2292,'God Bless Our Children? The Role of Generation, Discrimination and Religious Context for Migrants in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper deals with individual and contextual effects on the religiosity of first and second generation migrants in Europe. Determining that little attention has been directed towards intergenerational transmission of religion in processes of integration, we argue for an intergenerational perspective on immigrant religiosity. Social integration theory is used to derive the hypothesis that second generation immigrants are less religious than the first generation. Perceived discrimination is introduced in the immigrant-religion research to account for the stress buffering capacities of religion. On the contextual level we suppose a positive effect of native religiosity and religious diversity. Three aspects of religiosity are examined: (1) religious affiliation, (2) inner religiosity and (3) praying. We use four waves (2002-2008) of the European Social Survey (ESS) in a 3-level random intercept multilevel model with 19,567 individuals, 235 regions and 26 countries. All three aspects point to the same conclusions. Among others, the most interesting results are that (1) second generation immigrants are less religious than their first generation counterparts, (2) perceived discrimination has a positive effect on immigrant religiosity and the effect is greater for the second generation, (3) native religiosity has a positive effect on immigrant religiosity with a greater effect on the second generation too and (4) the influence on migrant religiosity is more salient at the regional than at the national level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 10:08:39','2016-08-17 12:24:32','','Waiting'),(2293,'An R Package for Complex Survey Analysis of Structural Equation Models','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper introduces the R package lavaan.survey, a user-friendly interface to design-based complex survey analysis of structural equation models (SEMs). By leveraging existing code in the lavaan and survey packages, the lavaan.survey package allows for SEM analyses of stratified, clustered, and weighted data, as well as multiply imputed complex survey data. lavaan.survey provides several features such as SEMs with replicate weights, a variety of resampling techniques for complex samples, and finite population corrections, features that should prove useful for SEM practitioners faced with the common situation of a sample that is not iid.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 10:17:51','2016-08-17 12:29:30','','Waiting'),(2294,'Political Sources of Government Redistribution in High-Income Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter explores the relationship between political participation and income redistribution in high-income countries, with particular focus on middle-income groups. The first part describes government redistribution as it affects the second, third, and fourth income quintile groups, employing data from the LIS Database. The second conducts a cross-national analysis that considers the sources of variation in redistribution toward and away from individual middle-income groups, with particular focus on electoral turnout, the partisan orientation of ruling cabinets, and union density. The third employs data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the European Social Survey to calculate rates of political participation by middle-income groups, including voting, union membership, contacting public officials, and participating in protests or demonstrations. The overall conclusion is that political participation does matter, but that its relationship to redistribution varies by mode of participation and by income subgroup within the middle class.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 10:35:07','2016-08-17 12:33:33','','Waiting'),(2295,'The Gender Gap Reversed: Political Consumerism as a Women-Friendly Form of Civic and Political Engagement','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While some authors express concern about the decline of traditional forms of social capital and civic engagement in Western democracies, others are more sanguine about the rise of new forms of participation and social interaction, and about the challenge created by the emergence of a new generation of “critical citizens”. Still others argue that social capital and participation research has missed some important areas of civic engagement in which women have been traditionally very active. Thus far, these new or “undiscovered” forms of civic engagement have been mainly studied as cases and hardly ever utilized survey research. In this paper we focus on a phenomenon that we label ”political consumerism”, i.e. the buying or boycotting of products and services based on political or ethical values. Using a pilot survey among 1,015 Canadian, Swedish and Belgian students and case study material we show that political consumerism is a form of civic engagement that is disproportionally utilized by women, historically as well as amongst young people and young women today. We examine how and why women engage in this form of civic engagement, exploring historical examples, the act of shopping as well as motivations behind this activity. In addition we probe into who these political consumers are. We find that postmaterialists, and those who view political institutions critically are more engaged in political consumer action. There is also a positive relation with generalised trust, and in general political consumers score high on feelings of political efficacy. We strongly suggest including measurements of political consumerism, and other emerging and “unobserved” forms of activism, in future surveys on civic engagement and political participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 10:50:41','2016-08-17 14:19:02','','Waiting'),(2296,'The International Standard Classification of Education 2011','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) is a tool for harmonising education-related information. It covers almost all countries in the world and is centrally maintained and documented by UNESCO Institute for Statistics. ISCED is commonly used in official statistics and surveys (e.g. by OECD and Eurostat), but it is also increasingly used for the measurement of educational attainment in academic cross-national surveys. ISCED has been revised between 2008 and 2011, and the new version was adopted by the UNESCO General Conference in November 2011. This research note describes ISCED 2011 and the most important changes as compared to the previous version, ISCED 1997, with a special focus on educational attainment. A brief discussion of strengths and weaknesses of the classification as well as future challenges conclude the note.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 11:04:32','2016-08-17 15:00:20','','Waiting'),(2297,'Does Non-State Provision of Social Services Promote or Undermine Citizen Trust in Government? The Case of Health Care in Europe.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What happens to citizens’ attitudes towards their governments when non-state actors play a prominent role in insuring citizens against the social risks that were once seen as central concerns of the welfare state? When private firms, religious groups, or NGOs provide social goods, governments may be robbed of opportunities to generate public trust. Alternatively, satisfied consumers of private services may come to trust the state more. Using individual-level data from the 2008 European Social Survey and country-level health care financing data we analyze the effects of private financing of health care on political trust in 25 European countries. Net of known predictors of trust at the individual and country level, we find that trust in government is significantly lower among at-risk individuals living in countries where the health system is financed to a greater degree by private sources. This negative relationship between private financing and trust in government is the outcome of a multi-step process in which low-income individuals report greater perceived risk of having unmet health care needs and, in turn, express less satisfaction with the heath care system, particularly in more privatized systems.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 11:40:05','2016-08-17 15:13:22','','Waiting'),(2298,'Class, Occupation, Wages and Skills: The Iron Law Of Labor Market Inequality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Economic inequality in contemporary advanced societies is strongly tied to the variation in wages across occupations. We examine the extent to which this variation is captured by social class and occupational prestige and ask how the associations between class, prestige, and wages can be explained. On the basis of data from 11 countries in the European Social Survey (ESS) 2004, we find (a) that class and prestige account for a very large proportion of the occupational variation in wages; (b) that the tight links between class, prestige, and wages are strongly associated with the skill requirements of jobs but only weakly tied to other positional traits, including authority, autonomy, and scarcity; and (c) that these findings are highly similar in all countries examined. We conclude that the rank order of positions in the labor market is a social constant driven by efficiency requirements of work organizations rather than by the exercise of power. This iron law of labor market inequality clearly contradicts major class theoretical models, including Wright\'s and Goldthorpe\'s. In addition to empirically refuting contemporary class theory, we offer a number of more conceptual arguments to the same effect. At a macro level, however, power relations arguably affect the rate of economic inequality by determining the reward distance between positions in the constant rank order, as indicated by the large cross-national variation in wage dispersion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 11:44:52','2016-08-17 15:43:49','','Waiting'),(2299,'\'Voice and Equality\': Young People\'s Politics in the European Union','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Academics and policy-makers have highlighted the increasing disconnection between citizens and electoral politics in Europe. Declining citizen involvement in traditional forms of politics has manifested itself in lower voter turnout and a dramatic shrinkage in the membership of political parties. Citizens have turned to alternative forms of civic and political engagement. These trends are most marked amongst young people. Whilst a number of studies have examined the nature of political participation in Europe, and the participation of young people in individual countries or specific political activities (such as voting), hardly any research has looked at patterns of engagement ‘within’ a generation of young people across different democracies. This article examines the political participation of young Europeans in national democracies in 15 European Union member states. Previous studies have shown that citizens are increasingly moving away from electoral forms of participation towards alternative forms of engagement that are (for the population as a whole) much less socially equal. Using data from the European Social Survey, this article finds that the social inequalities of participation are (with the major exception of voting) much less profound for young people. This latter finding has important implications for public efforts to promote greater youth participation in democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 11:50:09','2016-08-17 15:50:51','','Waiting'),(2300,'Religion and Redistributive Voting in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Why some individuals, who would clearly benefit from redistribution, do not vote for parties offering redistributive policies is an old puzzle of redistributive politics. Recent work in political economy offers an explanation based on the interplay between religious identity and party policies. Strategic parties bundle conservative moral policies with anti-redistribution positions inducing individuals with a strong religious identity to vote based on moral rather than economic preferences. I test this theory using microlevel data on individuals’ vote choices in 24 recent multiparty elections in 15 Western European countries. I use an integrated model of religion, economic and moral preferences, and vote choice to show that religious individuals possess less liberal economic preferences, which shapes their vote choice against redistributive parties. This holds even for individuals who would clearly benefit from redistribution. Moreover, the redistributive vote of religious individuals is primarily based on economic not moral preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 12:38:27','2016-08-17 15:58:06','','Waiting'),(2301,'Occupation–education mismatch of immigrant workers in Europe: Context and policies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses occupational matching of immigrants from over seventy countries of origin to 22 European countries. Using European Social Survey for the years 2002–2009, we show that immigrants are more likely to be both under- and overeducated than the native born for the jobs that they perform. However, immigrants’ outcomes converge to those of the native born with the years of labor market experience. The mismatch is due to immigrants’ selection and sorting across countries. Notably, origin countries’ quality of human capital, by affecting selection, mostly matters for undereducation of immigrants. Overeducation is determined to a greater extent by destination country economic conditions and labor market institutions. Immigrant-specific policies in destination countries, such as those improving labor market access, positively affect overall matching; however, other policies, such as those improving eligibility or aimed at antidiscrimination may aggravate overeducation by attracting a wider range of educated immigrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 12:44:49','2016-08-17 16:03:15','','Waiting'),(2302,'Couch Activism\'and the Individualisation of Political Demands: Political Behaviour in Contemporary Cypriot Society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article examines Cypriot political behaviour along two variables: self-placement on the left–right ideological continuum and proximity to political parties. Based on data from the 2009 European Social Survey, the paper analyses socio-political trends in Cyprus society, focusing on changing patterns of political involvement. The concept of party crisis is then suggested as a plausible explanation for current Cypriot political behaviour, which might aptly be termed ‘couch activism’.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 12:50:36','2016-08-17 16:22:51','','Waiting'),(2303,'Trust and Openness: Prerequisites for Democratic Engagement?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The impact of political trust on political participation is still contested, especially considering the variety of political expressions citizens use as political tools. A further complication is added by the substantial differences in the context under which participation take place and the contextual impact on the link between political trust and participation. We here examine how political trust affects institutionalised and non-institutionalised forms of political participation. Furthermore, we examine how these linkages are affected by the institutional openness of the political system, since this constitutes a central element of the context of participation. These research questions are examined using data from the fourth round of the European Social Survey from 2008 including 26 democratic countries and a total of 49,979 respondents. The results suggest that political trust promotes institutionalised participation and has a negative impact on non-institutionalised participation. Furthermore, the institutional context mediates the effect of political trust on political participation meaning that institutional openness strengthens the effect of political trust on institutionalised participation whereas it weakens the effect of political distrust on non-institutionalised participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-20 13:37:54','2016-08-17 16:29:49','','Waiting'),(2304,'The effects of international migration on the well-being of native populations in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With worldwide migration becoming increasingly prevalent in policy agendas over the past several decades, understanding the effects that migrants have on a host country\'s population continues to be an important research agenda. There is a large literature documenting the effects that migrants have on native wages, tax burden, unemployment, etc. However, very little is understood about how migrants affect the happiness, or subjective well-being, of natives. This paper uses the European Social Survey to analyze the effects of aggregate immigration inflows on the subjective well-being of native-born populations in a panel of 26 countries between 2002 and 2010. We find that recent immigrant flows have a nonlinear, yet overall positive impact on the well-being of natives. Specifically, we find that immigrant flows from two years prior have larger positive effects on natives\' well-being than immigrant inflows from one year prior. Our findings are very small in magnitude and in practical application; only large immigrant flows would affect native well-being significantly.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 08:57:09','2016-08-17 16:33:45','','Waiting'),(2305,'Who Protests in Greece? Mass Opposition to Austerity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The widespread opposition to unprecedented austerity measures in Greece provides a unique opportunity to study the causes of mass protest. This article reports the results of a survey of the adult population in which two-thirds of the respondents supported protest and 29 per cent reported actual involvement in strikes and/or demonstrations during 2010. Relative deprivation is a significant predictor of potential protest, but does not play any role in terms of who takes part in strikes or demonstrations. Previous protest participation emerges as a key predictor of actual protest. This study seeks to place these results within a comparative context, contrasting Greece with other countries facing similar challenges, and discusses the implications for the future of austerity politics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 09:05:07','2016-08-18 13:19:31','','Waiting'),(2306,'Social Capital Formation across Space: Proximity and Trust in European Regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An extensive economics and regional science literature has discussed the importance of social capital for economic growth and development. Yet, what social capital is and how it is formed are elusive issues, which require further investigation. Here, we refer to social capital in terms of “civic” capital and “good culture,” as rephrased by Guiso, Sapienza, and Zingales and Tabellini. The accumulation of this kind of capital allows the emerging of regional informal institutions, which may help explaining differences in regional development. In this article, we take a regional perspective and use exploratory space and space–time methods to assess whether geography, via proximity, contributes to the formation of social capital across European regions. In particular, we investigate whether generalized trust, a fundamental constituent of civic capital and an ingredient of economic development, tends to be clustered in space and over time. From the policy standpoint, the spatial “path dependence” of regional trust may contribute to the formation of “spatial traps” of social capital and act as a further barrier to regional economic development and convergence.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 09:34:29','2016-08-18 13:26:51','','Waiting'),(2307,'Fiscal Deficits and the Role of Fiscal Governance: The Case of Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What really went wrong with Greek public finances? This paper evaluates the evidence from the decade preceding the outbreak of the fiscal crisis in Greece shedding some light on specific factors behind deviations from fiscal plans. It explains that Greece only partly fits international evidence on the economic, political and institutional determinants of fiscal forecast errors. The weak domestic institutional budget framework emerges as the main reason for weak fiscal performance, while inconsistencies in the forecasts of international organisations place the effectiveness of their monitoring under question. In this light, the paper puts forward some ideas for improving the domestic institutional framework for conducting fiscal policy in Greece and briefly evaluates some relevant recent government initiatives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 10:17:21','2016-08-18 14:08:54','','Waiting'),(2308,'Facing Cultural Diversity: Anti-Immigrant Attitudes in Europe ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Negative attitudes toward immigrants are widespread in Western societies, and research has repeatedly attempted to explain such attitudes with the presence of cultural diversity arising from a high number of immigrants. Highlighting how political psychology integrates individual and contextual levels of explanation, the present paper aims to overview research that reaches beyond this narrow focus of diversity (i.e., immigrant proportion) to understand anti-immigrant attitudes in culturally diverse societies. First, we present research that reconciles two opposing intergroup mechanisms—contact and threat—both triggered by a high proportion of immigrants. Second, emphasis is placed on ideological climates, a novel contextual antecedent of anti-immigrant attitudes understood as collectively shared norms and values permeating all spheres of social life. Ideological climates influence anti-immigrant attitudes beyond individual characteristics and further shape individuals’ responses to cultural diversity. Third, the paper extends existing research on a Person × Context interaction approach to anti-immigrant attitudes and suggests how cultural diversity and ideological climates differentially impact the link between individual-level ideologies and anti-immigrant attitudes. The growing field of multilevel research on anti-immigrant attitudes is overviewed and empirical illustrations of our recent research in Switzerland are provided. We conclude by discussing the benefits and further challenges of integrating individual and contextual antecedents in political psychology and beyond. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 10:23:03','2016-08-18 14:25:54','','Waiting'),(2309,'The agency gap: Policies, norms, and working time capabilities across welfare states','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter confronts the agency capabilities gap from two perspectives (1) Comparing policies aimed at promoting worklife balance, their implementation and outcomes, with gendered norms regarding work and care. The chapter uses county level data and survey data across eleven European countries and Japan. The chapter uses county level data and survey data across eleven European countries and Japan. (2) the chapter examines the agency gap in attitudes regarding worklife balance priorities and working time capabilities (Lee and McCann 2006), which is operationalized as the differences between actual work hours in paid work and how many hours one would choose to work if it meant a loss or gain in pay.This analysis shows a complex relationship between work aspiration and practices which can be linked to national differences in worklife balance policies and gender norms.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 11:52:27','2016-08-18 14:38:55','','Waiting'),(2310,'Relationship between Interpersonal Trust and Quality of Democracy in 28 European Countries','Relationship between Interpersonal Trust and Quality of Democracy in 28 European Countries',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The role of interpersonal trust between the members of a community has been long debated between scholars of social sciences (Shah et al., 2001). Cooperation and trust, both on the interpersonal and intergroup level are of vital importance to the achievement of the common goals of a society and thus, community building and in final analysis, functioning of democratic societies. The concept is closely related to the concept of social cohesion, which stems from trust and results in the improvement of the lives of the community as a whole. According to Almond and Verba (1963), interpersonal trust will lead to a sense of cooperation, which in turn, would create a stable democracy. Attempts to explain political features of a society through their citizens’ personal beliefs and attitudes are numerous and many authors (Almond & Verba, 1963; Putnam et al, 1993) ascribe to these individual level features the quality of democratic institutions. Interpersonal trust is one of the most important of such features, strongly correlated to support for democratic institutions and permissiveness for corruption. In fact, according to Popa (n.d.) interpersonal trust can be seen as a key prerequisite for the success of democratic institutions. In this paper are analyzed data from the 6th wave of the European Social Survey (ESS, www.europeansocialsurvey.org), which includes 28 European countries surveyed in 2012 and the Democracy Index 2012 Report from the Economist Intelligence Unit (www.eiu.com). The analysis is focused on the relationship between level of interpersonal trust in the 24 countries covered by ESS 6th wave and the overall score of quality of democracy from EIU as well as the five indicators of democracy (electoral process and pluralism, government functioning, political participation, political culture and civil liberties). The hypothesis is that there will be a statistically significant positive correlation between level of interpersonal trust and quality of democracy. The analysis supports the hypothesis; interpersonal trust is indeed correlated to overall quality of democracy, in line with findings from other research, as well as with four of the five indicators of democracy, electoral processes and pluralism excluded. The analysis also shows that the only country not falling in the expected pattern is the Russian Federation, excluding this country from the analysis will produce statistically significant correlations for all five indicators of democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Full paper available here: http://konferenca.unishk.edu.al/icrae2014/cd/pdfdoc/606.pdf','dritantaulla@gmail.com','2016-06-21 12:19:39','2016-08-18 14:57:22','','Waiting'),(2311,'Three Worlds of Welfare Chauvinism? How Welfare Regimes Affect Support for Distributing Welfare to Immigrants in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analyzing the 2008 wave of the European Social Survey, this study assesses whether an elaborate institutional theory is able to explain why levels of welfare chauvinism differ among welfare regimes. As expected, native populations in liberal and conservative welfare regimes prove more reluctant to distributing welfare services to immigrants than those in social-democratic ones. Adding country-level data, it is demonstrated that neither differences in the selectivity nor differences in employment protection and unemployment levels can explain these varying levels of welfare chauvinism. Instead, regime differences in welfare chauvinism can be fully attributed to their differences in income inequality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 12:28:54','2016-08-18 16:15:59','','Waiting'),(2312,'Party Members vs. Party Sympathizers in a Period of Declining Membership: Who Does What (and with Whom)?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates how political parties are coping with declining membership, asking how parties with low memberships provide substitutes for the resources that party members once provided. Possible substitution strategies include increasing the contributions provided by the members who remain, and increasing the activism of non-members supporters. In this paper we use responses from the 2002 and 2010 European Social Survey to assess changes in partisan mobilization of both types of party supporters. As expected, we find that party members are much more likely to be party workers than non-member supporters, but because of the difference in group sizes, non-members seem to be a significant source of party resources in many countries. We examine the traits associated with activism by members and non-members, and find that non-members tend to differ in politically significant ways, with non-member activists being (on average) less ideological and less wealthy. Because of such differences, there is a potential political significance to party decisions about which supporters to mobilize for election campaigns and other party work.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 12:33:02','2016-08-19 10:45:54','','Waiting'),(2313,'Political Gerontology: Population Ageing and the State of the State','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political gerontology reflects on the role of older people in the state. It considers older people in their roles as, for example, voters who shape the state in elections, and as welfare citizens who benefit from and contribute to welfare states. These roles differ between European countries, e.g. because of differences in welfare state provisions. Finally, this chapter discusses what possibilities governments have to encourage active ageing.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 12:56:56','2016-08-19 10:51:39','','Waiting'),(2314,'When Irish eyes are smiling: income and happiness in Ireland, 2003–2009','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ireland’s economic fortunes rose and fell in dramatic fashion between 2000 and 2010, as an unprecedented boom was followed by economic crisis.\n\nAims: We hypothesised that (a) these dramatic changes in economic circumstances did not substantially change self-rated happiness in Ireland, but (b) social and psychological correlates of happiness may have changed, both within Ireland and compared to other European countries.\n\nMethods: We studied data from the European Social Survey relating to self-rated happiness and social and psychological correlates of happiness in Ireland in 2003 (n = 2,046), 2005 (n = 2,274), 2007 (n = 1,794) and 2009 (n = 1,764).\n\nResults: There was a slight decline in happiness between 2005 and 2009, as mean self-rated happiness score changed from 7.94 (2005) to 7.55 (2009) (0: “extremely unhappy”; 10: “extremely happy”). Linear regression models accounted for only 16.6–20.2 % of inter-individual variation in happiness at each time-point. Satisfaction with health had the strongest association with happiness in 2003, 2005 and 2007. Satisfaction with income, relative to other variables, increased over time and in 2009 had the strongest association with happiness.\n\nConclusion: Overall, despite dramatic changes in economic circumstances and a slight decline in happiness, the Irish continued an historic tradition of rating ourselves as generally very happy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 13:08:36','2016-08-19 10:57:25','','Waiting'),(2315,'Political participation in European countries: The effect of authoritarian rule, corruption, lack of good governance and economic downturn','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Two decades after democratic transition, political participation levels in Central and Eastern Europe remain significantly lower than in Western European countries. Although some authors invoke the socialization of citizens under authoritarian regimes as a cause, others hint at the fact that these countries still experience corruption, lack of good governance and low levels of economic development. In this article, we test both theoretical claims, by conducting a multilevel analysis on the full sample of the European Social Survey in the period 2002–2008, introducing a distinction between institutionalized and non-institutionalized forms of participation. The analysis demonstrates that, controlling for all relevant individual level characteristics, an authoritarian legacy, the perception of corruption, bad governance and low income levels have a negative impact on participation levels. Controlling for corruption levels and lack of good governance, the effect of an authoritarian legacy is rendered non-significant. An analysis by age and cohort suggests that the effect of current experiences with corruption are more powerful than the effect of an authoritarian legacy. As such, our findings support the claim that especially bad governance and corruption have a strong negative impact on civic engagement in Central and Eastern Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-21 13:48:20','2016-08-19 11:08:34','','Waiting'),(2316,'What Motivates You? The Relationship between Preferences for Redistribution and Attitudes toward Immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The tension between immigration and redistribution has attracted increased attention in recent years. Many authors argue, based on economic self-interest theory, that there is a negative relationship between support for redistribution and preferred levels of immigration. Notwithstanding the role of economic self-interest, there is in fact a multitude of motivations that moderate the relationship between preferences for redistribution and attitudes toward immigration. A model of preferences for immigration shows that self-interested and strongly reciprocal individuals experience a tension between immigration and redistribution, while egalitarians do not experience this tension. Humanitarians express a general willingness to help those who are worse off, immigrants included, but this motivation does not affect their preferences for redistribution.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-22 09:05:32','2016-08-19 13:08:59','','Waiting'),(2317,'Fear of Crime and Feelings of Unsafety in European Countries: Macro and Micro Explanations in Cross-National Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we set out to explain fear of crime and feelings of unsafety, using two waves of the European Social Survey (2006 and 2008) covering 25 European countries (N?=?77,674). The results of our multilevel analyses showed varying effects of contextual- and individual-level characteristics on our two outcomes. Higher crime levels in countries increase the fear of crime; however, they do not affect feelings of unsafety. Social protection expenditure proves to be an important determinant of both fear of crime and feelings of unsafety. Moreover, distrust in the police, generalized social distrust, and perceived ethnic threat induce fear of crime as well as feelings of unsafety. Finally, policy implications are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-22 09:10:57','2016-08-19 13:17:46','','Waiting'),(2318,'Equity, equality, or need? A study of popular preferences for welfare redistribution principles across 24 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although European welfare states receive high levels of public support, insights into what kind of welfare state individuals prefer – i.e., one based on the redistributive principle of equity, of equality or of need – is scarce and fragmented. Using the 2008 wave of the European Social Survey, we find that most European populations share a preference for applying the equality principle to unemployment benefits, while they are divided over applying equity and equality for pension schemes. Individual determinants of preferences confirm that the ‘haves’ prefer equity over equality, while the ‘have-nots’ prefer the need principle more. At the country level, cross-national variation in redistribution preferences is low for unemployment benefits and cannot be explained by relevant context factors; preferences for pension redistribution depends upon its institutional design and social expenditure: welfare generosity curbs the preference for equity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-22 09:22:19','2016-08-19 13:24:33','','Waiting'),(2319,'How the religious context affects the relationship between religiosity and attitudes towards immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article approaches two shortcomings in previous research on religiosity and prejudice: (1) the lack of cross-country comparative studies; and (2) a failure to consider any moderating effects of religious contexts. We examine whether the relationship between religiosity and anti-immigration attitudes varies depending on religious contexts in Europe, and we find two things. First, strongly religious people are on average less likely to oppose immigration than non-religious people. Second, different religious contexts moderate the religiosity–attitude relationship in that religious people in Protestant countries and in countries with a low proportion of majority adherents are more tolerant than religious people in Catholic countries and in religiously homogenous countries. State policies also matter in that religious people are more negative where the government favours the majority religion. This calls into question the taken-for-granted understanding of religiosity and out-group attitudes found in the USA.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-22 09:45:32','2016-08-19 13:38:09','','Waiting'),(2320,'Trade unions and the future of democratic capitalism','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, I look at trends of union and business organizations and their implications for the future of democratic capitalism. As in earlier assessments, the results concentrated on a steady union decline within much more stable wage bargaining institutions. Given the rapid economic changes of deindustrialization and globalization, business coordination and wage bargaining centralization show remarkably high levels of institutional resilience. However, stability of wage bargaining institutions does not guarantee unionization rates. Wage bargaining centralization or wage bargaining coverage does not prevent unions from declining. Wage bargaining coordination can persist without union strength. Existing institutions have important benefits for employers as well as for unions. Coordination capacities can be exercised through employers’ organizations, bargaining coverage and bargaining centralization, even though trade unions are very weak. Moreover, wage inequality remains greater in countries with decentralized bargaining systems and segmented trade union structures. The trends that are described in this chapter imply that with the decline of unionization labour market institutions have become somewhat less important for economic management and the performance of modern economies. Governments pursue less policy concertation and the impact of institutions on performance has weakened.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-22 10:46:04','2016-08-19 13:52:59','','Waiting'),(2321,'The assessment of social cohesion and social exclusion in the Netherlands','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the Netherlands, topics related to social cohesion, such as various aspects of participation and trust, are high on the political agenda. The bottom line is a widespread feeling that social cohesion in Dutch society is eroding, which is also reflected in a perception of a change from a high trust into a low trust society. Based on large-scale surveys, we found no empirical evidence for a decline in participation (since 1997) and trust (since 2002) levels (Schmeets & Te Riele, 2013). Furthermore, the differences between subpopulations remained rather stable. We further investigated whether some people are socially excluded and developed an index based on four distinguished dimensions: (1) participation; (2) material deprivation; (3) the access to basic rights; and (4) value orientations. The four dimensions were covered in the 2010 EU-SILC by adding some 20 questions on basic rights and value orientations. A total of 4.2 percent of the adult population show very low scores on at least two of the four distinguished dimensions to assess the socially excluded.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-23 13:39:54','2016-08-19 14:50:11','','Waiting'),(2322,'What determines attitudes to immigration in European countries? An analysis at the regional level','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Different disciplines within the social sciences have produced large theoretical and empirical literatures to explain the determinants of anti-immigration attitudes. We bring together these literatures in a unified framework and identify testable hypotheses on what characteristics of the individual and of the local environment are likely to have an impact on anti-immigration attitudes. While most of the previous literature focuses on the explanation of attitudes at the individual level, we focus on the impact of regional characteristics (the local context). Our aim is to explain why people living in different regions differ in terms of their attitudes towards immigration. We isolate the impact of regions from regressions using individual-level data and explain this residual regional heterogeneity in attitudes with aggregate-level indicators of regional characteristics. We find that regions with a higher percentage of immigrants born outside the EU and a higher unemployment rate among the immigrant population show a higher probability that natives express negative attitudes to immigration. Regions with a higher unemployment rate among natives, however, show less pronounced anti-immigrant attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-23 14:03:24','2016-08-19 15:12:58','','Waiting'),(2323,'Of what cloth are the ties that bind? National identity and support for the welfare state across 29 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An oft-made claim is that national identity (NI) can function as social glue underpinning public support for the welfare state by encouraging the identification with co-nationals essential for redistribution. Empirical tests have largely ignored the possibility that the relationship depends on the kind of NI people hold, that various dimensions of welfare support are shaped by NI differently, and that these relationships depend on demographic context. Analyzing the European Values Study\'s 2008 wave, we find ample evidence that these distinctions matter: ethnic conceptions of NI are linked to general welfare state support, whereas civic and cultural ones are not. Moreover, all three national self-conceptions induce welfare chauvinism against immigrants, albeit to varying degrees, an effect that strengthens as immigrant diversity increases. Ultimately, we find nothing to suggest that NI can sustain public support for redistribution in an ever-diversifying age, and much to the contrary.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-23 14:08:22','2016-08-19 15:21:52','','Waiting'),(2324,'Attitudes to sentencing and trust in justice: exploring trends from the crime survey for England and Wales','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report examines attitudes to, and perceptions of, sentencing and the CJS in England and Wales, drawing mainly on the 2010/11 Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW).1 The analysis focuses on perceptions of trust and confidence in justice, as well as presenting findings on knowledge about sentencing and crime trends and attitudes toward sentencing. In order to address issues of public cooperation and institutional legitimacy, the report also draws upon UK data from Round 5 of the European Social Survey (ESS).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 08:16:26','2016-08-19 15:26:05','','Waiting'),(2325,'Unionization, Inequality and Redistribution','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article explores the implications of the OECD-wide decline of union density for earnings inequality and income redistribution by looking at aggregate (country-level) data. Over the period 1975–95, countries that experienced relatively large declines in union density also experienced relatively large increases in earnings inequality. In addition, governments apparently became less willing to engage in ‘compensatory redistribution’ in these countries. Since the early 1990s, however, union decline has become less closely associated with rising earnings inequality and redistributive policy changes. I argue that the declining relevance of unionization has to do with changes in the position of union members in the income distribution. In most OECD countries, the average union member has become relatively better off as union density has declined and union members have probably become less supportive of wage solidarity and redistributive government policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 08:19:20','2016-08-19 15:44:26','','Waiting'),(2326,'Improving surveys with paradata: Introduction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The analytic use of paradata offers an additional tool in the survey researcher\'s tool box to study survey errors and survey costs. Paradata capture information about the data collection process on a more microlevel. Paradata that capture the minutes needed to interview each respondent or even the seconds it took to administer a single question within the survey would become the metadata information on the average time it took to administer the survey. Paradata are not the only source of additional data used in survey research to enrich final datasets and estimates. Researchers also use what they call ‘auxiliary data’. The keyword auxiliary data are used to encompass all data outside of the actual survey data itself, which would make all paradata also auxiliary data. Paradata are available during data collection and can be used to monitor and inform the collection process in (almost) real time.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 08:25:58','2016-08-19 15:50:36','','Waiting'),(2327,'Immigration and Perceptions of the Political System in Britain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recently published research contends that concern about immigration is weakening the British political system by creating distrust in the elites and institutions in this system. Some may challenge this finding because the public opinion data used to illustrate this relationship is limited to the period of the recent Labour government, raising the possibility that it was an artefact of that era and thus may no longer hold. Using the most recent round of the European Social Survey (2010–11), this paper investigates whether this finding holds in the present era. The findings indicate that under the current Conservative-Liberal Democratic government, concern about immigration is still related to negative perceptions of the political system. This finding, along with those reported in previous research, points to potentially serious negative consequences for the functioning of the British political system, which are discussed in the concluding section of the paper.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 08:47:40','2016-08-22 09:36:17','','Waiting'),(2328,'Public opinion about income inequality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European egalitarianism is confirmed by a propensity to agree with government intervention to reduce income inequality. This propensity is driven by lower educational level, societal dissatisfaction, liberalism, economic anxiety, and media exposure. These findings are realized with data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey. The regression of agreement propensities on true explanatory values is made possible by correcting for measurement error in explanatory scores. This resolves two major problems in propensity regression, i.e. errors in variables and imputation errors. These resolutions are attained by a pure randomization theory that places fixed measurement error in randomization-based regression. This type of regression (versus model-based regression) is used by statistical agencies and polling organizations for sampling large populations',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 08:57:02','2016-08-22 09:52:44','','Waiting'),(2329,'Becoming a Grandparent and Early Retirement in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Given that the funding of pensions is at issue, governments across Europe now try to discourage early retirement. Yet, international research about the determinants of early retirement based on appropriate micro-data is scarce. In addition, studies have tended to look at the retiring generation in an isolated way, ignoring the intergenerational ties that may play a role in their retirement decision. This article uses the European Social Survey, covering 22 countries from all regions of Europe, to investigate to what extent becoming a grandparent affects early retirement in European countries. We apply multilevel event history modelling to data from the third round of the European Social Survey and from the MULTILINKS database on intergenerational policy indicators. We find that becoming a grandparent speeds up retirement, especially at the round ages of 55 and 60 years. However, the effect is statistically significant only for women, not for men. We discuss differences between countries, including the role played by differences in formal childcare provisions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 09:46:52','2016-08-22 10:09:52','','Waiting'),(2330,'Perceptions of procedural fairness and satisfaction with democracy in the Nordic welfare states','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Nordic countries are known for their well-functioning public administrations. In indices measuring control of corruption and the quality of the rule of law, these countries frequently occupy top positions. This article seeks to nuance this picture, and demonstrates that a country’s top position in comparative indices does not necessarily mean that citizens view the state of affairs in the same way as depicted in expert surveys and aggregate indices of the quality of government. Drawing on theories of procedural fairness, we argue that widespread public perceptions about the unfairness of civil servants may have a negative effect on the legitimacy of the political system, even in these ‘least corrupt’ settings. Statistical analyses of individual level survey data from the European Social Survey reveals that even in advanced welfare democracies, public perceptions of procedural fairness have a significant effect on system support.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 09:54:14','2016-08-22 10:40:04','','Waiting'),(2331,'Engaging Citizens: Can Westminster coexist with meaningful citizen-centric engagement','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter I want to explore six topics. First, to recognise that with much of the discussion concerning ‘putting citizens first’ and embracing more meaningful forms of democracy, there is an inherent normative and developmental dimension. For me, the topic of citizen engagement is framed in the context of a significant scale of ‘anti-politics’ in the popular culture of many countries. Turning to solutions to this issue, I next argue the need to recognise that there is no such thing as an ‘average citizen’, and that we need to develop audits and tools that are capable of embracing the full diversity of communities. I will argue, furthermore, that because of the necessity of blending different factors, designing the right solution is likely to be a matter of judgment. Finally, I end with a plea to take democracy seriously. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 10:10:03','2016-08-22 10:48:31','','Waiting'),(2332,'Irish Attitudes to Immigration During and After the Boom','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Given the huge size, relatively speaking, of the human influx into Ireland over the past decade or so, the evolution of Irish attitudes to immigration is of more than parochial interest. In this paper we use the six rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2012) in seeking to account for those attitudes and chart their evolution. We also employ standard Blinder-Oaxaca decompositions in order to identify the relative importance of shifts in ‘tastes’ and of changes in underlying economic conditions in accounting for changes before and after the collapse of the Celtic Tiger.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 10:16:36','2016-08-22 11:07:31','','Waiting'),(2333,'\'The Proper Age for Parenthood\' and Second Birth Rates in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Fertility differences in Europe are largely due to disparities in parity progression after the first child. Postponement is recuperated to a larger extent in countries with relatively high fertility, less in countries with very low fertility. Explanations have referred to social policy and socio-economic context. We argue that cultural factors also need to be taken into account and investigate the relationship between age norms and second birth rates in 23 European countries. Using the third round of the European Social Survey, we analyze if ideas about the ‘proper’ age for parenthood interact with actual ages at first birth in influencing second birth transitions. Our findings indicate that in regions with older ideal ages for parenthood the second birth rate is depressed for women with young ages at first birth and vice versa. This effect, however, is strongly reduced and remains only marginally significant after controlling for an interaction between regional gross domestic product (GDP) and age at first birth. This indicates that rich regions exhibit weaker postponement effects, and that this relationship largely absorbs the effect of age norms. We also find that the negative effect of high age at first birth on the second birth rates attenuates with educational attainment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 10:25:08','2016-08-22 11:12:38','','Waiting'),(2334,'Social Capital and Well-Being in Times of Crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper attempts to show how the quality of the social fabric of a community or nation affects its capacity to deal with crises and to develop human and natural resources in ways that maintain and sustainably improve subjective well-being. Three types of crisis will be used as examples. These include economic crises; transition and other institutional crises; and conflicts over sustainable resource use. The bulk of the new results in this paper relate to economic crises and institutional transitions, and shows that communities and nations with better social capital and trust respond to crises and transitions more happily and effectively.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 10:44:03','2016-08-22 11:49:49','','Waiting'),(2335,'Youth, family change and welfare arrangements','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyzes the main characteristics and welfare rationale of the Mediterranean typology. Familism, female employment and care are singled out as three representative areas which provide data on the dynamics of continuity and change in the Southern European countries under examination. Particular attention is paid to the increasing female participation in the labour market and the gradual disappearance of the so-called Mediterranean ‘superwomen’. The process of female labour activation is already having a great impact in all activities concerned with the type of care traditionally carried out within Mediterranean households. Final remarks stress the need to pay attention in future research to ongoing societal changes which are bound to have knock-on consequences for Southern European welfare as we have known it until now.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 10:59:03','2016-08-22 15:47:46','','Waiting'),(2336,'Immigrant Naturalization in the Context of Institutional Diversity: Policy Matters, but to Whom?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Why do some immigrants naturalize and others not? While much of the literature emphasizes the importance of country of origin features and individual characteristics, there is surprisingly little systematic research on the relation between citizenship policies in destination countries and citizenship take-up among immigrants. Most research in this field draws on data from single country cases and has limited comparative scope. In this paper we analyze citizenship take-up among first generation immigrants in 16 European countries. We apply an explicit cross-national perspective and argue that immigrant naturalization in Europe is determined not only by country of origin features and individual characteristics, but also by the opportunity structure set by the citizenship laws in the countries of origin and destination. We show that more accessible citizenship policies matter little for immigrants from highly developed countries, particularly those with fewer years of residence, but matter significantly for immigrants from less developed countries. As the composition of immigrant populations and citizenship policies across Europe vary significantly, this comparative design is ideally suited to testing the relative importance of factors related to country of origin, individual background and legal opportunity structure.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 11:06:19','2016-08-22 15:56:54','','Waiting'),(2337,'Comparing the Happiness Effects of Real and On-Line Friends','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A recent large Canadian survey permits us to compare face-to-face (‘real-life’) and on-line social networks as sources of subjective well-being. The sample of 5,000 is drawn randomly from an on-line pool of respondents, a group well placed to have and value on-line friendships. We find three key results. First, the number of real-life friends is positively correlated with subjective well-being (SWB) even after controlling for income, demographic variables and personality differences. Doubling the number of friends in real life has an equivalent effect on well-being as a 50% increase in income. Second, the size of online networks is largely uncorrelated with subjective well-being. Third, we find that real-life friends are much more important for people who are single, divorced, separated or widowed than they are for people who are married or living with a partner. Findings from large international surveys (the European Social Surveys 2002–2008) are used to confirm the importance of real-life social networks to SWB; they also indicate a significantly smaller value of social networks to married or partnered couples.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-24 11:20:27','2016-06-24 15:57:37','','Waiting'),(2338,'Happier and less isolated: Internet use in old age','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores the impact of internet use in old age on social isolation and on subjective wellbeing. Does internet use make older people less or more lonely? Does it crowd out face-to-face contacts or enhance them? We found that social isolation is lower among internet users aged 65 or over. Using a European multi-country cross-sectional dataset with over 11,000 observations, we found that those who use the internet regularly have a lower chance of being isolated, more so for those who use the internet every day, controlling for personal characteristics such as income, marital status, gender and health condition. Thus, personal social meetings and virtual contacts are complementary, rather than substituting for each other. Internet use may be a useful way of reducing social isolation. We also found a positive relationship between regular internet use and self-reported life satisfaction, all else being equal.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 08:59:56','2016-08-22 16:04:50','','Waiting'),(2339,'Family Policies and the Western European Fertility Divide: Insights from a Natural Experiment in Belgium','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Countries in Northwestern Europe, including Belgium, report cohort fertility levels of close to two children per woman; whereas Central European countries, such as Germany, have levels of around 1.6 children. In seeking to explain these differences, some scholars have stressed the role of the social policy context, while others have pointed to variation in fertility-related social norms. But because these influences are interdependent, it is difficult to isolate their effects on fertility trends. This study attempts to disentangle these two factors by drawing on a quasi-natural experiment. After World War I Germany was compelled to cede the Eupen–Malmedy territory to Belgium. The population of this region has retained its German linguistic identity, but has been subject to Belgian social policies. We examine whether the fertility trends in this German-speaking region of Belgium follow the Belgian or the German pattern. Our findings indicate that they generally resemble the Belgian pattern. This suggests that institutional factors are important for understanding the current fertility differences in Western Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 09:11:39','2016-08-22 16:24:02','','Waiting'),(2340,'What do happiness and health satisfaction data tell us about relative risk aversion?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we provide estimates of the coefficient of relative risk aversion using information on self-reports of subjective personal well-being from multiple datasets, including three cross-sectional surveys and two panel surveys, namely the Gallup World Poll, the European Social Survey, the World Values Survey, the British Household Panel Survey for the United Kingdom, and the General Social Survey for the United States. We additionally consider the implications of allowing for health-state dependence in the utility function on the estimates of risk aversion and examine how the marginal utility of income changes in poor health states. Our estimates of relative risk aversion with cross-section data vary closely around 1, which corresponds to logarithmic utility, while the estimates with panel data are slightly larger. We find that controlling for health dependence generally reduces these estimates. In contrast with other studies in the literature, our results also suggest that the marginal utility of income increases when satisfaction with health deteriorates, and this effect is robust across the various datasets analyzed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 09:18:55','2016-08-22 16:32:25','','Waiting'),(2341,'Skills Inequality, Adult Learning and Social Cohesion in the United Kingdom','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article we argue that the legitimacy and stability of the social and political order in Britain is undermined by persistent inequalities of skills and opportunities. We first contend that British society is characterised by a liberal regime of social cohesion. Crucial to such a regime is the belief in individual opportunity and rewards based on merit. We demonstrate, through comparative analysis, that skills inequality is actually higher and social mobility lower in Britain than in other western countries. Also the perception of equal opportunities is lower. In Britain there is thus a mismatch between the cherished ideal of meritocracy and the reality of a stratified society, both objectively and perceived. This, we postulate, is likely to contribute to the political alienation of disadvantaged groups. We argue that in theory adult learning could reduce the skills gap but that in reality it only magnifies skills inequality since in Britain the well educated and people in work have higher participation rates than the poorly educated and unemployed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 09:30:31','2016-08-22 16:39:34','','Waiting'),(2342,'Flexibility and work-life conflict in times of crisis: a gender perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: This paper aims to investigate the effect of flexible working conditions on work-family conflict in European countries. Flexible work has increasingly been used by employers to adapt to the demands of economic competition, often at the expense of employee\'s demands. Yet, at the same time, flexible work can provide a means to better combine work and family obligations. The paper seeks to explore which of these effects dominates for different types of flexible employment, paying specific attention to gender-specific effects.\nDesign/methodology/approach: For the cross-national analysis of work-life-conflict, the authors employ the latest wave of the European Social Survey (ESS) from 2010, featuring a module on “Family, work and well-being”. Binomial logistic regression is used to identify determinants of work-life-conflict both on the micro- and the macro-level. In addition to looking at flexible work forms as a phenomenon per se, specific attention is given to the experience of different types of employment flexibilization throughout the financial crisis.\nFindings: For both genders, irregularity and unpredictability of working hours negatively impact on work-life conflict beyond the mere amount of working hours. Yet, higher autonomy in choosing one\'s work time is used very differently: While women tend to use their control over working hours to achieve a better work-life-balance, men tend to use these arrangements to increase their work commitment, thereby enhancing their perceived work-family conflict. The authors argue that this gender-specific use of flexible work arrangements might still reflect the traditional gender roles and gender-segregated labour market structures. Adding to previous literature, the authors furthermore demonstrate that gender-specific differences are also apparent in the effects of the most recent economic crisis.\nOriginality/value: By examining the effects of various types of flexible employment separately for men and women, the paper contributes to a better understanding of the gender-specific effects of flexible work arrangements on work-family-conflict within European countries. The 5th wave of the ESS furthermore for the first time allows an empirical investigation of the effects of the recent financial crisis on work-family conflict from a cross-nationally comparative perspective.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 09:40:01','2016-08-22 16:43:40','','Waiting'),(2343,'Social Norms, Family Policies, and Fertility Trends: Insights from a Comparative Study on the German-Speaking Region in Belgium','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Several countries in Northern and Western Europe report cohort fertility rates of close to two children per woman, including Belgium, France, and Denmark. By contrast, most Central and Southern European countries have cohort fertility levels of only around 1.5-1.6 children. Germany is part of this second group. In order to explain these country differences in fertility levels, some scholars have stressed the role of the social policy context, while others have pointed to differences in social fertility norms. However, due to the interdependence of these two factors, it is cumbersome to isolate their impact on fertility trends. In our study we attempt to disentangle these influences by drawing on a quasi-natural experiment. In the aftermath of World War I, Germany was forced to cede the territory of Eupen-Malmedy to Belgium. The population in this area retained its German linguistic identity, but has been subject to Belgian social policies since the early 1920s. Our main research question is whether the fertility trends in this German-speaking region of Belgium follow the Belgian or the German pattern more closely. To answer this question, we use (micro)-census data to compare the fertility behavior in the German-speaking region in Belgium with data for western Germany and the Belgian Flemish- and French-speaking regions, controlling for individual-level characteristics. Our findings indicate that the overall fertility outcomes of the German-speaking region in Belgium resemble the Belgian pattern more than the German one. This provides support for the view that institutional factors play an important role for understanding the current fertility differences in Western Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 09:47:09','2016-08-23 10:57:10','','Waiting'),(2344,'Trust and legitimacy across Europe: a FIDUCIA report on comparative public attitudes towards legal authority','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'FIDUCIA (New European Crimes and Trust-based Policy) seeks to shed light on a number of distinctively ‘new European’ criminal behaviours which have emerged in the last decade as a consequence of both technology developments and the increased mobility of populations across Europe. A key objective of FIDUCIA is to propose and proof a ‘trust-based’ policy model in relation to emerging forms of criminality – to explore the idea that public trust and institutional legitimacy are important for the social regulation of the trafficking of human beings, the trafficking of goods, the criminalisation of migration and ethnic minorities, and cybercrimes. In this paper we detail levels of trust and legitimacy in the 26 countries, drawing on data from Round 5 of the European Social Survey. We also conduct a sensitivity analysis that investigates the effect of a lack of measurement equivalence on national estimates.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 10:11:01','2016-08-23 11:07:20','','Waiting'),(2345,'Part-time work and work hour preferences. An international comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The goal of this article is to explain cross-country differences in over- and under-employment. The focus is on the effects of the growth of part-time work. We argue and demonstrate that the spread and acceptance of part-time work results in a downward adaptation of descriptive norms regulating work hours. Initially, women use part-time work to solve the Work-Family-Conflict. The increase of part-time work among women with children increases its acceptance among women and men, as part-time work offers the opportunity to combine paid work with education, care, or the anticipation of retirement. Following this argument, we deduce hypotheses about the work hour preferences of full-time and part-time working women and men and test these hypotheses on the second wave of the European Social Survey (ESS, 2004). The results show that a larger share of part-time work in a country is associated with stronger preferences among full-time workers to reduce work hours. The preference to reduce work hours spreads among full-time working mothers, and from mothers to other full-time working women and men. Preferences to increase working hours among part-time workers are more driven by the level of prosperity of the country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 10:25:57','2016-08-23 11:20:46','','Waiting'),(2346,'Educational Systems and the Trade-Off between Labor Market Allocation and Equality of Educational Opportunity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Educational systems with a high level of tracking and vocational orientation have been shown to improve the allocation of school-leavers in the labor market. However, tracked educational systems are also known to increase inequality of educational opportunity. This presumed trade-off between equality and labor market preparation is clearly rooted in two different perspectives on the origination of differentiation in educational systems in the 19th century. Tracking was seen both as a way to prepare students for an industrializing labor market and as a way of the elite to formalize social distances in the educational system. We empirically study the trade-off with newly developed country level indicators for tracking and vocational orientation. Our country level regressions largely support the existence of the trade-off. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 10:46:42','2016-08-23 12:43:52','','Waiting'),(2347,'Party institutionalization and democratic consolidation Turkey and Southern Europe in comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The literature on democratic consolidation emphasizes the importance of effective parties for the functioning of democracy. Specifically, the institutional resilience of democracy and the consolidation of broad-based representative government require the institutionalization of major political factions. In this article, I reassess this thesis and apply it to the political parties in Turkey and Southern Europe by employing the comparative method of difference. Two major conclusions are reached. First, party institutionalization does not constitute a sufficient condition for democratic consolidation. Moreover, several institutional rules that may challenge the very idea of democracy tend to support party institutionalization. Second, party institutionalization reinforced by partisan polarization may result in tenser relations among political parties – a situation that does not contribute to democratic consolidation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 10:54:11','2016-08-23 12:49:40','','Waiting'),(2348,'Non-Standard Employment and Perceptions of Job Characteristics and Labour Market Situation: An Intra-Nordic Comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter deals with temporary and part-time work in four Nordic countries: Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. After reviewing the relevant literature, I will empirically test the hypothesis that these forms of non-standard employment (NSE) are increasing in the Western capitalist world, including the Nordic countries. Using data from national labour force surveys as presented by Eurostat, I will describe the development of part-time and temporary work in the Nordic area since the late 1990s. Subsequently, I will study how people in NSE perceive various aspects of their jobs and their labour market situation. This analysis is based on data from the European Social Survey (ESS) collected in 2010. Four topics are scrutinized with regard to job characteristics: whether respondents experience variety in their work, whether they think that their job necessitates learning new things, whether they can choose when to start and finish work, and whether they feel that the job demands very hard work. Concerning the labour market dimension, I focus on three issues: whether respondents consider their job secure, how they judge their opportunities for advancement in the workplace and how easy it would be to find another, similar or better job elsewhere. Throughout the chapter I look for cross-national similarities and dissimilarities. The Nordic countries are fairly similar in terms of welfare state arrangements and labour market institutions, at least in comparison with other countries (Andersen et al., 2007).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 11:07:37','2016-08-23 12:53:56','','Waiting'),(2349,'Paradata for Nonresponse Error Investigation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Nonresponse is a ubiquitous feature of almost all surveys, no matter which mode is used for data collection whether the sample units are households or establishments or whether the survey is mandatory or not. Nonresponse leads to loss in efficiency and increases in survey costs if a target sample size of respondents is needed. Nonresponse can also lead to bias in the resulting estimates if the mechanism that leads to nonresponse is related to the survey variables. Confronted with this fact, survey researchers search for strategies to reduce nonresponse rates and to reduce nonresponse bias or at least to assess the magnitude of any nonresponse bias in the resulting data. Paradata can be used to support all of these tasks, either prior to the data collection to develop best strategies based on past experiences, during data collection using paradata from the ongoing process, or post hoc when empirically examining the risk of nonresponse bias in survey estimates or when developing weights or other forms of nonresponse adjustment. This chapter will start with a description of the different sources of paradata relevant for nonresponse error investigation, followed by a discussion about the use of paradata to improve data collection efficiency, examples of the use of paradata for nonresponse bias assessment and reduction, and some data management issues that arise when working with paradata.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 11:15:38','2016-08-23 13:00:53','','Waiting'),(2350,'Varieties of Capitalism, Education and Inequalities in Political Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The positive association between education and voting participation is well-documented in the literature. What has not been studied so far is the variation of the micro-level effect of education across countries and whether the institutional set-up of the political economy might contribute to explaining this variation. The core claim of this chapter is that the degree of economic coordination influences the impact of education on participation on the micro level – on top of a host of alternative explanations. Relative to those with basic training, individuals with a vocational education are more likely to participate in elections in coordinated market economies compared to liberal market economies. We offer two explanations for this robust effect, centering on the impact of social networks and psychological effects. The empirical basis for this article is a multi-level analysis of survey data from the European Values Survey (2008).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 12:22:47','2016-08-23 13:31:47','','Waiting'),(2351,'On the application of discrete marginal graphical models','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Graphical models are defined by general and possibly complex conditional independence assumptions and are well suited to model direct and indirect associations and effects that are of central importance in many problems of sociology. Such relevance is apparent in research on social mobility. This article provides a unified view of many of the graphical models discussed in a largely scattered literature. The marginal modeling framework proposed here relies on parameters that capture aspects of associations among the variables that are relevant for the graph and, depending on the substantive problem at hand, may lead to deeper insight than other approaches. In this context, model search, which uses a sequence of nested models, means the restriction of increasing subsets of parameters. As a special case, general path models for categorical data are introduced. These models are applied to the social status attainment process, generating substantive results and gaining new insights into the difference between liberal and conservative welfare systems. To help others use these models, all details of the analyses are posted on the Web site for this article at http://nemethr.web.elte.hu/discrete-graphical-models/. Researchers can thus easily modify the analyses to their own data and models.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 12:35:06','2016-08-23 13:38:52','','Waiting'),(2352,'Redistribution, Tax Policy and the Vote: The 2012 French Presidential Election','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As tax policy is one of the most prominent issues for France at a time of great economic crisis and public debt, this article analyses how redistribution has been viewed and considered by voters. Assuming three main hypotheses about attitudes towards redistribution (egotropic perspective, sociotropic perspective and voter incompetence), we propose a series of empirical tests of these various explanations from a cross-sectional survey fielded after the election. Despite a rather low salience of this issue during the campaign, we show that voters demonstrate quite coherent attitudes in this area. Preferences for redistribution are linked to individuals’ socio-economic positions, to their beliefs about the effects of taxation, and lead to consistent vote decisions in 2012.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 12:49:04','2016-08-23 14:06:29','','Waiting'),(2353,'Fraternal Society in Rawls\' Property-Owning Democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper discusses what type of sociological context is appropriate for Rawls\' \'property-owning democracy\'. Following certain suggestions offered by Rawls and in the work of Joshua Cohen, it explores, in particular, the kind of fraternity and social interaction suitable for citizens in Rawlsian society and the role of the state in engineering these bonds. Utilising a normative framework based on Rawls\' discussion of a property-owning democracy and various data sets, the paper argues that bonds of social trust, active participation in trade unions and enrolment in public schools, and the use of state policy to organise a mixture of public, cooperative, and private economic institutions would be suitable for a Rawlsian society to adopt because it appears that these structures are favourably connected to the ends of Rawlsian justice.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 12:56:51','2016-08-23 15:42:14','','Waiting'),(2354,'Too many immigrants? Examining alternative forms of immigrant population innumeracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The tendency to overestimate immigrant population sizes has garnered considerable scholarly attention for its potential link to anti-immigrant policy support. However, this existing innumeracy research has neglected other forms of ignorance, namely underestimation and nonresponse. Using the 2002 European Social Survey, the current study examines the full scope of innumeracy for the first time. Results indicate that underestimation and nonresponse occur commonly across twenty-one countries and that overestimation is far from ubiquitous. Nonresponders in particular are found to represent a distinct innumeracy form associated with low cognitive availability and high negative affect. Multilevel models indicate that underestimation associates with greater opposition to anti-immigrant policy, while overestimation and nonresponse associate with greater support. Much of these associations are explained by affective factors. However, significant under- and overestimation coefficients remain net of controls, suggesting that innumeracy may be more important than initially thought. Overall, the results highlight the multifaceted character of innumeracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 13:01:46','2016-08-23 14:17:40','','Waiting'),(2355,'Expansion of schooling and educational inequality in Europe: the educational Kuznets curve revisited','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses the relationship between schooling expansion and educational inequality in a panel of developed countries over different birth cohorts. We extend previous literature by exploiting the longitudinal dimension of our data and by focussing on different measures of inequality. Using either a Gini or a Theil measure of inequality, we find evidence that at higher average levels of education further increases are associated with rising inequality. The inverted-U Kuznets curve appears to depend on using the standard deviation as the measure of inequality. We also discuss how educational policies may influence educational inequality and find that the length of compulsory education affects inequality only through its effect on average education, whilst school tracking shapes inequality independently of the level of education.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 13:32:23','2016-08-23 14:37:13','','Waiting'),(2356,'Ethnicity and Trust in National and International Institutions: Kurdish Attitudes toward Political Institutions in Turkey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As political trust literature has focused on its political and economical determinants, the linkage between ethnicity and trust in domestic and international institutions has been largely overlooked with a few notable exceptions. This study aims to underline this linkage and offer several hypotheses to test them in Turkish context. Using the European Social Survey conducted in 2008, this study finds that, though Kurds have low levels of trust in domestic institutions, their distrust is not uniform across all institutions. Second, it finds that Kurds are pro-international institutions; that is, compared to Turks, they hold higher trust in international institutions. Finally, it finds that, contrary to the studies on the winner/loser debate in long-standing democracies, winners in general and Kurdish winners, those who voted for the Justice and Development Party, the winning party in the 2007 election—are not distinguishable in their level of trust in political institutions from the rest of society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-27 14:03:58','2016-09-08 15:24:25','','Waiting'),(2357,'Citizenship and the Civic Realities of Everyday Life','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Democracy doesn’t deserve its name without citizens’ participation. Ever since Pericles this claim has been defended and discussed. The question is not whether citizens should be involved in democratic decision-making processes, but how much engagement and participation is required for a vibrant democracy. Citizens’ involvement, however, cannot be taken for granted but depends heavily on resources, motivations, and social contacts. Orientations and activities of citizens that strengthen democracy and which, in turn, are strengthened by democratic experiences are summarized under the label active citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-28 09:26:52','2016-08-23 14:50:12','','Waiting'),(2358,'Media and Political Disaffection: A comparative study of Brazil and Spain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The findings of a series of studies in the area of political communication during the 1990s questioned the answer media malaise offered for what was considered a constant in the academic debate: the negative relationship between media exposure and civic engagement. Some authors blame the media for \"narcotizing\" citizens, while other analysts say empirical evidence points to the opposite direction. This article approaches empirically the compared Spanish and Brazilian cases. More specifically, the study presents an approach to the impact of media consumption on institutional trust. The results point to different impacts of the media in each country, brought by the peculiarities of their political systems, as well as differences in media consumption behavior.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-28 09:37:45','2016-08-23 15:33:48','','Waiting'),(2359,'On the Origins of Gender Roles: Women and the Plough ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study examines the historical origins of existing cross-cultural differences in beliefs and values regarding the appropriate role of women in society. We test the hypothesis that traditional agricultural practices influenced the historical gender division of labor and the evolution of gender norms. We find that, consistent with existing hypotheses, the descendants of societies that traditionally practiced plough agriculture today have less equal gender norms, measured using reported gender-role attitudes and female participation in the workplace, politics, and entrepreneurial activities. Our results hold looking across countries, across districts within countries, and across ethnicities within districts. To test for the importance of cultural persistence, we examine the children of immigrants living in Europe and the United States. We find that even among these individuals, all born and raised in the same country, those with a heritage of traditional plough use exhibit less equal beliefs about gender roles today. JEL Codes: D03, J16, N30.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-28 09:42:56','2016-08-23 16:04:34','','Waiting'),(2360,'Political Polarization in Retrospective Economic Evaluations During Recessions and Recoveries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Retrospective economic evaluations are politically biased: across a broad range of democratic countries, supporters of the party that controls the executive provide evaluations that are systematically more positive than those of the rest of the electorate; similarly, ideological distance from the ruling party predicts more negative evaluations. Yet, during economic downturns, citizens of different ideological persuasions and partisan affiliations tend to agree that the state of the economy is dire. During recoveries, on the other hand, evaluations are polarized along partisan and ideological lines. Due to the psychological phenomenon of negativity bias, retrospective evaluations respond to economic downturns more strongly than to recoveries. As a consequence, the extent of polarization in public opinion varies dramatically between good and bad economic times.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-28 09:56:19','2016-08-23 16:18:52','','Waiting'),(2361,'Equality or Crime? Redistribution Preferences and the Externalities of Inequality in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Why is the difference in redistribution preferences between the rich and the poor high in some countries and low in others? In this paper we argue that it has a lot to do with the preferences of the rich, and very little to do with the preferences of the poor. We contend that while there is a general relative income effect on redistribution preferences, the preferences of the rich are highly dependent on the macro-level of inequality. The reason for this effect is not material self-interest but concern for a negative externality of inequality: crime. We will show that the rich in more unequal regions in Western Europe are more supportive of redistribution than the rich in more equal regions because of their concern with crime. In making these distinctions between the poor and the rich, the arguments in this paper challenge some influential approaches to the politics of inequality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-28 10:01:55','2016-08-24 10:46:53','','Waiting'),(2362,'Family ties','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We study the role of the most primitive institution in society: the family. Its organization and relationship between generations shape values formation, economic outcomes and influences national institutions. We use a measure of family ties, constructed from the World Values Survey, to review and extend the literature on the effect of family ties on economic behavior and economic attitudes. We show that strong family ties are negatively correlated with generalized trust; they imply more household production and less participation in the labor market of women, young adult and elderly. They are correlated with lower interest and participation in political activities and prefer labor market regulation and welfare systems based upon the family rather than the market or the government. Strong family ties may interfere with activities leading to faster growth, but they may provide relief from stress, support to family members and increased wellbeing. We argue that the value regarding the strength of family relationships are very persistent over time, more so than institutions like labor market regulation or welfare systems.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-28 10:32:24','2016-08-24 11:05:36','','Waiting'),(2363,'Work and childbearing intentions in a capability perspective: young adult women in Sweden','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter examines the interrelation between institutional context, employment situation and childbearing intentions among young women in Sweden, a country with extensive policy support for women and men combining work and family responsibilities and widespread egalitarian gender norms. Our analyses show that childless women with weak labour force attachment and/or working very short part-time have limited capabilities to be both earner and carer, indicated by reduced childbearing intentions given eligibility rules to social benefits for parents. Childbearing intentions of mothers who most likely are qualified for income-related leave benefits do not indicate constraints to extend their family, linked to either labour market participation or work hours. For them reconciliation policies seem to have successfully reduced the tensions between work and family responsibilities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-28 12:00:06','2016-08-24 10:52:54','','Waiting'),(2364,'The scale validity of trust in political institutions measurements over time in Belgium. An analysis of the European social survey, 2002-2010','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Within the literature, there is an ongoing debate about the dimensional structure of trust in political institutions. While some authors assume this is a blanket judgment covering all institutions equally, others claim this form of trust is experience-based and therefore multidimensional. Based on five waves of the European Social Survey in Belgium, and using multiple group confirmatory factor analysis, we demonstrate that trust in political institutions is onedimensional, although it has to be acknowledged that some distinction between representative political institutions and policy implementing institutions should be made. We can demonstrate, furthermore, sufficient measurement stability over time, so that – with some caution – trends over time can be constructed. We close with some observations about what our results mean both for the theoretical status of political trust and for its evolution over time.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-28 12:14:07','2016-08-24 14:45:38','','Waiting'),(2365,'Perceived Age, Gender, and Racial/Ethnic Discrimination in Europe: Results From the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present study evaluated the relationship between individual characteristics (ascribed, achieved, and psychosocial) and country characteristics (e.g., discrimination at the country level) and perceived discrimination. Analysis was based on the fourth round of the European Social Survey, which encompasses 54,988 respondents from 28 countries. Hierarchical linear modeling was conducted. In most countries, there was a general trend towards a higher prevalence rate of perceived age discrimination (mean prevalence rate across countries = 34.5%; SE = .002), followed by gender (mean prevalence rate across countries = 24.9%; SE = .002), and ethnic discrimination (mean prevalence rate across countries = 17.3%; SE = .002). Variations in perceived discrimination were largely attributed to individual differences. The findings are discussed in light of a distinction between perceived and actual discrimination.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-28 12:44:59','2016-08-24 12:20:42','','Waiting'),(2366,'Party membership and closeness and the development of trust in political institutions: An analysis of the European Social Survey, 2002–2010','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political parties are essential linkage mechanisms between citizens and the political system. We know less, however, about the question how this mechanism operates. While some authors assume it is sufficient that parties offer citizens ideological options about the way society should be governed, others indicate that parties provide strong ties to the political system by offering stable identities like party membership. In this analysis of the European Social Survey cumulative file (five waves, 2002–2010), we investigate the relation between party membership, closeness to a political party and trust in political institutions. While party membership is declining, its relation with political trust is limited. We do not find any indication that the decline of party membership could have a substantial effect on levels of political trust. Feeling close to a political party is more strongly related to political trust, even controlling for political interest. Results indicate that in most European societies levels of party closeness are stable. We conclude that political parties function as a linkage mechanism between citizens and the state, but that there is no reason to attribute a privileged role to formal party membership, as feeling close to a political party has a stronger linkage effect.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-29 10:04:04','2016-08-24 12:25:36','','Waiting'),(2367,'Perceived Discrimination and Self-Rated Health in Europe: Evidence from the European Social Survey (2010)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Introduction: Studies have shown that perceived discrimination has an impact on our physical and mental health. A relevant part of literature has highlighted the influence of discrimination based on race or ethnicity on mental and physical health outcomes. However, the influence of other types of discrimination on health has been understudied. This study is aimed to explore how different types of discrimination are related to our subjective state of health, and so to compare the intensity of these relationships in the European context.\nMethods: We have performed a multilevel ordered analysis on the fifth wave of the European Social Survey (ESS 2010). This dataset has 52,458 units at individual level that are grouped in 26 European countries. In this study, the dependent variable is self-rated health (SRH) that is analyzed in relationship to ten explanatory variables of perceived discrimination: color or race, nationality, religion, language, ethnic group, age, gender, sexuality, disability and others.\nResults: The model identifies statistically significant differences in the effect that diverse types of perceived discrimination can generate on the self-rated health of Europeans. Specifically, this study identifies three well-defined types of perceived discrimination that can be related to poor health outcomes: (1) age discrimination; (2) disability discrimination; and (3) sexuality discrimination. In this sense, the effect on self-rated health of perceived discrimination related to aging and disabilities seems to be more relevant than other types of discrimination in the European context with a longer tradition in literature (e.g. ethnic and/or race-based).\nConclusion: The present study shows that the relationship between perceived discrimination and health inequities in Europe are not random, but systematically distributed depending on factors such as age, sexuality and disabilities. Therefore the future orientation of EU social policies should aim to reduce the impact of these social determinants on health equity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-29 10:07:55','2016-08-24 13:01:26','','Waiting'),(2368,'On Social Exclusion and Income Poverty in Israel: Findings from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although there is a growing awareness for the need to take a multi-dimensional approach to the measurement of poverty, most of the research on poverty in rich countries still relies mainly on a traditional income- or expenditures-based approach. This is also the case in Israel where only a few studies have taken a look at other aspects of poverty such as social exclusion. The goal of this chapter is to measure the extent of social exclusion in Israel and compare the results obtained with those derived from a traditional income-based approach to poverty measurement. Also, an analysis of risk factors for social exclusion in Israel is presented. The empirical analysis is based on the first round of the European Social Survey- 2002, a database which provides several indicators of social exclusion. These indicators are aggregated into a single score, which is a weighted average of the various elementary indicators. The measure of social exclusion of the individuals in the survey is then compared with their income data from the survey, and linked to various factors assumed to have an impact on income poverty and social exclusion. The results, as might have been expected, do not show a strong correlation between income poverty and social exclusion. Still, known risk factors for poverty such as a low level of education, young age, poor health, cultural and religious sectors, and female gender have a strong impact on social exclusion. A cluster analysis reveals the existence of three subgroups in Israel which could be labeled as “rich”, “middle class”, and “poor”. While there is a significant income gap between the “rich” and the other two clusters, when looking at social exclusion the main gap is between the “poor” and the other two clusters. These findings seem to confirm that social exclusion in Israel is a distinct phenomenon that deserves to be measured and addressed in addition to traditional poverty.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-29 10:35:26','2016-08-24 14:04:47','','Waiting'),(2369,'Macro- and micro-level predictors of age categorization: results from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study evaluated macro- and micro-level variables associated with individuals’ perception of the ending of youth, the beginning of old age, and the length of the middle age period. The European Social Survey is a biennial multi-country, cross-sectional survey. Our analysis is based on the fourth wave, which included a rotating module on ageism. The source sample consisted of 28 countries and a total of 54,988 respondents. Whereas macro-level variability accounted for 14 % of the variance associated with the perception of the ending of youth, only 5.7 % of the variance associated with the perception of the beginning of old age was accounted for by macro-level variability. Almost 10 % of the variance associated with the perception of the middle age period was associated with macro-level variability. Different patterns of macro- and micro-level correlates emerged for the ending of youth, beginning of old age, and the period of middle age. Overall, results demonstrate that individual differences in the perception of the ending of youth, the beginning of old age, and the length of the middle age period are more pronounced than contextual differences. Results also suggest that individuals’ mental maps regarding the timing of these events are not necessarily concordant.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-29 10:40:54','2016-08-24 14:13:19','','Waiting'),(2370,'Impact evaluation Workplace Employment Relations Survey and European Social Survey: Final report to the ESRC','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) commissioned the University of the West of England, Bristol (UWE) to undertake an impact evaluation of the Workplace Employee Relations Survey (WERS) and the European Social Survey (ESS) focusing on the extent to which research utilising WERS and ESS data has influenced policy and practice across the UK to date. Specifically, the research was designed to:\n • Identify and study specific policy and practice impacts, and the potential for the same arising from WERS and ESS data\n • Study the mechanisms through which WERS and ESS have achieved and could in the future achieve impact through the use of data by other organisations and individuals based in the UK.\n • Identify the range of organisations and/or individuals who have made use of the WERS and ESS, and the ways in which the data have been used within the UK.\n • Study the role of think tanks, and other intermediaries and knowledge brokers, as transmission routes through which WERS and ESS data may have influenced policy, through comparative activity, identify best practice and lessons for impact generation within research infrastructure investments.\n • Critically reflect upon the methods used to assess and identify research infrastructure impact.\n This report summarises the findings of the study.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-29 10:45:26','2016-08-24 14:19:17','','Waiting'),(2371,'Feelings towards Older vs. Younger Adults: Results from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study evaluated the association of modernization (at the macro/societal-level) and modernity (at the micro/individual-level) with feelings towards older vs. younger adults. Analysis was based on the fourth wave of the European Social Survey, which includes a rotated module on ageism. The sample consisted of 28 countries and a total of 54,988 respondents. The outcome was based on two affective items measuring explicit feelings towards older vs. younger adults. Hierarchical linear modeling was used in the analysis. A small portion of the variance was attributed to cross-country differences. There was a trend towards more positive feelings towards older adults compared to younger adults. The findings provide support to the claim that modernity is associated with reports of affective ageism, but only minimal support to a relationship between modernization and affective ageism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-29 10:55:14','2016-08-24 14:28:02','','Waiting'),(2372,'How (Not) to Estimate the Design Effect of a Complex Sampling Scheme: A Case Study of the Polish Section of the European Social Survey, Round 5','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Design effect (DEFF) is a measure used to assess the effectiveness of a particular sampling scheme. Even though its definition is remarkably simple (cf. Kish 1965: 258), its practical implementation turns out to be problematic. Researchers therefore usually simplify the estimation of DEFF by independently determining the values of three components, namely, the clustering effect (DEFFc), the stratification effect (DEFFs) and the effect of unequal sampling probabilities (DEFFp) and by multiplying these partial measures to obtain a measure of overall effect. However, the validity of such a simplified version depends on strict formal requirements which are met only in a few sampling schemes. The subject of the analysis presented here is the sampling scheme in the Polish section of round 5of the European Social Survey (ESS). It will be shown that the method of DEFF estimation applied by the Polish coordinators of the project, which is compatible with the methodological recommendations of ESS (cf. Lynn et al. 2007: 114),does not satisfy the formal criteria that would validate its use. The author proposes two other ways of estimating the size of DEFF (cf. Gabler et al. 2006: 116-117) appropriate for the sampling scheme in ESS5-PL. Empirical analyses indicate that the use of the simplified procedure of DEFF prediction leads to significant underestimation of variance inflation in the sample design of ESS5-PL and, in turn, to overestimation of effective sample size.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-29 11:09:06','2016-08-24 14:36:12','','Waiting'),(2373,'Value Adaptation to a New Social Environment: Impacts from Country of Birth and Country of Residence on Values of Intra-European Migrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper challenges the common assumption that basic human values remain stable during the lifetime of an individual. The author demonstrates individual value change by studying migrants’ values which are prone to change after a move to a new country. Using cross-sectional data, the author estimated the relative impacts of country of birth and country of residence – and values that are common – on individual values of migrants. Values were measured by Schwartz’s questionnaire as well as Inglehart’s Self-Expression items. Cross-classified multilevel regression models were applied to the sample of migrants, selected from five rounds of the European Social Survey. The results demonstrated the significance of both the country of residence and the country of birth as well as values which are common in these countries. Surprisingly, the impact of the country of residence on migrants’ values appeared to be higher than the country of birth. Furthermore, values which are common in the country of residence have a higher impact on migrant values than values widespread in their country of birth. The findings suggest that values are only partly formed during the formative period and keep changing throughout a person’s life',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-29 13:10:42','2016-08-24 14:53:26','','Waiting'),(2374,'Are Internet and Social Network Usage Associated with Wellbeing and Social Inclusion of Seniors? – The Third Age Online Survey on Digital Media Use in Three European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on the psychosocial effects of Internet and social network usage in seniors is either contradictory or sparse. As part of the Third Age Online project, this paper reports a cross-sectional survey conducted in Germany, the Netherlands and in Switzerland. The survey, utilizing regression analysis, examined whether or not social inclusion and mental wellbeing were predictors of Internet usage and social network usage. Results showed that social inclusion variables were associated with both Internet usage and social network usage. Internet usage was associated with respondents who were both less and more socially included. Mental wellbeing was positively related to Internet usage but not to social network usage. In further studies, longitudinal designs are needed to reveal the directions of causality between Internet/social network usage and mental wellbeing/social inclusion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-29 13:23:26','2016-08-24 15:01:32','','Waiting'),(2375,'Openness as a Predictor of Political Orientation and Conventional and Unconventional Political Activism in Western and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present study provides a comprehensive investigation of the relationship between Openness and political orientation and activism in Europe. Analyses were conducted on the four waves of the European Social Survey, including large representative samples in up to 26 European countries (total N > 175,000). In line with previous studies, a robust, positive relationship between Openness and left-wing political orientation was obtained in Western Europe. However, in Eastern Europe, the relationship between Openness and political orientation was weaker, and reversed in three out of four waves. Moreover, Openness yielded significant positive relationships with unconventional activism and to a lesser degree with conventional activism. The magnitude of the relationship between Openness and activism was dependent on political orientation and region. Stronger associations between Openness and activism were found for those having a left-wing orientation in Western Europe, whereas in Eastern Europe, Openness was somewhat stronger related to activism for those having a right-wing orientation. In the discussion we elaborate on the role of the geo-political context in the relationship between Openness and political variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-30 08:47:40','2016-08-24 15:11:19','','Waiting'),(2376,'Consequences of the economic crisis on health: does it help to have a strong primary care system','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: The aim of this study is to test hypotheses on the moderating effect of a strong primary care system on the relationship between the current economic crisis and health outcomes.\nTheory: The economic crisis that hits European countries currently, is hypothesised to affect the health of European citizens. Especially those who are direct victims of the crisis by having lost their job and those having limited financial means are in a vulnerable position. It has been argued that strong primary care could attenuate the consequences of the current crisis. We will examine this supposed effect of primary care by testing the following hypotheses:\n- In countries that are more severely affected by the current economic crisis, self-rated health is worse and people are more limited in daily activities.\n- The stronger the primary care system of a country is, the less self-rated health and daily activities of its inhabitants are affected by the economic crisis.\n- The moderating effect of strong primary care is strongest for the dimension access to primary care.\n- The moderating effect of strong primary care is best visible for individuals who are themselves unemployed and those who have limited financial means.\nMethods: Data on the strength of primary care in 2009/10 were derived from the 31 country study PHAMEU. Information on the economic situation of the countries was derived from Eurostat statistics over the period 2002-2010. Data on self-rated health and limitations in daily activities and individual background characteristics were derived from five rounds of the European Social Survey, collected in 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008 and 2010 among 31 European countries (the 27 EU member states and Croatia, Norway, Switzerland and Turkey). Data were analysed using a threelevel multilevel model with strength of primary care measured at country level, the economic situation measured at year of survey and health outcomes and individual determinants measured at individual level (European Social Survey; n= 50,000 per survey).\nFindings: Data are available and are currently being analysed. Results will be presented at the conference.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-30 08:56:46','2016-08-24 15:21:23','','Waiting'),(2377,'All inclusive Public Health—what about LGBT populations?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'After attending an excellent and well-organized 5th European Public Health Conference with the main theme All inclusive Public Health, it felt appropriate to reflect on what factors are considered when talking about inclusion and exclusion regarding health concerns. During the last day of the conference, we heard some inspiring presentations highlighting the importance of awareness of inequalities based on being small, few or different and the responsibility to manage public health policies to overcome inequality in Europe’s health based on ethnic or social background. Health disparities can be described as differences in incidence, prevalence, mortality, disease burden or other measure of adverse health between minority and majority population groups.1 Awareness of health disparities in specific populations, in particular based on ethnical background, has increased during the past decades. Research on psychosocial factors such as discrimination, context and cultural views of health, which influence health disparities, has begun to increase our understanding of the mechanisms behind such inequalities.1 In addition to ethnicity, disparities based on many other factors such as gender, age, socioeconomic status, geography and disability have been identified. During the past several years, public health policy and research have begun to address the issues of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) populations,2 and many official public health agencies call for programmes addressing the specific needs of LGBT individuals. But is attention to LGBT …',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-30 11:02:36','2016-08-24 15:26:08','','Waiting'),(2378,'Gender inequality among political elites in comparative perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Are gender inequalities in work/life outcomes apparent among those positioned at the powerful top of society’s hierarchy, and if so, why? There is currently a lack of consistent knowledge about what happens to those women who have reached the most influential positions of society, and about whether (and how) their situation differs from that of their male counterparts. This is particularly so in the case of political elites, about whom very few current studies exist. This thesis investigates gender and individual-level work/life outcomes among political elites (national parliamentarians) comparing two cases: Sweden and Germany. The research builds on empirical investigations from self-collected survey data covering finite populations of Swedish and German national parliamentarians. Parts of this political elite data are further matched to existing, large-scale databases from the European Social Survey, consisting of representative samples of general citizens, and of general elites, of the two nations. This allows reference comparisons to be made between the political elites and average citizens of the respective countries. To provide additional depth to the findings, the quan-titative investigation was also complemented by a qualitative interview study. The results showed gender inequality in the strength of demand and support experienced in the home-sphere of the political elites (such as concerning household work and functional partner sup-port). These gender discrepancies were more pronounced in the case of Germany than in Sweden. However, gender equality was observed concerning perceived career and influence possibilities in the work-sphere, and concerning general subjective well-being, in both the German and Swedish case of political elites.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-30 11:05:52','2016-08-24 15:40:52','','Waiting'),(2379,'Social Democracy and Social Justice in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social Democracy and Social Justice in Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-30 13:43:21','2016-08-25 16:06:28','','Waiting'),(2380,'Does class matter in protests? Social class, attitudes towards inequality, and political trust in European demonstrations in a time of economic crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'n this paper, survey data from 60 demonstrations in 8 European countries is analyzed, to explore whether social class matters in political protest. Do different types of demonstrations mobilize different groups of employees/workers? And do social class matter for demonstrators’ attitudes about social inequality, welfare privatization and political trust—or do national context and/or the issue of the demonstration primarily shape these attitudes? This paper describes and analyzes the class composition of a wide range of demonstrations. Furthermore, the paper explores different conceptualizations of social class in the analysis, in order to evaluate their different merits and applicability when analyzing political protests.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-30 13:47:52','2016-08-25 13:29:52','','Waiting'),(2381,'Financing Public Goods and Attitudes Toward Immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We present a model in which individuals choose both the level of provision of a public good and the quota of low-skilled immigrants that are allowed into the country. Individuals can supplement the public good in the private market. Immigrants affect natives through three channels: (i) the labor market; (ii) tax collection; (iii) the quality of the public good. We find that the higher the political weight of the rich (highly skilled) is, the less tolerant the poor and the middle-class are toward immigration and the more demanding they are toward increasing public spending. The rich are the most favorable to immigration. As they have more weight, the political outcome is closer to their preferences and further from the preferences of the other groups. We use data from the European Social Survey to test the implications of our model.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-30 14:04:08','2016-08-25 14:19:40','','Waiting'),(2382,'Education: The Contours of a New Cleavage? Comparing 23 Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In recent years, political scientists and sociologists have started to pay attention to the importance of education levels in the rise of a new, cultural political cleavage in western, post-industrial societies (Van der Waal et al, 2007; Houtman et. al. 2008; Kriesi et al. 2008; Stubager 2010). The aim of this paper is to identify through a comparative, explorative analysis, to what extent such an educational cleavage in politics can be observed across Europe. With the use of the European Social Survey (ESS) data for 23 European countries the paper explores three elements of political cleavages—socio-demographic characteristics, values and political preferences, and party formation. We find evidence for the emergence of a new conflict dimension in politics. The well-educated and the less educated can be perceived as distinct social groups with specific, structural socio-demographic characteristics and different values and preferences regarding socio-cultural issues. This emerging, social and cultural cleft between the less and well-educated has had its effect on party formation in many European democracies. However, the degree to which the contours of these new divides have been crystallized out and are transformed into a full cleavage, is stronger in Western and Northern countries than elsewhere in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-30 14:09:24','2016-08-25 14:25:21','','Waiting'),(2383,'Rapid Urbanization: A Strike for Civil Society, or a Necessary Transition','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Interpersonal trust is an important currency for the well-functioning of a modern civil society. Urbanization is a fundamental effect of a modernizing economy. How do both processes move together? Panel regressions (2002- 2011) for 34 Eurasian countries and a longitudinal measure for interpersonal trust, the average level of interpersonal trust as found in the European Social Survey, are used to investigate this matter. We find that trust levels are largely dependent upon a country’s phase of modernization, as expressed through its level of urbanization. Modern countries, with relatively large urban populations, show higher levels of trust. However, modernizing countries, with higher growth levels of the urban population, show lower levels of trust. Contrary to popular views on the universal importance of trust for the well-functioning of civil society, we suggest that it should be placed within the appropriate parameters of a country’s phase of modernity to appreciate its relevance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-06-30 14:14:49','2016-08-25 14:39:09','','Waiting'),(2384,'Towards Understanding of Higher Education as a Public Good: Inequalities in Access to Higher Education and Trust in a Comparative Perspective ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper focuses on how higher education (HE) influences the construction of social trust and how this contribution is hampered by educational inequalities. Social trust is defined as one of the most important subjective aspects of people’s well-being. The analysis refers to impersonal and institutional trust, measured with indicators such as generalized trust, generalized fairness, trust in parliament, and trust in the legal system. The study covers 22 European countries and explores the problem at macro level. It draws on data from the European Social Survey (2006–2010), applying descriptive statistics, correlations and regressions for the analysis of data. Our findings clearly show that, at the aggregate level, HE influences positively the degrees of both impersonal and institutional trust. At the centre of our analysis are educational inequalities, which are regarded as an indicator of well-being and of the defining of HE as a public good. We found evidence of moderate to strong negative correlations between inequalities in access to HE and trust among HE graduates. The paper argues that the extent to which HE is accomplished as a public good depends on its accessibility and contribution to the national well-being. We conclude that there is a need for elaboration of a full theoretical understanding of HE as a public good.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2016-07-01 01:28:34','2016-08-26 10:10:32','','Waiting'),(2385,'Social Distance, Symbolic Boundaries and Anti-Immigrant Attitudes in Europe: Explaining Exclusionary Policy Preferences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present paper is dealing with majority preferences for immigration restriction in Europe in a cross-national and cross-regional multilevel perspective. We distinguish a preference for a quantitative reduction of immigration from the more qualitative approach of selecting immigrants by certain credentials. The former constitutes a specific form of social distance while the latter has previously been framed as an expression of symbolic boundarymaking. In this contribution we first inquire to what extent different forms of perceived immigrant threat and prejudice towards immigrants are tied to a demand for curbing immigration. For instance, what is the relative importance of economic and cultural forms of perceived threat for preferring to reduce immigration or to selectively allow only certain immigrants? In a second step we investigate to what extent these policy demands are tied to country- and region-specific structural differences. Do regional immigrant presence and economic circumstances impact whether immigration is seen as something that should be restricted, or are these policy preferences completely decoupled from these contextual factors? We finally examine to what extent integration policies and multicultural policies as social boundaries can explain cross-national differences in these policy attitudes.\nIn order to answer these questions we run multilevel analyses on data of the first round of the European Social Survey 2002 in conjunction with aggregate data from Eurostat. The results show that economic and cultural concerns about immigration are similarly tied to a preference for a numerical reduction of immigration only. For a leaning towards establishing qualitative entry criteria for immigrants, cultural concerns play a larger role. Immigration reduction preferences are unrelated to immigrant presence and economic conditions within sub-national regions, but integration and multicultural policies both impact the extent of individual symbolic boundarymaking: The more inclusive a society’s integration regime, the lower the inclination to restrict immigration by features such as education or religion, net of several other structural or social political controls such as immigration shares, GDP or welfare regimes. The individual-level results furthermore reveal the strategic nature of individual boundarymaking since the findings for some of the socio-economic status dimensions in these models do not display the usual gradient. They rather suggest that the restriction of immigration to well-educated persons is unattractive particularly for disadvantaged majority members, which exemplifies the diverging logics according to which individual preferences concerning quantitative and qualitative immigration restriction are formed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 08:32:29','2016-08-26 11:43:24','','Waiting'),(2386,'What is so Special about Party Membership? The Relation Between Party Membership and Closeness and Political Trust in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political parties are essential linkage mechanisms between citizens and the political system. We know less, however, about the question how this mechanism actually operates. While some authors assume it is sufficient that parties offer citizens various ideological options about the way society should be governed, others indicate that parties can offer strong ties to the political system mainly by offering stable identities like party membership. In this analysis of the European Social Survey cumulative file (five waves, 2002-2010), we investigate the relation between party membership, closeness to a political party and trust in political institutions. While party membership is declining, its relation with political trust is limited. We do not find any indication therefore that the decline of party membership could have a substantial negative effect on levels of political trust. Feeling close to a political party, on the other hand is more strongly related to political trust, even controlling for political interest. Results furthermore indicate that in most European societies levels of party closeness are stable. We conclude that political parties indeed function as a linkage mechanism between citizens and the state, but that there is no reason to attribute a privileged role to formal party membership, as feeling close to a political party apparently has a stronger linkage effect.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 08:43:07','2016-08-26 12:31:58','','Waiting'),(2387,'Health and happiness among homosexual couples in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Health and happiness among homosexual couples in Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 08:54:54','2016-08-26 13:19:05','','Waiting'),(2388,'Euro-Turks in the Contemporary European Imaginary','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Do perceptions of Muslim communities differ among receiving European societies? Are attitudes towards Euro-Turks more critical than other groups? Do Euro-Turks feel marginalized and recognize social distance from the majority? This paper presents data from cross-national research projects to assess the social distance between national majority and Muslim minorities, in particular Euro-Turks. It also considers the extent to which religion, ethnicity, and culture help shape Islamophobia and anti-Turkish attitudes. Social distance is not treated as a proxy variable for discrimination or exclusion, but it serves as an indicator of the possible marginalization of Euro-Turks. Further, increasing social distance between majority and minority Muslim groups may also serve as a reliable indicator of a Europe in crisis, confronting its multiple conflicting identities. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 09:38:02','2016-07-01 10:00:03','','Waiting'),(2389,'Are Conceptions of Adulthood Universal and Unisex? Ages and Social Markers in 25 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite ample research on behavioral aspects of the transition to adulthood, few comparative studies have focused on “subjective” facets. Using data from the European Social Survey, we probe similarities and differences in conceptions of adulthood for men and women in twenty-five European countries. We examine perceptions of the age of adulthood and the importance of four social markers (leaving home, having a full-time job, living with a partner or spouse, and becoming a parent). Results reveal a shared European idea about age, with men consistently reaching adulthood later than women. The significance of various markers, however, shows greater heterogeneity across nations. Country differences go beyond welfare state classification and underscore the importance of value systems. Conceptions for men and women are surprisingly similar. While economic independence matters more for men\'s lives, it is nonetheless salient for women. Even more, family formation now seems a unisex organizer of the life course.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 09:41:51','2016-07-01 10:25:03','','Waiting'),(2390,'New Risks, New Representation? New Social Risk Groups in Multidimensional Party Competition','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent scholarship in social policy and political science has deemed the emergence of labour market outsiders and new social risk groups significant for post-industrial economies and societies. This paper turns to explore the opportunities that this challenging development presents for political parties. Building on recent literature on party competition, this paper addresses the dimensionality of new social risk group political preferences. First, it questions which issue dimensions these new social risk groups consider at the ballot box. Second, it relates these to the strategies that different political parties adopt when soliciting support from these social groups. Finally, it examines how political preferences vary not only between labour market insiders and outsiders, but also across welfare state worlds. The paper highlights the fundamental tension--faced by both parties and voters--between political contestation over economic versus socio-cultural issues (such as immigration, identity, and law-and-order considerations). While the paper points to an association between party strategies and new social risk group preferences, it underlines important variations in risk profiles and group preferences across welfare state typologies. We conduct cross-sectional analyses using the 2009 European Election Study, the 2006 European Social Survey, and the 2006 International Social Survey Programme.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 10:04:08','2016-08-26 13:40:30','','Waiting'),(2391,'Trust and Control at the Workplace: Evidence from Representative Samples of Employees in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on two representative samples of employees, the German Socio Economic Panel and the European Social Survey, we explore the relation between certain measures of control in employment relationships (i.e. working time regulations, use of performance appraisal systems, monitoring by supervisors, autonomy to organize the work) and individuals’ inclination to trust others. Trust is measured by the general trust question like in most other economic studies based on surveys. We find that strict working time regulations, monitoring and lack of autonomy – all indicators for control at the workplace – are negatively related to trust. Moreover, we contribute to the literature on trust by gathering hints to other potential determinants of trust',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 10:08:25','2016-08-26 13:44:11','','Waiting'),(2392,'How people perceive immigrants\' role in their country\'s life: a comparative study of Estonia and Russia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In addition to traditional growth models, 3T (Technology, Talent, Tolerance) approach, initially proposed by Richard Florida, has gained popularity since the beginning of the 21st century in explaining determinants of economic growth and development. This approach emphasizes the important role of technology, talent and tolerance in attracting and retaining diverse people and thereby creating new challenges for economic growth. In our paper, people?s attitudes towards immigrants are considered as proxies of tolerance to ethnically diverse population as possible precondition for future economic growth. Interesting cases for analysing people?s attitudes towards immigrants are provided by two neighbour countries Estonia and Russia ? the countries with post-socialist path-dependence and ethnically diverse population. The share of minorities in the total population is remarkable in both countries ? around one third in Estonia and one fifth in Russia. Thus, these countries have favourable preconditions for economic development as well as threats that due to the weak integration policy, social and political tensions will increase and as a consequence business environment become worse. The paper aims to conduct a comparative analysis of possible determinants of peoples? attitudes towards immigrants in Estonia and Russia mainly focusing on the examining the role of individual?s socio-demographic and economic characteristic in forming their attitudes towards immigrants. The overwhelming aim of the study is to elaborate empirical evidence-based grounds for policy proposals that through favourable business environment can support economic growth and development. The empirical part of the paper relies on information provided in the European Social Survey (ESS) fifth round database and on implementing the methodological framework that includes principal component factor analysis and microeconometric methods. The results of the study show that on average the attitudes towards immigrants are lower in both Estonia and Russia than in the European countries with advanced economies. Estonian peoples? attitudes towards immigrants are somewhat better in all aspects of country?s life ? economy, culture and country as a living place, comparing to Russia. Ethnic minorities, people with higher income and religious people are more tolerant to immigrants in both countries. Unemployed people are less tolerant towards immigrants only in the case of Russia not of Estonia. Surprisingly, better education improves attitudes towards immigrants in Estonia but does not have any statistically significant relation to the attitudes towards immigrants in all monitored aspects ? economy, culture and country as living place in Russia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 10:26:14','2016-08-26 13:53:02','','Waiting'),(2393,'To Vote or Not to Vote? Declining Voter Turnout in the Republic of Cyprus','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Both the 2011 parliamentary election and the 2013 presidential election in the Republic of Cyprus produced the lowest levels of voter turnout. This obliges the researchers concerned with democratic legitimacy to dig into the political psychology literature and combine it with empirical analysis to understand who votes in the Republic of Cyprus, who does not, and why. Only then can we expound on the possible explanations for declining voter turnout. The results in this paper show that party identification is an important determinant of voter turnout. The author argues that the recent decline in party identification might be the main cause of falling voter turnout. Results also suggest that younger people’s abstention rates are increasing over time. It is debated here that surveys should be repeated periodically and panel data should be gathered in order to overcome the problem with spurious relationships and explain why voter turnout is dwindling.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 10:38:03','2016-08-26 14:09:15','','Waiting'),(2394,'Economic strain and public support for redistribution: A comparative analysis of 28 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Is public support for redistribution affected by the number of people experiencing economic strain in a country? This question is investigated by comparing twenty-eight countries in the fourth round of the European Social Survey 2008–09 using two-level linear regression models. The results show that individuals reporting economic strain support redistribution more strongly than those who do not experience economic strain. Further, individuals living in countries where many other people report economic strain also support redistribution more strongly than individuals living in countries with less economic strain. The latter correlation is not explained by objective measures of the economic situation such as household income or the income dispersal of the country. The country-level effect of economic strain holds for all income levels. It is largely driven by a tendency to strongly believe in redistribution when living in countries of widespread economic strain. The results indicate that governments would receive more rather than less public support for redistributive policies during periods of economic strain.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 10:45:23','2016-08-26 14:20:12','','Waiting'),(2395,'Globalization, socio-economic status and welfare chauvinism: European perspectives on attitudes toward the exclusion of immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article addresses the question of whether globalization impacts individual preferences to exclude immigrants from national welfare systems (‘welfare chauvinism’). Intergroup contact theory and arguments from the ‘new cosmopolitanism’ debate suggest that cross-border social contacts (‘social globalization’) foster a willingness to include and accept newcomers. However, group conflict theory suggests that trade openness (‘economic globalization’) can unleash feelings of insecurity and trigger welfare chauvinism. While these approaches point in different directions, we argue that the impact of globalization on welfare chauvinism differs across socio-economic status groups. Using cross-national data from the European Social Survey 2008/2009, we find scarce support for the hypothesis that social globalization reduces welfare chauvinism in general. However, there is evidence that it diminishes exclusionary attitudes among those with relatively high socio-economic statuses. Moreover, we find no general evidence for an impact of economic globalization on chauvinism, but a positive interaction of intensified engagement with global market forces and higher socio-economic status.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 11:00:38','2016-08-26 14:33:49','','Waiting'),(2396,'Using the Swiss population register for research into survey methodology','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Until relatively recently, social surveys in Switzerland were predominantly conducted by telephone. Dramatically decreasing coverage rates now make samples drawn from the previously suitable telephone directory increasingly inadequate. Meanwhile, a growing problem of non-participation in all survey modes threatens data quality via selection biases. The introduction of a new register-based sampling frame by the Swiss Federal Statistical Office (SFSO), available for use also for selected surveys conducted by the Swiss Centre of Expertise in the Social Sciences FORS, offers new opportunities for new methodological research. In this document, we discuss what we consider to be the most important priorities for such research and present ideas for a number of different research activities aimed at evaluating 1) the impact of the switch to the new sample frame to the continuity of survey estimates; 2) the extent of coverage errors associated with using the sampling base for telephone surveys; and 3) nonresponse errors. All activities are driven by both survey cost and data quality considerations. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 11:08:45','2016-08-26 14:54:12','','Waiting'),(2397,'Subjective Work Perception: Multivariate Analysis of Generational Differences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper attempts to verify the hypothesis of the existence of generational differences in the perception of the conditions and quality of work. Research issues considered in this paper are chosen due to the regularities observed in labor markets indicating that a special attention should be paid to two age groups: the youngest and older persons. The highest unemployment rate in the EU is observed among young people who meet various barriers at the beginning of their professional career. On the other hand the group of older people is expected to provide an important contribution to the labor force to face the problem of the aging societies. The objective labor market indicators should be confronted with the results of the subjective opinions of the labor market participants in order to have a comprehensive outlook on the situation. Chosen multivariate methods are applied to analyze the opinions of both young and older Europeans in relation to socio-demographic factors and taking into consideration the spatial diversity. Opinions about current work given by European Social Survey respondents are analyzed. Among others, the variety of current work, possibilities of learning new things at work, effort-salary relation, and support received from other workers, etc. The paper presents some results obtained from applications of chosen multivariate methods whose usefulness is determined by the measurement scales of the regarded variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 11:24:44','2016-08-26 15:02:11','','Waiting'),(2398,'Church Affiliation and Trust in the State: Survey Data Evidence From Four Nordic Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Reforms in state-church relations in the Nordic countries have been a center of academic discussion in the last few decades. Previous research has found that the bond between the Nordic states and their national churches remains strong. However, the effects of these ties on the individuals\' perceptions seem to have been neglected. Utilizing the European Social Survey data, this research examines the effect of religious affiliation on trust in the state. Descriptive findings show that individuals belonging to the national churches trust the state the most and that other Protestants trust the state more than those with no religion. However, linear regression reveals that when controlling for level of religiosity, those belonging to the national churches remain the most trusting, but other Protestants exhibit the least amount of trust. We suggest that this is an indication of the distinctive position of this group, which should be researched further.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 12:45:14','2016-08-26 15:11:04','','Waiting'),(2399,'Counting Heads? Ethnic Voting in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ethnic politics are generally considered to be different from mainstream party politics, because the influence of ethnicity on the individual level of the voter is expected to take supremacy over any other salient issue. As a consequence,  the individual level of the ethnic voter is not considered in studies of ethnic party politics, which are mainly conducted at the party level of system level, thereby treating individual ethnic voters as a homogeneous group with homogeneous preferences. Chandra (2004) and Birnir (2007) have theorized the influence of structural factors on the individual ethnic vote, however, an empirical test for the individual level has not yet been performed. This paper asks the question whether this core assumption about the preferences of the ethnic voter is used rightfully. It uses recent data of established surveys (e.g. European Election Studies, World Values Survey and European Social Survey) to study the ethnic vote share within countries that have elected ethnic parties in their party systems. The results indicate that ethnic voters cannot be treated as a homogeneous group, but rather have to be studied as individual and also strategic voters.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 12:47:33','2016-08-26 15:17:35','','Waiting'),(2400,'The role of education in determining the attitudes towards crime in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the European Social Survey (ESS), we investigate the relationship between education and attitudes towards offences and crime. The results suggest that in a European context years spent in education are positively associated with more permissive attitudes towards criminal behaviour.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 13:17:34','2016-08-26 15:29:49','','Waiting'),(2401,'The Economics of Happiness: A study of the relationship between income and happiness in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present paper analyses the relationship between income and happiness (well-being, level of satisfaction) based on one of the most popular theories on the subject: The Easterlin Paradox. The main goal is to observe through an ordered logistic regression how important pecuniary and non-pecuniary factors affect the lives of the European citizens interviewed by the European Social Survey in 2006/2007. The research´s results reveal that if it is true that the level of income affects our level of happiness, this implication dilutes as we include the non-pecuniary factors in our analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-01 13:29:57','2016-08-26 15:34:31','','Waiting'),(2402,'The Effects of Mixed-Mode Approach Techniques and Mode Choice on Response Rates of Hard-to-Survey Populations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study assesses the effect of response-mode choices on response rates, and responsemode preferences of hard-to-survey populations: young adults, full-time workers, big city inhabitants, and non-Western immigrants. Using address-based sampling, a stratified sample of 3,496 households was selected. The first group of sample members was contacted face to face and could choose between a CAPI and web response mode. The second group, contacted by telephone, could choose between CATI and web. The third group, contacted by telephone, was randomly allocated to a response mode. Our address-based sampling technique was successful in reaching most of the hard-to-survey groups. Insufficient numbers of non- Western immigrants were reached; therefore this group was excluded from our analyses. In our mixed-effect models, no significant effects on the willingness to participate were found for mode choice. We found that full-time workers and young adults were significantly more likely to choose web over CAPI when contacted face to face.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 09:05:22','2016-08-26 15:41:32','','Waiting'),(2404,'Setting Priorities: Spurious Differences in Response Rates','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite increasing concern about response rates being insufficient as sole indicators of nonresponse bias and data quality (Groves & Peytcheva, 2008; Keeter, Miller, Kohut, Groves & Presser, 2000), they are still the most prevalent measure for many journals, funding agencies, and survey programs (for alternative indicators, see Wagner, 2012). In addition to overall response rates, research has shown that contact and cooperation need to be considered as separate processes associated with different sample unit characteristics and thus different biases (Lynn & Clarke 2002). While non-contacted persons are more likely to be employed and living an active life style, those who are contacted but do not participate in a survey are more likely to be socially disengaged (Groves & Couper 1998, ch.4,5). Guidelines such as those of the American Association for Public Opinion Research (AAPOR) thus standardize the calculation of contact and cooperation rates in addition to overall response rates.\n\nThe standardized calculation and reporting of response rates has been a major survey methodological achievement for comparing across surveys and countries various types of response rates (i.e., overall response rates, contact rates, and cooperation rates). Nevertheless, there is one important step that almost all surveys fail to make explicit when reporting response rates: The coding of the sequence of call outcomes (i.e., contact attempts) at a sample unit into a final disposition code for this sample unit.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 09:27:39','2016-08-29 11:30:16','','Waiting'),(2405,'Public Attitudes Toward Family Policies In Welfare Regimes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Family policies have gained tremendous importance in recent years. Yet family policy developments vary substantially across welfare states. This paper examines public attitudes toward family policies among 11 welfare states as a result of both situational factors (e.g. unemployment, and female labor-force participation), and ideological factors (e.g. egalitarian ideology and traditional gender role). The paper analyzes those factors at both individual and national level. using the European Social Survey (ESS) round 4 (2008-09) data. The study sample includes responses from eleven countries which represent four regimes under Esping-Andersen’s (1999) typology: Social democratic, Continental Europe, Liberal  and Southern Europe.  Multiple regression models reveal both institutional and ideological factors play a role in shaping public attitudes toward family policies. Preliminary results show that national level egalitarian ideology and traditional views are two of most significant factors associated with public attitudes toward family policies (with B coefficients .54 and -.34, respectively).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 09:54:14','2016-08-29 11:14:03','','Waiting'),(2406,'Post-familialism and social-political environments: low total fertility rates and values in the European Union','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Post-familialism and social-political environments: low total fertility rates and values in the European Union',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 10:01:04','2016-08-29 11:40:27','','Waiting'),(2407,'The differential role of the media as an agent of political socialization in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Declining political involvement of adolescents in western society has caused widespread concerns about the health of democracy in the future. This study investigates the role of the media in the formation of political attitudes and political mobilization of adolescents. Based on a secondary data analysis of the European Social Survey (N = 5657), the influence of exposure to news and entertainment content on political trust, signing petitions and consumer politics is assessed in a multi-level regression analysis. Additionally, the impact of the political and educational system on political attitude formation and civic engagement of adolescents is investigated. The results show a higher level of engagement in countries with a well-functioning democracy. At the individual level, news media exposure is positively related to engagement in consumer politics, whereas exposure to entertainment is negatively related to mobilization.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 10:17:44','2016-08-29 13:12:05','','Waiting'),(2408,'Collective and individual benefits of trade unions: a multi-level analysis of 21 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In light of internationally declining union density, this article examines to what extent employees derive advantage from trade unions. Data collected in 21 countries through the European Social Survey 2010 are being used. Multilevel analyses show that it is not so much individual membership but unions\' collective power that matters. Perceived union influence and a union-friendly industrial relations regime (mainly the organized corporatism in the Nordic countries) are positively linked to the occurrence of regular workplace meetings and to the impact of these meetings on organizational decisions. Employees also appear to benefit from unions\' collective power in terms of appropriate pay and job security, although the regime pattern is then less clear.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 10:25:50','2016-08-29 13:14:13','','Waiting'),(2409,'The Social Capital of Welfare States and Its Significance for Population Health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Nordic welfare model, characterized by comprehensive welfare programs and generous welfare benefits, is suggested to provide several positive externalities for society and its citizens. Many of the features of the universal Nordic welfare state, such as low income inequality and poverty, could, however, also be important for the creation and maintenance of social capital. Nevertheless, there are also fears that features of universal welfare states deplete social capital.\nAlthough previous studies show that social capital is strongly related to health and well-being most previous research in the field of social capital and health has focused on pure associations and ignored the significance of the broader institutional and political context for the creation and maintenance of social capital and its potential health consequences.\nUsing findings from cross-national European data from the European Social Survey (ESS), a first objective of this chapter is to scrutinize whether there are theoretical and empirical support that favors the “crowding out” hypothesis. Another objective of this chapter is to show some empirical evidence concerning whether levels of social capital in countries with different institutional characteristics and welfare policy also promote the overall health of societies.\nThe empirical data presented in the chapter chiefly shows that comprehensive welfare states do not seem to crowd out social capital. Universal welfare states of the Nordic model has the highest levels of social capital while lower levels were found in less comprehensive welfare states such as the Mediterranean and post-socialist countries. Positive correlations between total spending on social protection and levels of social capital also confirmed these findings, that is, countries that spend more on social protection have higher levels of social capital.\nFurthermore, some final empirical findings in the chapter suggested that dimensions of social capital were associated with life expectancy at country level. Hence, countries with higher levels of social capital seem to have better population health. The analyses for instance suggested that countries included in the post-socialist regime type generally had low levels of social capital and low life expectancy, while social-democratic countries had very high levels of social capital and high life expectancy. By studying the significance of the welfare state for the social capital–health relationship, policy-makers could learn a great deal about how investments in equality and social goods (e.g., welfare) could influence social capital and its potential health consequences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 10:44:03','2016-08-29 13:30:09','','Waiting'),(2410,'The Idea of Healthy Lifestyle and Its Transformation Into Health-Oriented Lifestyle in Contemporary Society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The major subject matter of the proposed article is the gap between global value of health and its practical implementation in the form of actual daily practices. The article addresses the concept of health in contemporary society and claims healthy lifestyle ideology to be the essence of contemporary health culture. Thus, this ideology is discussed as a basic framework proposed by the modern discourse with respect to body practices management as it builds up its logic of practice. Meanwhile, health-oriented lifestyle is considered to be a practical logic derived out of it. The author shows that there are four types of interconnection between the logical practice and the practice of logic, whereas health-oriented lifestyle is one of them. The article aims to demonstrate that health-oriented lifestyle concept in its visionary ideal form is quite far from being a practical guide for daily human behavior. Human beings are not ready to fight all their affections although they know much and sometimes they feel they can do much. This means that the basic ground for an evident discord between the high value of health and its practical incorporation into daily activities of concrete individuals lies in the field of physicality matters and civilization’s disability to manage them.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 10:59:25','2016-08-29 14:33:50','','Waiting'),(2411,'Migrant Health in Europe: A Cross-National Analysis of the\'Healthy Immigrant Effect','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite efforts from the World Health Organization and European Union to target immigrant health disparities cross-nationally, little is known about how migrant health outcomes vary between countries and in different social environments. Much of the existing research on immigrant health has been conducted in the United States or has been limited to analysis within a single country. Using data for 21 countries from five rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2010), this paper examines cross-national variations in migrant health status in Europe. Not only does immigrant health vary between countries in Europe, but it appears to be associated with welfare state regime characteristics of the destination country. Further cross-national comparisons of receiving country context and social determinants of health may expand existing theoretical perspectives and point to policy solutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 11:03:40','2016-08-29 14:35:18','','Waiting'),(2412,'Preaching to the converted? Christian Democratic voting in six west European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The electoral success of many West European Christian Democratic parties as prototypical people’s parties has been threatened in recent years by growing secularization and economic trends. In the light of these challenges, this article analyses the importance of social and attitudinal variables in predicting support for seven Christian Democratic parties at the individual level using data from the European Social Survey. The results highlight the continuing centrality of religion in Christian Democratic voting. Regular attendance at church, particularly among Catholics, raises the probability of supporting Christian Democracy at the ballot box substantially. Class, by contrast, offers a weak guide as to the likelihood of a Christian Democratic vote. The importance of religion is such that expectations about other potentially important independent variables (character of domicile, age) are generally not met. Yet the reliable support of religious voters is increasingly an ambiguous electoral asset with clear signs that this partisan constituency is in decline throughout Western Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 12:56:16','2016-08-29 14:37:26','','Waiting'),(2413,'National Identity and the Challenge of Immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'National Identity and the Challenge of Immigration',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 13:04:38','2016-08-29 14:39:11','','Waiting'),(2414,'The Robustness of High Danish National Happiness: A Temporal Cross-Country Analysis of Population Subgroups','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Denmark’s top position in various rankings of country happiness is well-documented. This study goes beyond the national average comparisons and investigates whether Denmark’s top position is also found when we disaggregate data in line with social categories often used within the social sciences. The central measure is the empirical probability that a given population subgroup in Denmark has significantly higher happiness compared to another country’s similar subgroup in a given year. All five rounds of the European Social Survey are used but only the sixteen countries that were surveyed in each of the five rounds are included in this study. The results show that Denmark’s position at the top of the happiness scale is also robust when we look at population subgroups, but not in the sense that Denmark dominates all countries for all years. Instead, a modified version of robustness is necessary; Denmark very often has significantly higher happiness levels than in other countries, only sometimes has the same happiness levels as in other countries, very rarely is it dominated by other countries, and finally it is never dominated by other countries in all 5 years for a given subpopulation characteristic. This conclusion is quite insensitive to the applied SWB measure and the applied significance level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 13:51:50','2016-08-29 14:41:56','','Waiting'),(2415,'Discussion','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article by Michael Brick about unit nonresponse and weighting adjustments presents an excellent overview of the concepts, trends, and strategies in unit nonresponse research. This overview clearly demonstrates that the conceptual and analytical framework of nonresponse research is highly evolved and has been much improved. The author mention that we have a better understanding of the correlates of nonresponse and the methods to reduce nonresponse due to noncontact. However, as the title suggests, it is a critical review. Perhaps as a result, the general undertone is rather pessimistic. According to the author, response rates are falling in most countries and most procedures to reduce nonresponse are not effective. As a consequence, weighting adjustment procedures are important, but the author state that we do not have a sufficiently thorough understanding of the impact of these procedures on the reduction of nonresponse bias. In the discussion Brick concludes that “even after decades of research on nonresponse we remain woefully ignorant of the causes of nonresponse at a profound level” and “Perhaps the time is ripe for new approaches to the vexing and important questions of why people do and do not respond to surveys.” As always, a discussion involving statements such as these is an invitation to formulate some related considerations, comments, and suggestions. The starting point is a few observations about the trend in nonresponse rates in the European Social Survey (ESS).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-04 13:59:10','2016-08-29 14:47:33','','Waiting'),(2416,'Personal values and political activism: A cross-national study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from 28 countries in four continents, the present research addresses the question of how basic values may account for political activism. Study 1 (N = 35,116) analyses data from representative samples in 20 countries that responded to the 21-item version of the Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ-21) in the European Social Survey. Study 2 (N = 7,773) analyses data from adult samples in six of the same countries (Finland, Germany, Greece, Israel, Poland, and United Kingdom) and eight other countries (Australia, Brazil, Chile, Italy, Slovakia, Turkey, Ukraine, and United States) that completed the full 40-item PVQ. Across both studies, political activism relates positively to self-transcendence and openness to change values, especially to universalism and autonomy of thought, a subtype of self-direction. Political activism relates negatively to conservation values, especially to conformity and personal security. National differences in the strength of the associations between individual values and political activism are linked to level of democratization.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kirmanogluhasan@gmail.com','2016-07-04 21:35:17','2016-08-30 13:04:36','','Waiting'),(2417,'The Impact of Deviations from Desired Hours of Work on the Life Satisfaction of Employees','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We estimate an ordinal logistic multilevel model to examine the determinants of the life satisfaction of employees in Europe. Data drawn from the European social survey reveals that deviations from desired hours of work (measured as the absolute difference between the actual and preferred weekly number of hours) reduce overall life satisfaction, but the effect is smaller in countries with higher unemployment rates. We interpret this finding as evidence that in environments where anxieties about job security are high, having a job brings about a certain level of life satisfaction regardless of the gap between the actual and preferred time spent in the labor market. We also find no statistically significant difference between male and female employees with regard to the impact of the work hours mismatch. This finding suggests that the gender differences which would have been expected in this context are already incorporated in the respondents’ subjectively determined desired hours of work. In fact, further examinations confirm that ‘desired hours’ are associated with both socio-demographic characteristics (in particular, gender) and preferences for labor market work.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kirmanogluhasan@gmail.com','2016-07-04 21:46:17','2016-08-29 15:35:04','','Waiting'),(2418,'Secular Values, Religious Beliefs and Civil Life: A Comparative Analysis of Helping Values and Behaviour','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Help and helping is vital to the functioning of civil society. In this chapter we consider the extent to which religion is associated with people’s orientation to, and participation in, civil society and how religious populations compare with secular populations. Our analysis suggests that overall there is a gap amongst all populations in the extent to which it is seen as important to help other people and the extent to which people report actually helping in practice. People who attend religious services regularly are the most likely to state that they think helping other people is important and also to state that they actually help people in practice. The levels of civil involvement amongst secular populations, in the form of helping other people, are higher than those who belong to a religion but are not regular attenders of religious services. The roles that religious and secular populations can play in the culture of helping are an important research and policy focus.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 09:33:36','2016-08-29 15:43:05','','Waiting'),(2420,'A futurist\'s thoughts on consumer trends shaping future festivals and events','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: In order to understand the future of organised events and festivals it is necessary to understand the patterns of change associated with their consumption. This viewpoint paper identifies ten significant consumer trends derived from global omnibus data as key social forces likely to affect the behaviours and actions of future festival and event goers.\nDesign/methodology/approach: The trends data has been sourced from http://nvision.futurefoundation.net/, an online consumer omnibus survey of households worldwide.\nFindings: The author identifies ten trends of significant importance which represent the present and future behaviour\'s of festival and event goers.\nOriginality/value: Derived from this viewpoint, an enhanced understanding of what the future could be, and the forces influencing it, provides festival and event organisers with the potential to shape that future. This paper identifies trends of significance in order to inform future decision making.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 10:16:20','2016-08-29 15:54:38','','Waiting'),(2421,'Socio-Economic Determinants of Health in Croatia: Insights from Four Cross-Sectional Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The World Health Organization (WHO) sees health as a resource for everyday life, a fundamental human right and, especially important for economists and social scientists, an essential component of the economic and social development of every modern society. Health determinants which could lead to better health outcomes can arise from both the social and economic side. The main goal of this paper is to exploit several cross-sectional socio-economic data sets available in Croatia to examine the extent to which individual health is related to certain demographic and economic determinants. In explaining health determinants, self-assessed health (SAH) was used as a measure of health on the individual level, and the proportional odds model was applied for the ordinal outcome variable. Controlling for age and other socio-demographic characteristics, education was seen as the single most important determinant of better health. Poor health on the individual level is probably highly correlated with low education and lowest income levels. Public policy-makers should be aware that measures targeted at vulnerable population subgroups might be effective at improving health in the population. However, the identification of a causal relationship between health outcome and its determinants is of crucial importance in the design of future policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 10:28:06','2016-08-29 16:41:29','','Waiting'),(2422,'A new corruption index based on individual attitudes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is to propose a new corruption index based on individual attitudes referring to the European citizens. The index is defined by means of the person location parameters estimated by a partial credit model (PCM). This model is particularly suitable since the synthetic value of the interest latent variable \'Corruption Perception\' is first evaluated at individual level; its estimated scores are then naturally aggregated to higher levels in order to obtain a measure at Europe and nation–wide.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 10:37:13','2016-08-30 09:27:50','','Waiting'),(2423,'Imagine all the Neighbours: Perceived Neighbourhood Ethnicity, Interethnic Friendship Ties and Perceived Ethnic Threat in Four Nordic Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the article is to analyse the impact of the self-evaluated ethnic composition of the place of residence on interethnic contacts and attitudes through the comparison of four Nordic countries. Data come from the European Social Survey 2002. Compared with ethnically homogeneous neighbourhoods, interethnic relationships are more common in ethnically mixed neighbourhoods with some self-reported ethnic minorities. However, living in an area with many perceived ethnic minorities does not necessarily increase the probability of having interethnic friends in all four countries. As contact theory suggests that, having interethnic friendship ties in combination with living in an ethnically mixed or ethnic neighbourhood is associated with the probability of having more tolerant attitudes towards immigrants in all four countries. Perceived ethnic threat, however, is generally at its lowest level in areas with only some ethnic minorities, which may leave some room for conflict or competition theories as well.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 10:40:52','2016-08-30 09:32:01','','Waiting'),(2424,'Opinion Climates and Immigrant Political Action: A Cross-National Study of 25 European Democracies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We develop a model of immigrant political action that connects individual motivations to become politically involved with the context in which participation takes place. The article posits that opinion climates in the form of hostility or openness toward immigrants shape the opportunity structure for immigrant political engagement by contributing to the social costs and political benefits of participation. We argue that friendly opinion climates toward immigrants enable political action among immigrants, and facilitate the politicization of political discontent. Using survey data from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002 to 2010 in 25 European democracies, our analyses reveal that more positive opinion climates—at the level of countries and regions—increase immigrant political engagement, especially among immigrants dissatisfied with the political system. However, this effect is limited to uninstitutionalized political action, as opinion climates have no observable impact on participation in institutionalized politics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 11:13:15','2016-08-30 09:40:16','','Waiting'),(2425,'Nativist but not alienated: A comparative perspective on the radical right vote in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the present study I use large-scale survey data to compare radical right voting to other forms of electoral behavior in Western Europe. The chosen method, multilevel multinomial logistic regression, allows, first, distinguishing among voting for several party families as well as abstention and, second, controlling for differences between countries and survey rounds. I find that the radical right electorate is not characterized by social alienation or anti-modern values; these characteristics are more likely to be encountered among people who abstain from elections. Radical right voting is most strongly motivated by political attitudes, namely by negative perception of immigration, political mistrust, opposition to income redistribution, and – rather unexpectedly – political satisfaction. My analysis also shows that radical right parties in different West European countries attract voters with similar ideological orientations which remain relatively stable over time. In the conclusion I discuss the implications of my findings for comparative research on the radical right party family.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 11:22:47','2016-08-30 09:51:10','','Waiting'),(2426,'Is Same-Sex Marriage Legislation Related to Attitudes Toward Homosexuality? Trends in Tolerance of Homosexuality in European Countries Between 2002 and 2010','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since 2001, various Western countries have accorded legal recognition to same-sex marriages, but thus far we lack information on how this legislation is related to trends in public opinion. In most of the literature, declining levels of prejudice toward homosexuality are found to result from structural social processes (rising education, secularization, detraditionalisation), which should occur in all industrialized societies, with or without same-sex marriage. In this article, we analyse data of the five waves of the European Social Survey for the period 2002-2010. Results show that levels of prejudice are significantly lower in countries that recognize same-sex marriage, while levels are only slightly lower in countries with some form of registered partnership for gay and lesbian couples. Therefore, we can assume that same-sex marriage is indeed a highly symbolical issue.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 11:32:08','2016-08-30 10:10:45','','Waiting'),(2427,'Economic Crisis, the Quality of Work and Social Integration: Issues and Context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter discusses the different country experiences of the crisis and the issues it poses with respect to the quality of work and social integration. It outlines a number of contrasting expectations about the potential changes that might have resulted from the crisis, but also arguments about the potential stability of patterns that could arise from strong patterns of institutionalization of employment relations. It considers the empirical similarities and differences between countries on a number of relevant institutional dimensions. Finally it introduces the data used in the research programme and outlines the issues dealt with in the substantive chapters.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 11:41:33','2016-08-30 10:53:45','','Waiting'),(2428,'Social comparisons, health and well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Health and well-being are socially determined. One of the ways in which this comes about is via social comparisons with other individuals in the same personal, geographic or social networks, with the comparisons referring either to income or other aspects of economic and social life. The existence of such comparison effects with respect to income may help to explain the social gradient in health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 11:46:26','2016-08-30 11:23:23','','Waiting'),(2429,'A comparative analysis of gender differences in self-rated health: is the Baltic Sea a frontier of the East–West Health Divide in Europe?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Women have less access to and control over resources than most men. Such a pressure on men has implications for women’s and men’s health status. This paper explores the East–West health divide in Europe focusing on comparison of gender differences in self-rated health (SRH) in geographically close, historically highly connected but socially, politically and economically very different countries. Post-socialist Estonia, Lithuania and Russia are juxtaposed with highly developed social-democratic Finland. The first three countries belong to different strands of Christian culture, share 50 years common history, while moving away from the socialism in rather distinct directions and representing two different types of neo-liberal regimes. Data from the fifth way of the European Social Survey on 5 480 individuals from Estonia, Lithuania, Russia and Finland was used to test the gender differentials in exposure and vulnerability to neomaterialist and psychosocial factors of health inequalities. In general, results confirm the existence of the East–West health divide along the Baltic Sea with regard to gender differences in SRH. But the shape of this divide largely depends on particularities of the compared countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 11:51:54','2016-08-30 11:35:35','','Waiting'),(2430,'Social Exclusion and Education in Dualized Digital-Divided Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The so-called Digital Divide is equally mediated by economic (e.g. income, occupational status or the segmentation in labor market) and social factors (e.g. gender, age, belonging an ethnic minority, education and skills) that determine the individual position in the current postindustrial societies. In this work, using data from the European Social Survey (2002-2008), it is studied the relationship between the skill level and the dual position in labor market (insider vs. outsider) and its impact on the immigrants’ Internet usage in Europe. This study is aimed to explain the differences on Internet usage in the EU that are related to the position that groups in risk of social exclusion occupies in the labor market (insider/outsider) and its level of skills (high/low). Cross-country differences are analyzed by multilevel analysis techniques. The findings show the importance of skills and the labor market position for the social inclusion of socially excluded groups. This study contributes to explain the digital polarization and the enlargement of the Digital Divide, even in advanced societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 11:55:58','2016-08-30 11:46:10','','Waiting'),(2431,'Unemployment Risk, Social Policy, and Populist Right Parties','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Populist right parties mobilize significant parts of the electorate in West European countries by using a tough anti-immigration discourse.  This paper investigates how insecurity on the labor market contributes to the electoral success of these parties. Based on relevant literature, the paper hypothesizes that a high risk of being unemployed increases the likelihood of both anti-immigrant attitudes and of voting for populist right parties. In addition, I expect that these relationships should be stronger in countries where social policy for the unemployed is meagerly developed compared to countries where social policy is encompassing.  To test these hypotheses, individual-level data from the European Social Survey has been merged with data on occupational unemployment risk and social policy expenditure.  Based on this data, two multilevel analyses are applied: First, the paper estimates the effect of unemployment risk and social policy spending on anti-immigrant attitudes. Secondly, it estimates the effect of unemployment risk, anti-immigrant attitudes and social policy spending on the choice to vote for populist right parties.  By using individual-level data, the paper complements research on the relationship between the welfare state and populist right parties which has so far used country-level data to test its arguments.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 11:58:19','2016-08-30 11:49:32','','Waiting'),(2432,'“Belonging without believing?” Dimensions of the religious phenomenon in modern Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The analysis of the religious phenomenon appears nowadays to be particularly interesting, because it conduces to the reexamination of dominant paradigms of secularization, as is shown by the problematic of the present conference. The emergence of new forms and tendencies (i.e., believing without belonging, vicarious religion, new religious movements etc) reveal the growing dynamics of this phenomenon and re-examine Europe as a “secular exception” in a “religious world”. Every European country follows its own socio-economic and cultural path and attributes a different content to its procedure of secularization, which is related with new types of religiosity that afford common characteristics as well as differences, regardless of religion or dogma.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 12:04:52','2016-08-30 11:53:46','','Waiting'),(2433,'Levels and specificity of skills in Europe: alternative approach towards measurement','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'‘Skills‘ is a central concept in a number of academic and policy debates.  Yet measurement of skills of labour force remains highly problematic. The dominant approach uses signals of individual capacities (for e.g. level of education) as a proxy of skills. This paper develops and tests methodology for more direct measurement of skills by focusing on how individuals perform their tasks rather than what they could be capable of doing. The level of skills is measured on three dimensions: degree of uncertainty, autonomy and skills-building. Assessment of specificity of skills focuses on transferability of skills (difficulty of switching employer) and specificity of work (difficulty of replacing employees). Empirical analysis utilises survey data on more than 20 European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 12:13:03','2016-08-30 12:37:38','','Waiting'),(2434,'Selecting, Disentitling, or Investing? Exploring Party and Voter Responses to Immigrant Welfare Dependence in 11 West European Welfare States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Academics have long predicted the tension between immigration policies and welfare institutions to lead to the erosion of welfare state structures. Empirical studies, however, have found little evidence for that prediction. This paper argues that concerns about immigrant welfare dependence are more likely to lead to one or more of the following three responses: (1) restrictions and limits on immigrants\' access to social programs and benefits; (2) changes to admission policies aimed at attracting those immigrants who are least likely to turn to the state for financial support; and (3) extensive integration services and immigrant-targeted labour market programs. The paper maps the currency these three policy responses enjoy among parties and voters in eleven European welfare states: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. Observing much cross-country variation, the paper concludes that the same policy challenge solicits very different responses in different political systems. A second finding concerns the relationship between party and voter views on this subject. While voters tend to agree more with the positions of parties they vote for than with other parties, there is less evidence that a certain policy response is more popular among voters in countries where parties express more belief in it.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 12:18:04','2016-08-30 12:53:50','','Waiting'),(2435,'Who trusts others more? A cross-European study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the European Social Survey, the paper documents the endowments and the individual determinants of trust across Europe. Self-declared trust is higher in northern countries, in particular Scandinavia; it is lower in southern countries, in particular Italy, Portugal and Greece. At the EU-15 level, we find that a number of factors, such as schooling, family background, labor market status, and a recent history of traumatic experiences, are associated with trust. We also find evidence of heterogeneity for some of the determinants across European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 12:49:47','2016-08-30 13:07:38','','Waiting'),(2436,'Multiple Discrimination and the Quality of Jobs Across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper investigates the phenomenon of multiple discrimination and the quality of jobs available in the labour market in the European Union. Numerous studies have demonstrated the negative impact of discrimination on employment prospects; however, only a very few have investigated how discrimination relates to overall job quality. The paper analyses the significance of discrimination on multiple grounds; the grounds of discrimination that are most likely to be combined, and finally, whether there is a significant difference in the employment rate and job quality among victims of single or multiple-grounds discrimination. The research tested the hypothesis that victims of multiple discrimination have both a lower employment rate and, when employed, a lower overall job quality compared to those affected by no or single-grounds discrimination at the same educational level. To measure the overall job quality of respondents, a complex index has been designed. The research evaluates data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey (ESS) conducted in 2010. The findings reinforced the view that victims of multiple discrimination had a lower job-quality level compared to those not discriminated against, or discriminated on a single ground, especially at the lower and higher ends of the educational continuum. Furthermore, the research revealed important methodological implications concerning the measurement of discrimination.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 13:05:36','2016-08-30 13:06:46','','Waiting'),(2437,'Immigration–Religiosity Intersections at the Two Sides of the Atlantic: Europe and the United States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter explore the intertwined relationship between immigration and religiosity in Europe and the USA. Starting with (1) the current religious landscape and projections for the future, they continue with (2) the religiosity of immigrants compared to natives, and they move on with (3) the religiosity of immigrants and their integration; the relevant question being, is religiosity a \'bridge\' or a \'buffer\'? The authors lastly compare the two continents of Europe and the USA. The main conclusions are that: immigrants are indeed more religious than the local populations, leading to major changes in the future religious landscapes; and while in the USA the religiosity of immigrants serves as a \'bridge\', in Europe it has mainly the function of a \'buffer\'. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 13:19:28','2016-08-30 13:23:23','','Waiting'),(2438,'A Comparative Analysis of the Effect of the Current Economic Crisis on Levels and Stratification of Political Participation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article we examine the effect of economic recession on the levels and the stratification of political participation in Europe. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002-2010) and the Worldbank we show that the current economic crisis affected institutionalised and noninstitutionalised forms of political participation in a different way: The levels of institutionalised political participation remain stable and its stratification along the lines of socio-economic status is not affected by the financial and economic crisis. In contrast to this, we find that economic hardship increases non-institutionalised forms of political participation. Moreover, the crisis also  influences the stratification of non-institutionalised political participation: While men’s participation increases, women - who were formerly more inclined to participate in noninstitutionalised forms of engagement - are less likely to become active in these forms in times of economic hardship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 13:41:52','2016-08-30 13:28:16','','Waiting'),(2439,'Income Inequality, Wealth, and Trust in the Police – Slovenia vs. Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose\nThe paper explores similarities and differences in the levels of inequality, wealth and trust in the police between Slovenia and other European countries.\nDesign/Methods/Approach\nThe paper reviews the basic insights into the relationships between inequality, wealth and trust in the police. Comparisons of similarities and differences among European countries are made by way of different multivariate methods applied on the data on trust in the police taken from ESS Round 5 - Module Title: Trust in police and The Criminal Courts: A Comparative European Analysis, as well as on the data on wealth and income inequality taken from Human Development Reports and other sources.\nFindings\nDifferent levels of wealth and income inequality are correlated with levels of trust in the police, allowing for tentative explanations of a peculiar situation in Slovenia as compared with some other European countries. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-05 14:28:30','2016-08-30 14:01:45','','Waiting'),(2440,'Lobby regulation in the EU – Does culture play a role in the development of quality differences?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Lobbying is an important factor for a democratic society. In recent years the opinion spread in Europe\nthat regulation is needed to promote the benefits and avoid the drawbacks of lobbying. The\nimplementation of such regulations was very diverse across the EU and resulted in differences in the\nquality of regulation. I study if this is due to the cultural influences. Using the culture measures Power\nDistance and Uncertainty Avoidance, I find evidence that Power Distance is positively connected to the\nquality of lobby regulation and Uncertainty Avoidance has a negative influence on the transparency and\nintegrity of regulations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','t.zeyn@student.rug.nl','2016-07-05 16:15:24','2016-07-05 16:15:24','','Waiting'),(2441,'Indicators of Social Trust in Romania – A Quantitative Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper discusses the attitudes towards interpersonal and institutional trust in post-communist Romania. Based on data from the European Social Survey, round 5 (2010), the analysis includes indicators of the two types of trust, and employs correlation analysis and cluster analysis to distinguish between the trust-related behavior of different social groups. The findings of the research show that the state of distrust, more obvious in the institutional environment, but also present in personal relationships is still present, but its sources and effects tend to be different. These findings are important for sketching an evolution of mentalities, during transition, and as a starting point for further studies in business-related behavior and social dynamics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 09:26:35','2016-08-30 14:37:43','','Waiting'),(2442,'Work and Family Orientations among Natives and Migrants: Deep Cultural Orientations or Flexible Adaption','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Whether women should be oriented towards the family or towards the labour market is one of the crucial questions individuals, families and societies face. Previous cross-national data indicate large cross-national variations even within the European countries. In some societies, especially in Southern Europe, women are oriented towards the family and undertake most of the domestic duties. In other societies, especially in the Nordic countries, women are oriented toward the labour market and many previously domestic duties are undertaken by the state. The article discusses whether these work-family orientations reflect deep cultural values about good child- and motherhood or flexible adaptions to current contexts. The former line of reasoning suggests that e.g. southern European family orientations and Nordic work orientations are embedded in stable cultural values, which are unlikely to change. The latter suggests that work-family orientations are flexible adaptions that change easily over time. The article investigates these two prepositions by analyzing to what extent and at what pace the work-family orientations of migrants adapts to new national contexts. The findings, based on European Social Survey, support the thesis of flexible adaption.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 09:36:54','2016-08-30 15:24:03','','Waiting'),(2443,'Gender differences in mental health expectancies in early-and midlife in six European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Abstract\n\nBackground\nHealth expectancies, taking into account both quality and quantity of life, have generally been based on disability and physical functioning.\n\nAims\nTo compare mental health expectancies at age 25 and 55 based on common mental disorders both across countries and between males and females.\n\nMethod\nMental health expectancies were calculated by combining mortality data from population life tables and the age-specific prevalence of selected common mental disorders obtained from the European Study of the Epidemiology of Mental Disorders (ESEMeD).\n\nResults\nFor the male population aged 25 (all countries combined) life expectancy was 52 years and life expectancy spent with a common mental disorder was 1.8 years (95% CI 0.7–2.9), 3.4% of overall life expectancy. In comparison, for the female population life expectancy at age 25 was higher (57.9 years) as was life expectancy spent with a common mental disorder (5.1 years, 95% CI 3.6–6.6) and as a proportion of overall life expectancy, 8.8%. By age 55 life expectancy spent with a common mental disorder had reduced to 0.7 years (males) and 2.3 years (females).\n\nConclusions\nAge and gender differences underpin our understanding of years spent with common mental disorders in adulthood. Greater age does not mean living relatively more years with common mental disorder. However, the female population spends more years with common mental disorders and a greater proportion of their longer life expectancy with them (and with each studied separate mental disorder).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 09:48:28','2016-08-30 15:55:06','','Waiting'),(2444,'Explaining Immigrant Integration: The Impact of Sending and Receiving Countries on Immigrants in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Immigration is a politically contested issue across Western countries. Proponents and opponents alike cite the socioeconomic status of immigrants as well as the visibility of certain behaviors to support their position on the issue. Indeed, outcomes for immigrants are implicit in arguments for and against immigration, and the integration of immigrants is understood as important for the functioning of contemporary Western democracies. However, there are few comparative empirical analyses that show how institutional features of receiving countries—as well as the characteristics of sending countries—structure the experiences of immigrants in Europe. This paper combines data from five rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2010), three rounds of the Migrant Policy Integration Index (2004, 2007, 2010), as well as data from the United Nations and the World Bank to explain outcomes for immigrants. Analyses will focus on five areas associated with integration: 1) trust in government and others; 2) educational attainment; 3) labor market participation; 4) civic and political participation; and 5) naturalization. Results will reveal the impact of receiving countries’ integration policies on immigrant integration, while controlling for the social and economic characteristics of sending countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 10:24:36','2016-08-30 15:40:30','','Waiting'),(2445,'Measuring domestic digital divide by using latent class analysis: A case study of Turkey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With the rapid change and development of information technologies, use of technology and access levels to technology have now gained importance in determining the development levels of countries. Countries with access and ability to use information technologies are considered developed. The differences in use of technology between countries and/or differences in access to and use of information technology between individuals in a country have introduced the Digital Divide concept. The difference between countries is called International Digital Divide whereas the differences between individuals in a country are called Domestic Digital Divide. Based on variables that determine the levels of access to and use of information technologies in Turkey, the purpose of this study is to analyze the country’s Domestic Digital Divide. For this purpose, data about Turkey in European Social Survey were put to a Latent Class Analysis used in Categorical Data Analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 11:03:55','2016-08-30 15:53:59','','Waiting'),(2446,'(Dis) trust into the rule of law in Slovenia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'After the collapse of the non-democratic regime in the early 1990s, public opinion surveys became important factor in the process of democratic decision-making. Author is analysing the results of public opinion surveys, which bring together data on the attitude of the general public towards democracy, (dis)satisfaction with the political situation and (dis)satisfaction with most important political and administrative institutions with special emphasis given democracies as well as post-communist countries from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) on the scale of the relationship of the dimensions of societal (dis)trust in political power.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 11:10:07','2016-08-30 16:21:50','','Waiting'),(2447,'Globalized public opinion data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the last two decades the expansion of systematic cross-national public opinion surveys to observe social and political changes around the globe has been a new development in the international social science community. This chapter identifies the historical background that gave rise to this, offers an introduction to the major survey data sets now available, and examines the evolution of the partnership between comparative multinational surveys and international organizations (IOs).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 11:32:16','2016-08-30 16:39:32','','Waiting'),(2448,'Digital Competence in Europe: The Impact of Skills and Labor Market Dualization on the Use of the Internet','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The new millennium is characterized by an increase in the accessibility of Information and Communication Technologies all over the world. However this access to ICT has not been equal for the different groups of our societies. In postindustrial societies can be found many educational and economic-related inequalities that are associated to the use of these technologies. This work uses data from the European Social Survey to analyze the relationship between the skills, the risk position in the labor market (insider vs. outsider) and other contextual determinants (GDP, public social expenditure, ICT investment and education), to explain differences on Internet usage in Europe. The results highlight the association of these individual and contextual factors, and specially demonstrate the relevance of skills and insiderness for both social and digital inclusion. This research offers an explanation for the emergence of social cleavages due to skills and occupational differences and how these factors are related with the digital competence of groups in post-industrialized societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 11:45:04','2016-08-30 16:45:52','','Waiting'),(2449,'Migrant Background and Higher Education Participation in Europe: The Effect of the Educational Systems','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main aim of this article is to shed light on the extent to which differences in higher education participation between people with and without a migrant background of low/higher social origin can be explained by two macro-level characteristics of national educational institutions: stratification of the secondary school system and provision of alternative access to higher education. General assumptions are that people with a migrant background of low social origin benefit in low-stratified secondary school systems and in systems that provide alternative access to institutions of higher education more than their native peers in the same social stratum, owing to primary and secondary effects of migrant background. Database is a pooled dataset of the five waves of the European Social Survey. Results of logistic multi-level analyses indicate that a low-stratified secondary school system improves the probability of people with a migrant background/low social origin attaining a higher education degree. On the other hand, a stratified secondary school system reduces their chances regarding this educational stage. The provision of alternative access to an institution of higher education improves their likelihood of becoming higher education graduates.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 12:03:47','2016-08-30 16:49:38','','Waiting'),(2450,'Is institutional trust related to the attitudes towards immigrants in Europe? A study of majority and minority population','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper examines the factors that are related to attitudes towards immigrants in Europe, with a particular focus on the role of institutional trust in shaping these attitudes. We go one step further compared to previous studies by investigating separately two different groups of people — members of the ethnic majority and ethnic minority populations in European countries. We use data from the European Social Survey fourth round database for 27 countries. The main finding is that social trust is important for both groups, while trust in institutions is more strongly related to the attitudes among ethnic majorities. Other biggest differences between members of the ethnic minority and majority population are related to type of area where one lives, human capital and economic factors. The first two are more strongly related to the attitudes towards immigrants for the majority populations, while economic factors (especially labour market status) are more important for the minority populations in European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 12:17:20','2016-08-31 09:46:23','','Waiting'),(2451,'Compromising conventions: attitudes of dissonance and indifference towards full-time maternal employment in Denmark, Spain, Poland and the UK','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article examines cross-national variations in attitudes towards gender roles and the extent to which they map onto regime types. It explores intra-national variation in attitudes to non-traditional gendered behaviour drawing on the theoretical approach of the ‘economy of conventions’, informed by feminist perspectives from comparative research. Data from the European Social Survey are used to map where there is a strong degree of resonance or dissonance between societal and individual attitudes and how these are attenuated by sex and employment status. The results expose unexpected national and intra-national similarities and differences. Societies characterized by a traditional male breadwinner model, such as Spain, indicate a higher degree of permissive values than expected; more liberal countries like the UK show high degrees of indifference, as well as a strong element of traditionalism. Dissonance and indifference compromise traditional gendered conventions and illustrate underlying tensions at the individual and societal level in resolving gender conflicts.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-06 12:23:21','2016-08-31 10:33:13','','Waiting'),(2452,'Explaining Success and Failure in Welfare Policy Changes in Europe: Governance, Trust and Legitimacy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The global financial crisis and the subsequent Euro area debt crisis have led to new political challenges for the European Union, especially in the domain of welfare policies. This paper analyzes the effects of political institutions and societal preferences on the crisis management reactions of political elites in the more vulnerable EU member states. It explores two typical mechanisms diverting the democratic procedures from their usual stream, mainly in Southern and Central-Eastern European countries: an increasing delegation of power to non-elected economic policy experts and the strengthening of populist political leaders. The causal explanation reveals that the most important factors of the legitimacy of the political elites’ crisis management reactions are the trust of citizens in political institutions, the intensity of political polarization and the attitudes of citizens towards welfare entitlements.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-07 10:08:59','2016-08-31 10:36:49','','Waiting'),(2453,'“Secularization of Consciousness” or Alternative Opportunities? The Impact of Economic Growth on Religious Belief and Practice in 13 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research note contributes to an evaluation of the validity of secularization theory by studying the relationship between economic modernization and patterns of religious change. Both the disenchantment narrative of Berger and Weber and the existential security perspective of Inglehart hypothesize that economic development should be accompanied by a weakening of religious values. Using macro-level panel regressions, my analysis reveals that while economic growth is directly associated with diminishing church attendance rates, it is not directly associated with a decline in belief. The relation between economic growth and religious decline is therefore not primarily mediated by a “secularization of consciousness.” Findings instead indicate that economic prosperity leads to a change in consumption patterns on the part of individuals due to increased income and availability of alternative, secular opportunities to meet needs previously fulfilled by traditional religion. A decline in religious belief may occur as a secondary consequence of this behavioral change, since diminishing worship attendance rates reduce the influence of religion on value socialization.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-07 11:17:50','2016-08-31 10:58:07','','Waiting'),(2454,'The popular legitimacy of European healthcare systems: A multilevel analysis of 24 countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper provides an empirical study of the between-individual and between-country differences in the popular legitimacy of European healthcare systems. In order to explain two dimensions of popular legitimacy (satisfaction and support for state responsibility), we assess the impact of self-interest motives (income and personal health), ideology (egalitarianism) and institutional arrangements (level of service provision, and private and government health expenditure). For this purpose, data from the European Social Survey Round 4 (ESS-4, 2008–2009) are analysed by means of multilevel models. Universal high support for state responsibility is found, while satisfaction varies considerably, with particularly low levels found in Eastern European and former Soviet Union countries. It appears that individuals are not guided by self-interest motives and ideology alone. In addition to these factors interacting, the results suggest that state-provided healthcare might be in everyone’s interest. Introducing a patient perspective could advance our understanding of healthcare legitimacy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-07 11:23:07','2016-08-31 11:12:53','','Waiting'),(2455,'The Impact of Ethnic Diversity on Participation in European Voluntary Organizations: Direct and Indirect Pathways','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we test whether Putnam’s general claim of a negative effect of ethnic diversity holds for (active and passive) involvement in three types of voluntary organizations: leisure, interest, and activist organizations. Using data from the European Social Survey (wave 1), we applied multilevel analyses distinguishing individuals, regions, and countries. Only at the regional level, did we find that ethnic diversity reduced involvement in interest organizations. Yet, ethnic diversity induced passive involvement in activist organizations. Subsequently, we included mechanisms derived from conflict and contact theory to disentangle the indirect effects of ethnic diversity. Ethnic threat perceptions influenced participation in all voluntary associations negatively, while intergroup contact turned out to have positive influences. Our findings stress the necessity of distinguishing different types of voluntary organizations and modes of involvement and underline the importance of incorporating indirect effects of ethnic diversity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-07 11:30:46','2016-08-31 11:44:57','','Waiting'),(2456,'Does Trust Mean the Same for Migrants and Natives? Testing Measurement Models of Political Trust with Multi-group Confirmatory Factor Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political trust is seen as an important attribute in contemporary representative democracy. Political trust can cause social trust, foster associational life and make the efficient implementation of policy easier. Political trust can also be seen as a measure of political integration of migrants in Europe. However, if we want to measure this, we need to know for sure that we measure the same concept in all countries and among all cultural groups under research. This paper describes and tests four (existing) models of political trust. We find that there are multiple dimensions of political trust that can be modeled in a structural equation model. Furthermore, we research the cross-cultural equivalence of this measurement model in 22 European Union countries among natives, EU-migrants and non-EU migrants in these countries. Our results indicate that we can compare levels of political trust within countries pretty well, however, we should be careful comparing levels of political trust between EU countries since full scalar equivalence could not be reached. On a substantive note, we find quite some differences between the EU countries concerning the political trust natives have and we find diverging results concerning the migrants. In most countries we did not find a significant difference between migrants and natives. However, when the difference was significant, migrants showed higher levels of political trust in most instances.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-07 11:42:04','2016-08-31 12:31:42','','Waiting'),(2457,'Gender and Political Participation in Western and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A substantial literature has studied gender differences in political participation in Western industrialized democracies, but little research has compared the gender gap in political participation between Western and Eastern Europe. Using 2008 European Social Survey data, this chapter presents a systematic description of the gender gap in voting and political activism in 27 Eastern and Western European countries. In line with theories on modernization and the re-traditionalization that occurred in Eastern Europe after the velvet revolution, the results reveal a larger gender gap in political activism, with women being substantially less likely to participate compared to men, in Eastern Europe in comparison to Western Europe. By contrast, Eastern European women are substantially more likely to engage in electoral politics compared to their male counterparts whereas no gender gap in political activism is found among Western European citizens. In both Western and Eastern Europe, gender differences are generally smaller among younger generations. Yet, there is a pattern of each generation of women (and men) participating to a lesser extent in electoral politics compared to the previous generation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-08 09:55:11','2016-08-31 13:32:10','','Waiting'),(2458,'Problems of corruption and distrust in political and administrative institutions in Slovenia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Corruption is perceived in all societies as a social pathology that causes great material and moral damage and is a threat to the society\'s continual development. Especially in countries with a freshly consolidated democracy, as Slovenia, the phenomena of corruption must be treated with all due attention. This article emphasises that corruption in Slovenia is publicly perceived as one of the most important and even increasing problems in society. We are also analysing one of the crucial side effects of the corruption, resulting itself in ever deeper public distrust to most significant political and administrative institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-08 10:44:35','2016-08-31 13:56:15','','Waiting'),(2459,'The Populist Radical Right and European Integration: A Comparative Analysis of Party–Voter Links','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses the links between populist radical right parties and their voters regarding European integration in 11 European countries. It does so by using data from the 2008 European Social Survey and the 2006 UNC-Chapel Hill Expert Data Base on political parties and European integration. In addition to mapping the Eurosceptic orientations of political parties and their voters, the article examines the degree to which attitudes towards the EU and voting for populist radical parties are connected to each other. The results lend support to the hypothesis that most populist radical right parties have managed to establish links with their voters regarding European integration. The analysis also shows that links between populist radical right parties and their voters tend to be stronger for those parties that adopt more extreme negative positions towards European integration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-08 11:02:42','2016-08-31 14:10:52','','Waiting'),(2460,'Why Should We Account for Intersectionality in Quantitative Analysis of Survey Data?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While in the social sciences most of the empirically-based research on intersectionality employs qualitative techniques such as in-depth interviewing and archival work, there is a small, but steadily growing, literature that employs quantitative statistical techniques on national and cross-national survey data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-08 11:24:12','2016-08-31 14:18:32','','Waiting'),(2461,'A few questions about nonresponse in the Netherlands','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper seeks to examine a number of assumptions on non-response in the Netherlands. Is the situation really so bad compared to other countries, and are response rates really going down? The answer to these questions will turn out to be negative. This leads to other questions: how were higher response rates achieved in the past few years? Can this level be maintained? And finally: do higher response rates result in a final sample that better represents the target population?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-08 11:28:08','2016-08-31 14:23:32','','Waiting'),(2462,'Electoral Choices in Mature and Consolidating European Democracies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article is about the context dependence of the vote function. While this expression was first coined in studies of aggregate election results (e.g. Goodhhart & Bhansali 1970; Kramer 1971), we are interested in the choices that individual citizens make in national legislative elections. The general question which we are trying to answer is the following: are the determinants of vote choices of citizens dependent on the socio-political environment in which they are operating? The analytical instruments that we will utilise are hardly breathtaking. They are derived from the Michigan funnel of causality in which social background factors are going first in predicting the vote, partisanship comes secondly, and short-term factors like issues and candidates are coming last. Given the profound and lasting differences in party alignments of citizens in mature and consolidating European democracies (measured at the aggregate level), we expect to find systematic differences in the vote function of individual citizens for these two groups of countries too. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-08 11:38:49','2016-08-31 14:38:46','','Waiting'),(2463,'Is the Connection Between Religiosity and Psychological Functioning Due to Religion\'s Social Value? A Failure to Replicate','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Increasingly, religion and spirituality has been tied to well-being. However, the mediators are likely multifold, contextually dependent, and remain unclear. A recent report suggested that this is due to religion’s social value and presented results indicating that religiosity was more strongly related to psychological adjustment within countries with higher mean religiosity. Effect sizes were small, and given previous research suggesting other more proximal mediators, it was my hypothesis that these findings would not be replicated. Analysis of data from the European Social Survey revealed no significant interactions between country-level religiosity and individual religiosity in predicting psychological well-being. These conflicting findings point to the nuanced nature of the religion–health relationship and suggest that this correlation is unlikely to be due to social valuation. Studies using cursory measures are likely to explain only a small proportion of the variance, yield contradictory findings, and fail to significantly enhance theory in this domain.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-08 11:56:13','2016-08-31 14:44:49','','Waiting'),(2464,'Social Participation in Poland: Links to Emotional Well-Being and Risky Alcohol Consumption','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social participation has been hypothesised to have both positive and negative impact on health outcomes via a variety of pathways, but previous studies have found few significant effects of social participation, and there is a lack of research from post-communist societies, which are known to be low on social capital. Using cross-sectional data from Poland on 2,970 individuals surveyed in 2009, we investigated the individual-level relationships between formal and informal social participation, emotional well-being, and risky alcohol consumption while controlling for demographic variables, socioeconomic status, employment and partnership status, health, religiosity, and generalised trust. Frequent joint activities with friends and neighbours were related to higher positive affect but also to more risky alcohol consumption. Membership in voluntary organisations was associated with more risky alcohol consumption, especially among younger males and for certain types of organisations. In contrast, volunteer work was related to higher positive affect and fewer depressive symptoms in the whole sample and to less risky alcohol consumption among the younger participants. The findings illustrate that some types of social participation, even if they are not typical of a given context (e.g., volunteering in Poland), may be more beneficial than others.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 08:55:55','2016-08-31 14:48:29','','Waiting'),(2465,'Europeans\' feelings of deprivation amidst the financial crisis: Effects of welfare state effort and informal social relations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As European governments have embraced the credo of austerity, the perennial discussion whether welfare states erode the quality of social networks has taken on a more prominent position on political and social science research agendas. While non-believers of this so-called ‘crowding out’ thesis argue that social networks flourish well in welfare states, believers argue that welfare provisions render social networks irrelevant in mobilizing resources. Using the 2010 wave of the European Social Survey, we analyse the extent to which both the welfare state and social networks have prevented deprivation, as well as the extent to which the functional quality of social networks in inhibiting impoverishment differs as a function of welfare state generosity. Both the ‘crowding out’ and the ‘crowding in’ theses are supported: resources are less mobilized through networks in more generous welfare states precisely because encompassing welfare provisions reduce deprivation significantly, lowering the functional quality of social networks.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 09:05:42','2016-08-31 14:56:38','','Waiting'),(2466,'The impact of respondents and interviewers on interview speed in face-to-face interviews','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In surveys carried out by interviewers trained according to the key principle of standardized interviewing it is assumed that the interviewer has only limited impact on the time a respondent needs to answer questions. In the paper the effects of interviewers and respondent characteristics on interview speed are analyzed simultaneously by means of a three-level random coefficient model. Data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey (ESS) are used. In twelve participating countries (CAPI) timers were implemented at several places in the questionnaire. Based on this time information the interview speed (number of questions asked per minute) was measured for each respondent during five modules of the questionnaire. The results support most of the expectations concerning the effects of the respondent characteristics. However, the results also indicate that, for all countries, interviewers strongly determine the interview speed and that interview length is not a simple linear function of the number of questions in a questionnaire.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 09:10:29','2016-08-31 15:21:05','','Waiting'),(2467,'The drivers of police legitimacy: some European research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article summarises some of the thinking and empirical findings behind a programme of survey work on procedural justice theory in Europe. The paper locates procedural justice theory in a framework of compliance theories and sketches out the main features of it, defining the central concept of legitimacy. It then presents the findings from the fifth European Social Survey, drawing on a ‘trust in justice’ module that was designed by the authors and colleagues. This provides a good support for the procedural justice hypotheses that we set out to test—that different types of public trust in the police (trust that they are effective, procedurally fair and distributively fair) are related to public perceptions of police legitimacy, which in turn are related to self-reported compliance with the law and preparedness to cooperate with the police.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 09:15:12','2016-08-31 15:43:51','','Waiting'),(2468,'Relating news analysis and public opinion: Applying a communications method as a \'tool\' to aid interpretation of survey results','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article documents the methodological steps taken to use news analysis as a ‘tool’ for retrieving systematic information on political events to be used in the interpretation of findings from surveys on public opinion. The approach uses the selection function of mass media in producing ‘news’ as a proxy to identify the ‘political climate’ of a specific country at a specific time. This information on ‘political climate’ can be used to control whether ‘exceptional’ political events occurred during the period of fieldwork for surveys on public opinion that may have unduly biased the findings. Such a tool is especially useful for cross-national comparative survey research that is also longitudinal and the project described here was conducted within the framework of the European Social Survey (ESS). The specific news analysis method used to develop the tool draws inspiration from ‘claims-making analysis',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 09:40:01','2016-09-01 09:59:02','','Waiting'),(2469,'Attitudes towards Immigration, Occupational Groups and Welfare Regimes: Comparative Evidence From Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The question of how attitudes towards immigration among voters are determined remains one of the unsettled questions in the literature on the politics of immigration.  Because immigration has potentially differing consequences for different sets of voters, depending on their position in the labour market, one view holds that attitudes towards immigration should correspond to skill-profiles or occupations among voters. Yet the data on this question seems to vary significantly from country to country.  This paper postulates that the degree to which voters in more vulnerable occupational categories feel threatened by immigration is likely to depend on welfare state and labour market features. It develops a number of hypotheses as to why we would expect more or acute differences in attitudes towards immigration between occupational groups across Europe depending on welfare state features such as the characteristics of old age pension provision, \"care\" regimes (for children and the elder), and levels of employment protection for those with long-term job tenure.  It tests these hypotheses using data from the last three rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS) and the OECD.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 09:42:36','2016-09-01 10:07:25','','Waiting'),(2470,'Moving through the political participation hierarchy: A focus on personal values','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study empirically explores the determinants of political participation. Using recent data from the European Social Survey (2010/2011), we investigate the relationship between political participation and personal values, via use of the Schwartz (1992) values inventory. Political activities are categorised into levels of participation (none, weak, medium, strong) based on the cost of participating and how unconventional the activity is. A generalised ordered logit model is applied, and finds that individuals that are more open to change and more self-transcendent, are more likely to participate. Furthermore, the patterns of influence (with respect to the majority of individual characteristics) are not monotonic in nature, as you rise through the levels of political participation, highlighting some key areas that future research could tackle. These findings are important for researchers and policy makers who may be interested in understanding determinants of, and/or enhancing the level of political participation in an economy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 09:56:57','2016-09-01 10:39:38','','Waiting'),(2471,'Republicanism in Mediated Society. A Comparative Analysis on Public and Private Evaluation Guided by the Theory of Symbolic Society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Philosophical and historical analyses of the relationship between the public and the private sphere suggest that contemporary men and women evaluate public affairs, politics and the state of society-at-large in the light of their private, particularistic concerns. That proposition is evaluated on the basis of the theory of symbolic society. This theory considers the process of detraditionalization as a shift in the mode of social control. From a situation in which the conduct of conduct is based on traditional roles, threat of scarcity and religious belief, societies shift to social control on the basis of, on the one hand a belief in an autonomous subject, on the other new socializing institutions like schools, mass media, advertising, consumption and therapy. When this theory is applied to the distinction between public and private sphere, three implications are drawn: (1) that the evaluation of the state of society and of personal life will be quite distinct; (2) that each of those evaluations is determined by different factors; and (3) that interpretative communities, created by similarities in the level of education and media use, have become more important for the evaluation of the state of society and less important for the evaluation of personal life. These hypotheses, which run counter the expectation that contemporary men and women evaluate public affairs in the light of their private concerns, are tested using multilevel analysis on comparative data of 18 countries (European Social Survey). The analysis shows how European modernization influences the structuring of evaluation of the private and public sphere in the sense predicted by the theory of symbolic society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 10:43:19','2016-09-01 10:59:48','','Waiting'),(2472,'Comments on Religious Concepts under Diverse Visions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the Western context, because of its organizational structure, religion has become synonymous with the church. In contrast to this, in traditional Chinese society the concept of religion is not monotheist or institutionalized. And thus there is harmony between multiple religions. The way of existence of China’s traditional religion is a normal state of the world\'s religions. In recent years, the institutional religions in Western society are facing a downward trend, while the number of people in pursuit of spirituality continues to rise, which reflects the enhanced awareness of the religious idea of ’’religiousness’’ or ‘’individual religion’’. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 11:02:28','2016-09-01 12:43:49','','Waiting'),(2473,'Clustering of 316 European Regions on Measures of Values: Do Europe\'s Countries Have National Cultures?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The use of nations as units of analysis in cross-cultural studies is a controversial approach as nations may not be culturally homogeneous. However, a recent study by Minkov and Hofstede found that African, Asian, Latin American, and Anglo in-country regions tended to form homogeneous and distinct national clusters on World Values Survey (WVS) items. We extend this research to European regions, as well as randomly formed nationally homogeneous groups of European respondents, using value measures from the 2010 European Social Survey (ESS). We find that the regions of most European countries, as well as the randomly formed groups, tend to group into national clusters. We also find that large samples of randomly chosen individuals from diverse nations cannot be sorted into nations. Our findings have theoretical implications for the conceptualization of culture as something shared at the group level rather than the individual.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 11:10:05','2016-09-01 13:06:48','','Waiting'),(2474,'Population mental health and education-labour market misfit','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In general, educated people experience less psychological distress and a higher subjective well-being (SWB). These mental health benefits are related to both the allocation (related to social status and economic resources) and the socialization function (related to learned effectiveness and social competence) of education. Question is whether the mental health benefits of educational attainment are limitless? We explore the potential diminishing mental health returns of educational attainment by estimating the impact of overeducation both at the individual and the societal level. At the individual level overeducation occurs when the acquired level of education exceeds the level of education required to perform a job. At the societal level, overeducation is a feature of a labour market with an oversupply of well-educated employees. Sample. We use the data of the European Social Survey Round 3 (2006) and restrict the sample to the employed population from 24 to 60 years old (N = 19,089). Variables. Depressive symptoms are measured by means of the shortened Centre for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D 8). We used two indicator of education –years of education and education as the highest educational degree completed according to the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED-97)– and two objective measure of overeducation –the job-analyst (JA) method and the realised matches (RM) method. Country level (N=23) information on the gap between the non-tertiary and tertiary educated in terms of unemployment risks, earnings, and access to skilled jobs is used to measure the oversupply of well-educated employees. Results show diminishing mental health returns of educational attainment. In addition, a depressive mood was more prevalent among the overeducated and among the tertiary educated in countries characterized by a labour market with an oversupply of well-educated.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 11:16:18','2016-09-01 13:15:21','','Waiting'),(2475,'New Tools for Complex Surveys: the DASISH Questionnaire Design Documentation Tool and Question Variable Data Base','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Two new tools to enhance the process of documenting questionnaire design and development and survey variables are currently being developed under the Data Service Infrastructure for the Social Sciences and Humanities (DASISH) project.  The primary aim of the questionnaire design documentation tool (QDDT) and the question variable data base (QVDB) is to assist large-scale survey projects in the processes related to questionnaire design and development, as well as in data and metadata production, archiving and dissemination. Secondly, the tools aim to serve researchers and students in exploring metadata from existing projects, or in designing new research. Initially planned for the European Social Survey (ESS), which is a complex international biennial cross-sectional survey, the tools will also be designed to serve other projects, to interoperate with other systems and tools, and to act as reusable models for other tools. Both the QDDT and QVDB tools will be modelled based on DDI-Lifecycle. This presentation gives an introduction to each of the two tools, touching on purposes, usages, requirements and system models. The main focus will be on how we work with DDI at a conceptual level, as well as on the planned usage of DDI elements that are new in DDI 3.2 (public review version).\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 11:42:32','2016-09-01 13:24:26','','Waiting'),(2476,'New Social Risks and Work-Family Balance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this chapter is to examine how different welfare policy regimes have influence on the social risks which individuals are confronted in managing and reconciling the relationship between work and family life. The influx of women into the labour market, the decline of the male breadwinner family and changing gender norms has created new social risks for both men and women. As a consequence of the emergence of double-earner households, at least part of the unpaid care work that used to be performed in the family by the housewife now needs to be externalised either to the state or to the market. However, women and men with inadequate access to adequately paid leave or care facilities are facing a risk of being forced to either exiting the labour market or reducing their time in paid work because of care responsibilities. This chapter examines how institutional as well as individual dimensions determine the risk of spending more time than wanted outside paid work because of care responsibilities. This chapter uses comparative data from the fourth round of the European Social Survey carried out in 2008.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 11:50:34','2016-09-01 13:31:53','','Waiting'),(2477,'Decentralisation and political participation: An empirical analysis in Western and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A major justification for bringing government “closer to the people” is that it improves the opportunities for and frequency of citizen participation in the political system. This article first reviews the major arguments for decentralisation and why it is credited with increasing participation. I then perform statistical analyses in 22 states with country-level decentralisation data and public opinion data drawn from the 2006 European Social Survey. The findings generally fail to support the conventional wisdom that decentralisation improves political participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 12:00:09','2016-09-01 13:35:30','','Waiting'),(2478,'The Impact of Deviations from Desired Hours of Work on the Life Satisfaction of Employees','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We estimate an ordinal logistic multilevel model to examine the determinants of the life satisfaction of employees in Europe. Data drawn from the European social survey reveals that deviations from desired hours of work (measured as the absolute difference between the actual and preferred weekly number of hours) reduce overall life satisfaction, but the effect is smaller in countries with higher unemployment rates. We interpret this finding as evidence that in environments where anxieties about job security are high, having a job brings about a certain level of life satisfaction regardless of the gap between the actual and preferred time spent in the labor market. We also find no statistically significant difference between male and female employees with regard to the impact of the work hours mismatch. This finding suggests that the gender differences which would have been expected in this context are already incorporated in the respondents’ subjectively determined desired hours of work. In fact, further examinations confirm that ‘desired hours’ are associated with both socio-demographic characteristics (in particular, gender) and preferences for labor market work.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 13:03:24','2016-09-01 13:43:17','','Waiting'),(2479,'Trust and management: Explaining cross-national differences in work autonomy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We open the black box of what goes on in firms in terms of management of their operations. Work autonomy is a key aspect of firm organization and we test the hypothesis that societal trust affects the level of autonomy that firms grant to their employees. Analysis of up to 189,213 individuals from 30 countries shows that trust is indeed highly conducive to work autonomy. This result is robust to controlling for a wide range of other features of countries’ institutional environment, including measures of labor regulations and institutional quality. Our findings highlight the importance of informal institutions such as societal trust in shaping economic activity. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 13:11:29','2016-09-01 13:52:33','','Waiting'),(2480,'Myths and Reality in Contemporary Polyethnic Society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article reviews diverse Western and Russian approaches to ethnicity and interethnic tensions. Survey research within the Russian Federation is probed for indications of a developing pan- Russia, \"Rossiiskoe,\" civicoriented identity. While interethnic prejudices and fears of migrants are exposed, so are attitudes that provide a basis for building a \"polyethnic,\" civic society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 13:18:24','2016-09-01 13:57:53','','Waiting'),(2481,'Comparison of three survey modes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper compares the success of face-to-face, phone and web data collection modes. The survey designs are as identical as possible. Our application area, crime victimisation, is demanding in many ways, not least because the sensitiveness of the questions varies. Our research questions, respectively, are twofold. First, we assess the mode effects from the point of view of their frame coverage on one hand, and non-response, on the other. We exploit this analysis for developing ideal adjusted sample weights in order to compare differences in measurement. In the second phase, our standpoints are that the mode that secures better the secrecy for the respondent will produce higher victimisation prevalence, and the differences between the modes are larger when more sensitive questions are asked. Our results show that sensitive questions were not working well in telephone interviewing. It seems that the representativity of surveys depends on several factors, not for instance only on a high response rate.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-11 13:30:13','2016-09-01 14:02:49','','Waiting'),(2482,'Ideal ages for family formation among immigrants in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates ideal ages for marriage and parenthood among immigrants from over 160 countries origins living in 25 European countries. Ideals regarding the timing of family formation are indicative of how individuals perceive the family life course and provide insight into family-life aspirations and the meaning attached to these transitions. Using data from the European Social Survey (Round 3, 2006; N = 6330) and a cross-classified multilevel modeling approach, we investigate associations between the influences of the dominant family formation timing patterns in countries of origin and settlement, individual-level characteristics, and ideal ages. We make innovative use of a standard demographic measure, the singulate mean age of marriage, to measure family formation patterns. Results suggest that residential context influences are associated with the timing ideals of all migrants, but origin influences seem to be associated with the ideals of only the most recent migrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-12 10:29:51','2016-09-01 14:07:50','','Waiting'),(2483,'Physical and Social Environmental Factors','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The previous chapters of this report focused on health systems and individual and household-level risks that might explain the U.S. health disadvantage, but it has been increasingly recognized that these health determinants cannot be fully understood (or influenced) in isolation from the environmental contexts that shape and sustain them. In contrast with traditional environmental health approaches that focus primarily on toxic substances in air, water, and soil, this more recent approach conceptualizes the environment more broadly to encompass a range of human-made physical and social features that are affected by public policy (Frumkin, 2005). These economic, social, urban or rural, transportation, and other policies that affect the environment were not traditionally thought of as relevant to health policy but are now attracting greater attention because decision makers are beginning to recognize their health implications (Cole and Fielding, 2007).\n\nBy definition, environmental factors affect large groups that share common living or working spaces. Thus, they are key candidates as explanatory factors for health differences across geographic areas, such as countries. Indeed, a major motivation for the research on environmental determinants of health has been the repeated observation that many health outcomes are spatially patterned. These patterns are present across countries and across regions within countries, as well as at smaller scales, such as across urban neighborhoods (Center on Human Needs, 2012b; Kawachi and Subramanian, 2007). Strong spatial variation is present for a large range of health outcomes, including many of the outcomes for which there are cross-national health differences, such as noncommunicable diseases, associated risk factors, injuries, and violence.\n\nUnderstanding the reasons for the spatial patterns of health within countries may shed light on environmental factors that may contribute to differences across countries. Several factors may explain the strong spatial patterns that are observed within countries. A key contender is the spatial sorting of people based on their socioeconomic position, race, or ethnicity. However, evidence suggests that regional and neighborhood differences in health persist even after adjusting for these socioeconomic and demographic factors (Diez Roux and Mair, 2010; Mair et al., 2008; Paczkowski and Galea, 2010; Pickett and Pearl, 2001). This evidence suggests that broad environmental factors may play an important role in health. Moreover, environmental factors linked to space and place may in turn contribute to and reinforce socioeconomic and racial or ethnic health disparities (Bleich et al., 2012; Laveist et al., 2011). Thus, individual and environmental factors may be part of a reinforcing cycle that creates and perpetuates health differences. These reinforcing processes by which environmental factors and individual-, family-, and community-level factors reinforce each other over time may also play an important role in generating cross-national differences in health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-12 10:55:01','2016-09-01 14:15:22','','Waiting'),(2484,'Institutional Incentives for Participation in Elections and Between Elections','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, theoretical insights from the literature on social movements are used to examine whether the institutional setting provides incentives at the individual level for three forms of political participation. Electoral participation is examined as a pivotal participatory activity within representative democracy. In addition, two forms of participation between elections are considered. Institutionalised participation, which includes activities in conjunction with the formal political system, and non-institutionalised participation covering more peripheral activities wherbey citizens voice their concerns. By examining the institutional incentives for these political activities, it is possible to gain a comprehensive understanding of how the institutional framework shapes patterns of political participation in and between elections and, by extension, how the institutional structures shapes the interaction between citizens and representatives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-13 12:25:37','2016-09-01 14:26:11','','Waiting'),(2485,'Relative income gains and losses and subjective well-being in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study aims to shed further light on the mechanisms of how relative income influences people’s subjective wellbeing using four waves of data in the European Social Survey (ESS). The correspondents to the ESS are classified into finer sub-groups according to their income positions relative to the national average and their respective occupational group average earnings. A series of pooled cross-sectional ordered-probit models are estimated for the sub-groups and our results reveal hitherto new contrasting patterns of the influence of relative income on subjective wellbeing. Perhaps the most significant finding is that whilst relative gains have no significant impact on wellbeing in any group, relative losses do matter. Moreover, the low-income losers form the largest sub-group in society and the magnitude of their relative loss is positively associated with their subjective wellbeing. Therefore, the ‘social comparison’ effect is particularly evident amongst this group and could have significant implications for social mobility and economic dynamism',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-14 09:27:36','2016-09-01 14:34:58','','Waiting'),(2486,'Political Participation and EU Citizenship: Perceptions and Behaviours of Young People','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Young people\'s political participation has long been a concern. Loss of community ties, little interest in and knowledge of political processes, low levels of trust in politicians and growing cynicism of democratic institutions are often seen as indicators of the younger generations’ weakened sense of citizenship and political engagement (Pirie and Worcester, 1998; Haste and Hogan, 2006; Dalton, 2008; Stoker, 2006; YCC, 2009 in Mycock and Tonge, 2011). This view is usually supported by making reference to low and declining levels of participation in traditional modes of political engagement such as voting and joining political parties.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-14 09:37:06','2016-09-01 15:19:53','','Waiting'),(2487,'Ethnic Origin and Residential Attainment of Immigrants in European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Segregated ethnic neighborhoods are prevalent in most contemporary European cities. Whereas patterns of segregation have been studied extensively in America, research on immigrants’ segregation and residential location in Europe is relatively new. The present research utilizes data from the European Social Survey to examine patterns of locational attainment among immigrants across 13 European countries and the extent to which they are influenced by immigrants’ tenure in the host country, socio-economic characteristics, preferences for residential location, exposure to discrimination, and ethnic and cultural origin. The analysis reveals that residential attainment varies considerably across ethnic and cultural groups: immigrants from Asia or Africa as well as Muslims are less likely to reside in neighborhoods which are perceived to be inhabited mostly by Europeans. Although the effects of generation, ethnic origin, and Muslim religion on residential location are quite uniform across countries, some meaningful cross-national differences in patterns and levels of immigrants’ residential segregation are observed and discussed. Net of other effects, differential residential preferences and perception of discrimination are found to influence perceived ethnic composition of immigrants’ neighborhoods.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anya.glikman@gmail.com','2016-07-14 09:45:07','2016-09-01 15:19:27','','Waiting'),(2488,'Cross-national differences in the gender gap in subjective health in Europe: Does country-level gender equality matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Multiple studies have found that women report being in worse health despite living longer. Gender gaps vary cross-nationally, but relatively little is known about the causes of comparative differences. Existing literature is inconclusive as to whether gender gaps in health are smaller in more gender equal societies. We analyze gender gaps in self-rated health (SRH) and limiting longstanding illness (LLI) with five waves of European Social Survey data for 191,104 respondents from 28 countries. We use means, odds ratios, logistic regressions, and multilevel random slopes logistic regressions. Gender gaps in subjective health vary visibly across Europe. In many countries (especially in Eastern and Southern Europe), women report distinctly worse health, while in others (such as Estonia, Finland, and Great Britain) there are small or no differences. Logistic regressions ran separately for each country revealed that individual-level socioeconomic and demographic variables explain a majority of these gaps in some countries, but contribute little to their understanding in most countries. In yet other countries, men had worse health when these variables were controlled for. Cross-national variation in the gender gaps exists after accounting for individual-level factors. Against expectations, the remaining gaps are not systematically related to societal-level gender inequality in the multilevel analyses. Our findings stress persistent cross-national variability in gender gaps in health and call for further analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-14 09:55:47','2016-09-01 15:36:07','','Waiting'),(2489,'The Ways Europeans View Foreigners’ Impact on Society: A Cross-National Comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the following analysis we examine public views of the impact foreigners exert on society and some trends in such views. The availability of the European Social Survey (ESS) and the Eurobarometer Surveys provide us with opportunity to compare across a large number of countries public attitudes toward the impact that foreign populations exert on European societies as well as trends in such attitudes.  In the data presented in this chapter we will, first, examine change in public views of the impact foreigners exert on the country in which they live between 1988 and 2000 for 12 European countries (based on analysis of the Eurobarometer Surveys in 1988 and 2000), and second, compared views on the impact foreigners have on society across 21 European countries in 2002/3 (based on analysis of the recent European Social Survey).\n\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','moshes@post.tau.ac.il','2016-07-14 09:58:05','2016-09-01 16:00:20','','Waiting'),(2490,'Quantitative methods with survey data in comparative research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social scientists are interested in societies in which individuals live, and in social networks and institutions. They believe that these contexts have an influence on individual characteristics, attitudes, choices and behaviour. There is a long-standing tradition of cross-national research, especially in comparative political analysis in which political systems (e.g., nations) are analysed as cases or used as context. In the most general terms, comparative social research refers to research designs by which data from different societies and/or cultures, and/or data from particular societies and/or cultures at different time periods, are collected and compared (Allardt, 1990, p. 183). In the 1960s and 1970s a flow of handbooks and readers in comparative research with special attention to comparisons of large-scale units were published. Methodological problems related to aggregate data had a prominent place among academics at that time (Scheuch, 1966). The term ‘human ecology’ won general acceptance in the social sciences. In its broadest sense, the term was intended to cover all varieties of research on the adjustment of human beings to their environments. Other central issues discussed at that time were cross-national archiving, international cooperation in the organization of facilities and the development of techniques for quantitative analysis of data measured at several levels (Dogan and Rokkan, 1969, pp. 1–4).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-14 13:51:38','2016-09-01 15:40:29','','Waiting'),(2491,'Overeducation and depressive symptoms: diminishing mental health returns to education','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In general, well-educated people enjoy better mental health than those with less education. As a result, some wonder whether there are limits to the mental health benefits of education. Inspired by the literature on the expansion of tertiary education, this article explores marginal mental health returns to education and studies the mental health status of overeducated people. To enhance the validity of the findings we use two indicators of educational attainment – years of education and ISCED97 categories – and two objective indicators of overeducation (the realised matches method and the job analyst method) in a sample of the working population of 25 European countries (unweighted sample N = 19,089). Depression is measured using an eight-item version of the CES-D scale. We find diminishing mental health returns to education. In addition, overeducated people report more depression symptoms. Both findings hold irrespective of the indicators used. The results must be interpreted in the light of the enduring expansion of education, as our findings show that the discussion of the relevance of the human capital perspective, and the diploma disease view on the relationship between education and modern society, is not obsolete.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-14 13:56:21','2016-09-01 15:50:36','','Waiting'),(2492,'It is possible get out of the present? A prospect theory.','É possível sair do presente? Uma teoria prospectiva.',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In ancient societies, time was perceived as cyclical, mythical, without duration, which man tears away - as described by Mircea Eliade (1969) in Le mythe de l\'éternel retour - from this chronological, historical, individual time, projecting his design at least symbolically, in a large time which can not be measured because it is not composed of any duration. In modern societies, the concept of time has taken on other connotations, to be understood as succession and continuity, designed in a more objective and scientific way, connected to the freedom of the person. In contemporary societies, marked by increasing complexity, time has become a problem, in part, due to the instability of the future. This does not allow any kind of forecast of social and organizational processes, and leads not only to a great ignorance of one’s own future, but also to the instability of the present itself.\nThese conceptions of time, which are no more than social representations, answer for the three major forms of thought: meta-historical, historical and for-history.\nThat said, we try in this article to understand how individuals see life at the present time and how to project for the future. To this end, we recourse to a set of variables from European Social Survey (ESS) 2012, which tried to understand the way that Europeans, particularly Portuguese and Germans, perceive their lives, how they feel in the present, and how to prepare their lives for the future.\nFrom the results, the analysis of the Europeans in general, and the Portuguese and Germans, in particular, we can infer two different types of attitudes: \nOn the one hand, there is a clear awareness of the attitudes and feelings that they experience in relation to their present lives. Most Europeans refer to being satisfied with life, experiencing feelings of happiness, experience very positive feelings about themselves - calm and peaceful, happy, full of energy – they can find time to do what they really want, they feel that there is a direction to their lives and are optimistic about the future. In general, these positions are assumed by both the Portuguese and the Germans.\nOn the other hand, when they analyse in the present the future perspective of their lives and what surrounds them, both Europeans as a whole, and specifically the Portuguese and Germans, demonstrate that, although they are very confident about the perception they have of their own lives, they still place some importance on finding quick answers to when something goes wrong.\nFrom the reading of these two perspectives and the theoretical view presented here, it may be concluded that there is a royal absolutism of the present time; that is, the experience of the present is not to think about the prospects of a future life, but rather mainly involves personal fulfilment in this time and its maximum use.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eduardoduque@braga.ucp.pt','2016-07-15 19:32:23','2016-09-02 09:38:30','','Waiting'),(2493,'Trust in the Swiss Police: The Role of Institutional Acceptance, Procedural Justice, and Social Trust','Vertrauen in die Schweizer Polizei: Zur Rolle institutioneller Anerkennung, prozeduraler Gerechtigkeit und sozialem Vertrauen',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While research on police has its inherent part within social sciences in Anglo-Saxon countries, the police are only marginal researched within the Swiss research landscape. Additionally, research on trust and institutions mainly deals with political institutions rather than with courts or the police. The on hand article contributes to close this gap in the way that it looks at people’s trust in the Swiss police. It analyses procedural fairness, the role of police officers in interactions with the public, and trust in political institutions. Moreover, interpersonal trust is included. According to data of the European Social Survey (ESS) from the year 2010, results reveal strong correlations between trust in the police, generalized trust,and experiences with the police.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','silvia.staubli@unifr.ch','2016-07-18 10:19:20','2016-09-02 10:03:12','','Waiting'),(2494,'Users Beware: Variable Effects of Parenthood on Happiness Within and Across International Datasets','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Researchers have begun assessing differences in well-being among parents versus non-parents using a cross-national comparative approach. Given the availability of multiple major datasets, a systematic methodological study isolating the effects of data choice would be helpful. To accomplish this objective, we draw upon two major datasets (European Social Survey and International Social Survey Programme) and we devise and implement a uniquely controlled method on five fronts by holding time, outcome measurement, parenthood operationalization, geographic sampling, and set of covariates constant. Our design features four distinct observations for each of 11 European countries (two from the 2006 and 2008 ESS, two from the 2007 and 2008 ISSP; 44 cross sections, N = 57,539). Employing both fixed- and random-effects approaches, we demonstrate that choice of major dataset (ISSP or ESS) and choice between contemporaneous cross-sections both contribute strikingly to the estimates of parenthood on happiness. In fact, effect variances at the cross-sectional, dataset and country levels are all significant and are not statistically different. We conclude by discussing several limitations of our analyses and implications for parenthood researchers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-18 11:42:06','2016-09-02 10:13:28','','Waiting'),(2495,'Income and Income Inequality as Social Determinants of Health: Do Social Comparisons Play a Role?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Two of the most prominent phenomena in the study of social determinants of health, the socio-economic gradient in health and the income inequality–health association, have both been suggested to be explainable by the mechanism of status comparisons. This, however, has rarely ever been tested in a direct fashion. In this article, we explicate and test this mechanism by assessing the role of social comparison orientation. Research has shown that individuals vary in their propensity to engage in social comparisons, and those with a higher propensity are also more likely to be affected by the outcomes of such comparisons. In our analysis, we check whether the tendency to compare one’s income to that of others can contribute to explaining socio-economic disparities in health. Using individual-level data (N = 18,356) from 23 European countries on self-rated overall health and psychological well-being, we show that a high-income comparison orientation neither moderates the negative effect of income inequality on health nor the health differences by relative income. Our findings cast doubt on the crucial role that researchers such as Wilkinson and Pickett (2010) have attributed to the mechanism of status differentiation as the link between social stratification and health outcomes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-18 11:50:00','2016-09-02 10:20:45','','Waiting'),(2496,'The Perils of Populist Radical Right Parties: The Case of the Bulgarian Attack Party','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Populist radical right parties, such as the Bulgarian Attack Party, sow the seeds of ethnic discord and rally around authoritarian policies for sustaining domestic order. Scholars studying these political parties have focused on examining their leaders’ rhetoric, political messages, and electoral success, but have paid less attention to their effects on liberal democracy. This study assesses Attack’s impact on Bulgarian liberal democracy. Analysis of data from the 2008 European Social Survey suggests that party preference does not affect liberal democratic values  such as attitudes toward torture and immigrants, but does help us predict people’s opinions on gay rights. None of Attack’s legislative proposals to curtail minority rights in the Bulgarian National Assembly were approved. In spite of its image as an anti-establishment party, Attack’s legislators supported Borisov’s cabinet in several no confidence votes between 2009 and 2012. Overall, Attack has had little impact on Bulgaria’s legislative and political process. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-18 12:11:24','2016-09-02 10:27:46','','Waiting'),(2497,'Should Men Have More Rights…? Gender Role Related Attitudes Before and During the Crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present crisis may affect gender role attitudes due to several reasons. First of all, the unemployment rate has increased sharply since the first quarter of 2008 as a result of the economic crisis (Kiiver – Hijman 2010). According to American scholars the recession that began in 2007 has affected male workers disproportionately – however, they also emphasize that “mancession” is not a new phenomenon as all recessions tend to follow this pattern (Elsby et al. 2010; Sahin et al. 2010). When jobs are scarce men’s employment tends to become a priority at the expense of women’s employment, reflecting the dominance of traditional gender role attitudes (Cha – Thébaud 2009). Australian and American scholars also emphasized the key role women’s dependence on men can play in the formation of less egalitarian gender attitudes (Baxter – Kane 1995). On the other hand, female labour market participation may become more important from the family’s point of view as it can help to decrease the risks – including reduction of salaries and increased unemployment – exacerbated by the crisis, thus stimulating less traditional gender role attitudes (Pongrácz – S. Molnár 2011).\nThe aim of our study is to reveal whether some changes have occurred in gender role attitudes among European women and men between 2005 and 2010 due to the crisis. The empirical base of our analyses is a rotating module, focusing on work-life balance issues, which has been included in both the second and the fifth rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS), conducted in 2004-2005 and in 2010, respectively. Our sample included 20 European countries; within each country we focused only on those respondents who were aged between 20 and 55, had paid work and lived in couple relationships.\nMen and women were examined in separate models as we assumed that certain factors can affect the attitudes of women and men in different ways and we wanted to be able to track these differences. Two explanatory models (a labour market model and a socio-cultural model) were constructed by applying multilevel mixed-effects linear regression.\nAccording to our findings in both the labour market model and the socio-cultural model changes could be observed: for example, those women who were affected by the crisis in the last three years through their work situation (by experiencing shortened working time, decreased wages, jobs becoming more insecure, changes in work tasks) agreed less with traditional attitudes stating that men should have priority in the labour market, when jobs are scarce. A very clear finding of the present research is that gender inequalities play a very important role in shaping gender role attitudes even during a time of crisis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-18 12:21:45','2016-09-02 13:18:29','','Waiting'),(2498,'Assimilation and Political Attitude Trade-Offs','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter examines trade-offs between assimilation and political attitudes. It focuses on two aspects of incorporation: political trust and government satisfaction. It argues that successful assimilation may yield many positive incorporation results but can lead to more negative political attitudes. In addition, greater segregation may indicate many incorporation difficulties but can also be associated with more positive political attitudes. This suggests that incorporation is an uneven process in which positive outcomes on some dimensions may undermine other aspects of life.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-18 12:29:59','2016-09-02 13:28:22','','Waiting'),(2499,'How Family Policies Affect Women’s Formation Of Domestic Unions - And Why It Matters For Fertility','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter explores a previously overlooked causal path in which policies could affect fertility, namely, by affecting the likelihood of women living in domestic unions (hereafter referred to as \"unions\"). Today, relatively few children are born outside unions in Europe. Policies that increase the likelihood of women living in unions are, as a result, likely to increase fertility. In this chapter it is argued that family policies - and especially dual-earner policies - do so, because they reduce the costs of reproduction that follow in the wake of women\'s increased earning opportunities in the labor market.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-18 13:02:36','2016-09-02 13:43:39','','Waiting'),(2500,'Youth Labour Market Integration Across Europe: The impact of cyclical, structural, and institutional characteristics','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Young people in Europe face great difficulties nowadays when entering the labour market. Unemployment and temporary employment are high among youth, although considerable differences exist between European countries. In this article, we study to what extent cyclical, structural, and institutional factors explain cross-national variation in youth labour market integration. In addition, we examine educational differences in the impact of these macro-characteristics. To answer these questions, we use data on young people from 29 countries who were interviewed in the European Social Survey of 2002, 2004, 2006, or 2008 and left day-time education in the period 1992–2008. Both unemployment and temporary employment are regarded as a lack of labour market integration, compared to the situation of permanent employment. The empirical results first of all show that high unemployment hinders young people to smoothly integrate into the labour market. In addition, economic globalisation positively affects youth labour market integration. We also demonstrate that young people experience less difficulties with labour market integration as the educational system is more vocationally specific. Intermediate and higher educated particularly profit from the positive effect of the vocational specificity of the educational system. Finally, as the employment protection legislation of incumbent workers is stricter, young people experience more difficulties with labour market integration, especially higher educated youth.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-19 11:08:09','2016-09-02 14:09:42','','Waiting'),(2501,'A Web Survey Analysis of the Subjective Well-being of Spanish Workers','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper makes use of a large sample of individual data obtained from web surveys in the WageIndicator project. Data includes extensive information on the quality of working conditions together with different well-being indicators. The paper emphasizes the role of work-related characteristics as a specific and very important aspect of life. In our analysis, we demonstrate the role of working conditions in the following three domains: overall life-satisfaction; satisfaction with one?s job; and satisfaction with the combination of family and work. The paper also contributes to the ongoing debate on web survey data quality, reliability, and validity for scientific use. It demonstrates how social sciences can benefit from the use of web survey data in order to overcome the limits of traditional information sources.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-19 12:25:31','2016-12-02 15:48:44','','Waiting'),(2502,'Do the Promises of Religion to Democracy Still Hold','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The long tradition of theoretical and empirical scholarship on democracy suggests a modest hypothesis: that religion typically serves to sustain and undergird democratic life across most, but not necessarily all, cultural contexts. Data from several recent national and multi-national surveys confirm that in most cases religion does hold promise for democracy, as it contributes to the development of citizens who exhibit qualities required of members of a democratic society, through: generating greater public engagement, creating a concern for the greater good, developing important civic capacities, and fostering democratic values and virtues.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-07-19 12:32:08','2016-09-05 09:55:57','','Waiting'),(2503,'Multidimensional government-citizen congruence and satisfaction with democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the first comparative study of multidimensional government-citizen policy congruence, this article shows that citizens are less satisfied with democracy when their views differ from that of the government on policy dimensions beyond the general left-right axis. Satisfaction is reduced by a government that deviates on European integration and redistribution and partly also on social lifestyle, immigration and environmental protection. Furthermore, this analysis identifies the level of political interest as central moderator of this relationship. Satisfaction of citizens with stronger interest in politics suffers more when there is a politically distant government. Combining data from the 2010 Chapel Hill Expert Survey and two waves of the European Social Survey, the analysis builds on information on citizen-government policy congruence of some 45,000 citizens and 31 governments in 15 Western and Central Eastern European countries. The article brings a multidimensional perspective to the study of policy congruence between citizens and governments in a time when the preference structure of parties and citizens has become increasingly complex.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','christian.stecker@mzes.uni-mannheim.de','2016-07-19 13:34:36','2016-09-05 10:02:33','','Waiting'),(2504,'The macropsychological situation and tolerance/intolerance in Russia and other European countries','Макропсихологическая ситуация и толерантность/интолерантность в России и других европейских странах',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The macropsychological situation in Russia, in comparison to that of other European countries, is analyzed according to a wide range of characteristics with the aim of evaluating the situation in this country. Findings of the project «The European Social Survey» have been analyzed in connection with social moods which, by means of value oriented involvement, affect political orientations which manifest themselves in electoral preferences. Groups of countries with similar political situations were identified. The findings are illustrated on the example of the events of the last few years in Hungary (which falls into the same cluster as Ukraine and Russia) with emphasis on electoral preferences of the majority of the population which revealed themselves during the parliamentary election in the process of voting for the right-of-centre and the ultra-right candidates. The author analyzes specificity of the situation in Russia and a high degree of intolerance which may have a negative effect on further developments.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Zelenev@yandex.ru','2016-07-20 22:55:13','2016-09-05 10:10:12','','Waiting'),(2505,'Misperceptions of Unemployment and Individual Labor Market Outcomes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We analyze the impact of misperceptions of the unemployment rate on individual wages, using the European Social Survey. We follow a threefold strategy to tackle potential endogeneity problems, as the model includes the following: controls for worker’s ability, the regional unemployment rate, and country fixed effects. We estimate interval regression models. When subjective perceptions overstate the country unemployment rate, a one percentage point gap between the perceived and the actual rates reduces wages by 0.4 to 0.7 %. We discuss a potential mechanism. A pessimistic view of the labor market leads to concern over own employment prospects, lowering perceived bargaining power and reservation wages.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anarute.cardoso@iae.csic.es','2015-05-15 23:01:46','2016-07-26 18:38:03','','Waiting'),(2506,'The ‘dark side’ of social capital: trust and self-rated health in European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Generalized interpersonal trust (as an indicator of social capital) has been linked to health status at both the individual and ecological level. We sought to examine how changes in contextual and individual trust are associated with changes in self-rated health in the European Social Surveys 2002–12. Methods: A multilevel analysis using a variance components model was performed on 203452 individuals nested within 145 country cohorts covering 35 countries. Conditional on sociodemographic covariates, we sought to examine the association between self-rated health and individual trust, country average trust and a cross-level interaction between the two. Results: Although individual trust perceptions were significantly correlated with self-rated health [OR = 0.95, 95% confidence interval (0.94–0.96)], country-level trust was not associated [OR = 1.12, 95% confidence interval (0.95–1.32)]. There was, however, a strong crosslevel interaction between contextual and individual trust (P < 0.001), such that individuals with high interpersonal trust reported better health in contexts in which other individuals expressed high average interpersonal trust. Conversely, low trust individuals reported worse health in high trust contexts. Conclusion: Our findings suggest that contexts with increasing average trust can be harmful for low trust individuals, which might reflect the negative impact that social capital can have in certain groups. These findings suggest that contextual trust has a complex role in explaining health inequalities and individual self-rated health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ines.matos@ihmt.unl.pt','2016-08-13 11:47:55','2016-09-05 10:19:42','','Waiting'),(2507,'Social isolation, loneliness, and all-cause mortality in older men and women','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Both social isolation and loneliness are associated with increased mortality, but it is uncertain whether their effects are independent or whether loneliness represents the emotional pathway through which social isolation impairs health. We therefore assessed the extent to which the association between social isolation and mortality is mediated by loneliness. We assessed social isolation in terms of contact with family and friends and participation in civic organizations in 6,500 men and women aged 52 and older who took part in the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing in 2004–2005. A standard questionnaire measure of loneliness was administered also. We monitored all-cause mortality up to March 2012 (mean follow-up 7.25 y) and analyzed results using Cox proportional hazards regression. We found that mortality was higher among more socially isolated and more lonely participants. However, after adjusting statistically for demographic factors and baseline health, social isolation remained significantly associated with mortality (hazard ratio 1.26, 95% confidence interval, 1.08–1.48 for the top quintile of isolation), but loneliness did not (hazard ratio 0.92, 95% confidence interval, 0.78–1.09). The association of social isolation with mortality was unchanged when loneliness was included in the model. Both social isolation and loneliness were associated with increased mortality. However, the effect of loneliness was not independent of demographic characteristics or health problems and did not contribute to the risk associated with social isolation. Although both isolation and loneliness impair quality of life and well-being, efforts to reduce isolation are likely to be more relevant to mortality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-06-15 11:09:59','2016-08-15 11:49:48','','Waiting'),(2508,'Is Poverty and Inequality Actually Good for Growth?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aims to provide some evidence on the not necessarily positive impact of poverty and inequality on growth. It follows the line of argument that these features of society, while actually creating pressure for efficiency and enabling more savings, may impede sustainable growth. The recent financial crisis and the following period of austerity have made these arguments highly relevant. The findings of the empirical analysis of this paper are that inequality in the context of consumerism and easy credit may lead to over-borrowing and excessive consumption, which is ultimately detrimental to its sustainability. Poverty also causes deterioration in general trust, disabling smooth cooperation with lower transaction costs. Inequality existing in a given society deepens this effect.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-16 09:43:45','2016-09-05 10:19:55','','Waiting'),(2509,'The National Contexts of Post-national Citizenship','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article contributes to the literature on the changing concept of citizenship in the process of globalisation. It sets out from the thesis that the classic concepts of citizenship, which are linked to the nation state, are slowly but steadily losing their monopoly on explaining the relationship between individuals, the political community and government. Based on a theoretical discussion of the new models of citizenship, the authors seek to identify the elements of ‘post-national’ citizenship. The main research goal of the analysis is to discover the conditions in which elements of post-national citizenship are most likely to occur. The analysis is based on aggregated individual (survey) data (from the ESS 2008 and the EVS 2008) and macro contextual data on European Union countries. On the macro (country) level, the authors conduct a hierarchical cluster analysis and crisp set QCA and make the following fi ndings. First, two groups of countries are formed: (a) a fairly homogeneous group of six ‘post-national’ citizenship countries; and (b) a more heterogeneous group of classic citizenship countries. Second, ‘post-national’ citizenship is to be expected in countries in which the following conditions are combined: on the one hand, secularised and post-industrial societies with less emphasis on a knowledge society, and on the other hand, societies with a stable national status where knowledge is important.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-16 11:10:08','2016-09-05 10:43:52','','Waiting'),(2510,'Trust in justice and the legitimacy of legal authorities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter presents findings on public trust in justice drawn from the fifth European Social Survey (ESS), carried out in 28 countries in 2010/11. The dataset used here covers 26 of the 28 countries, and has a total sample size of almost 51,000 people. The findings were produced based on a module on trust, designed by the researchers, to test an elaborated version of Tyler’s (Tyler 2006; Tyler and Huo 2002) procedural justice theory, which posits that fair treatment by police and other justice officials yields public trust in justice, which in turn consolidates the legitimacy of institutions of justice, and thus public cooperation and compliance with the law. In the chapter first the researchers sketch out the political context that has led to growing interest in procedural justice ideas, initially in the United States but increasingly in Europe. Then they summarize theories of procedural justice and the particular variant tested in the ESS. Then, after a brief account of the methodology of the ESS, they outline some initial findings, including multivariate analysis exploring the relationships between trust and perceptions of legitimacy. They end the chapter with some reflections both about the policy implications of the study and about the further development of comparative research of this sort across Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-16 11:57:14','2016-09-05 10:55:28','','Waiting'),(2511,'After Babel: Language and the Fundamental Challenges of Comparative Aging Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The rapid growth in comparative survey research carried out in multiple countries, or among different language communities within a single nation, has given rise to a renewed concern with problems of translation. The fundamental problem facing the comparative survey researcher relates to the complexity and subjectivity of language, and the fact that complete equivalence of concepts in different linguistic, cultural, and social class contexts may be in principle impossible to achieve. Yet language remains the only medium through which information concerning subjective states, values, and beliefs can be collected. That language and the subjective constructs to which it refers are influenced by a wide range of cultural and social factors. This fact has particular relevance for comparative aging research since older individuals are often monolingual in their native languages and more tied to traditional cultures than younger individuals. This paper consists of a review of basic issues related to the nature of language and communication, and discusses the possibility of a truly scientific translation process. It outlines current best practices, and also raises questions related to the common practice of using information collected with translated survey instruments in ways that assume it reflects a comparable and quantifiable latent construct.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 08:33:55','2016-09-05 11:10:07','','Waiting'),(2512,'State crime: the European experience','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'States are both the guardians of laws and rights, and simultaneously the behemoth against which rights and laws need to be defended. This offers the opportunities for states, governments and their agents to commit the most atrocious crimes. This paradox defines the problem of controlling and preventing state crime. How can states and governments police themselves and their agents, and how are governments made accountable to citizens, and sovereign states and their representatives by the international community or other sovereign states? How are states and their agents made accountable for the crimes committed and brought to justice, if they have the power to grant amnesties, and ensure impunity for high- as well as low-ranking perpetrators of major crimes?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 08:54:40','2016-09-05 11:33:18','','Waiting'),(2513,'Facing the Nonresponse Challenge','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article provides a brief overview of key trends in the survey research to address the nonresponse challenge. Noteworthy are efforts to develop new quality measures and to combine several data sources to enhance either the data collection process or the quality of resulting survey estimates. Mixtures of survey data collection modes and less burdensome survey designs are additional steps taken by survey researchers to address nonresponse.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 09:04:19','2016-09-05 11:26:18','','Waiting');
INSERT INTO `publication` VALUES (2514,'Political consumerism and the decline of class politics in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines whether social class influences the likelihood of engaging in political consumerism in Western Europe. Political consumption is the intentional buying or abstention from buying (boycotting) specific products for political, ethical, or ecological reasons. The interest in analyzing political consumerism lies in substantive and theoretical reasons. First, it is a widespread but not very adequately studied form of noninstitutionalized political participation. Second, various theories claim that class is an inadequate category for explaining political behavior. According to the postmodern theory of social stratification, patterns of consumption are among the key factors that define the new status communities, thus breaking with the traditional logic of social classes. Along the same lines, individualization theory suggests that in contemporary societies, individuals are free to continuously redefine their identity and choose the lifestyle they prefer. We argue that the study of political consumption offers a particularly appropriate case for testing the empirical plausibility of the hypothesis of the ‘decline of class politics’. Multilevel analysis using European Social Survey data reveals, contrary to the above-mentioned postulates, that social class strongly affects the likelihood of being one’s a political consumer.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 09:12:59','2016-09-05 11:47:02','','Waiting'),(2515,'Immigration and redistribution revisited: how different motivations can offset each other','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite compelling theoretical arguments, research has failed so far to provide conclusive empirical evidence on the relationship between preferences for redistribution and attitudes towards immigration. We argue that social scientists risk making erroneous inferences if the causal link connecting an independent variable to a given outcome is not carefully modelled. This is particularly true in the presence of multiple and partly offsetting intervening variables. We argue that there are at least four motivations linking attitudes towards redistribution and preferred levels of immigration. We observe a statistically significant association between attitudes towards redistribution and preferred levels of immigration, but only after the motivations have been explicitly integrated into the empirical analysis. If the motivations are not explicitly modelled, no systematic relationship between attitudes towards redistribution and preferred levels of immigration can be observed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 09:22:54','2016-09-05 12:42:02','','Waiting'),(2516,'Values in Conservation: The Relationship Between Values, Religion, and European Society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this thesis is to determine how values, specifically Conservation, relate to religion, between Catholics and Protestants in particular, and with spirituality. It explores previous research and literature, and seeks to understand how human values are related to religiosity in Europe today by focusing on socioeconomic variables and the participants’ self-reported measurements of values and religiosity. It also considers the history and significance of current values, as well as the social dynamics that inspire and shape, support and challenge them. Values, religion, and society dynamically interact, and this study attends to this relationship. Survey data regarding values and religiosity were taken from the European Social Survey 2010 and were analyzed using paired independent sample t-tests. All genders, ages, education levels, and income levels were considered. Regarding Conservation, there was a very significant difference between those affiliating with a religion and those not affiliating with a religion, and also between Catholics and Protestants. These results may indicate that while Europe is a post-industrial, post-modern region of the world, religion remains an important influence among many.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 09:37:10','2016-09-05 12:56:33','','Waiting'),(2517,'Health related social exclusion in Europe: a multilevel study of the role of welfare generosity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Introduction: The aim of this paper was to investigate the association between health, social position, social participation and the welfare state. Extending recent research on the social consequences of poor health, we asked whether and how welfare generosity is related to the risk of social exclusion associated with combinations of poor health, low education and economic inactivity.\nMethods: Our analyses are based on data from the European Social Survey, round 3 (2006/7), comprising between 21,205 and 21,397 individuals, aged 25–59 years, within 21 European welfare states. The analyses were conducted by means of multilevel logistic regression analysis in STATA 12.\nResults: The results demonstrated that the risk of non-participation in social networks decreased as welfare generosity increased. The risk of social exclusion, i.e. non-participation in social networks among disadvantaged groups, seldom differed from the overall association, and in absolute terms it was invariably smaller in more generous welfare state contexts.\nConclusions: The results showed that there were no indications of higher levels of non-participation among disadvantaged groups in more generous welfare states. On the contrary, resources made available by the welfare state seemed to matter to all individuals in terms of overall lower levels of non-participation. As such, these results demonstrate the importance of linking health related social exclusion to the social policy context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 09:45:15','2016-09-05 15:36:07','','Waiting'),(2518,'Why do Poles (still) Dislike Political Parties? Some Survey Insights into Anti-Party Attitudes in Poland, 1995-2011','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article examines the negative approach of Poles towards political parties and partisanship in the recent years, presenting this phenomenon as a part of wider anti-party syndrome, characterizing Polish democracy after 1989. Adapting the approach of Torcal, Gunther and Montero (2002), the author constructs a scale of the anti-partyism, based on the statements typical for anti-party discourse, assessed by respondents in three surveys conducted in 1995, 2001 and 2011. Subsequently, some explanations of anti-party attitudes are tested. The analyses demonstrate that anti-partyism in Poland is relatively durable and embraces both cultural and reactive components. Anti-party attitudes are more visible among citizens socialized during the communist period. However, the consolidation of democracy generated its \"own\" anti-partyism: the youngest citizens were gradually more disinclined to political parties in the period analyzed (1995-2011). ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 09:55:59','2016-09-05 15:54:30','','Waiting'),(2519,'Cohabitation in Latin America and Developed Countries: A Cross-National Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study explores the contextual framework of cohabitation in Latin America and developed countries. Integrated Public Use Micro data Series (IPUMS), European Social Survey (ESS) and the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) data are used to compare the macro-level associations of cohabitation practiced by women from different social backgrounds in up to 33 countries. Figures for cohabiting women aged 25-29 from different social classes are compared to country level’s socioeconomic indicators (i.e. human development and social inequality) and values orientations (from World Values Surveys) of women with similar profiles. Results show that cohabitation by higher educated women usually occurs in positive socioeconomic contexts, in groups with inclination to post-materialistic ethics and can be described by the Second Demographic Transition theory. Conversely, cohabitation by lower educated women comes about in environments of lower socioeconomic development and higher social inequality, with predominance of traditional values and intolerance to out groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 10:17:50','2016-09-05 16:01:11','','Waiting'),(2520,'Civic Education and Democratic Socialisation: From Passive Subject to Active Citizen in Post-Communist States and Beyond','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Several studies suggest that some post-communist states or regions such as, for example, the former German Democratic Republic engage in a narrower form of civic education in schools which focuses on the transmission of facts. They also indicate that such civic education produces citizens more likely to accept the status quo than to criticially analyse and attempt to transform it. This paper posits, however, that this is also the case in the Republic of Ireland, a state with an apparently very different historical background. Attitudinal data from the European/World Values Survey and the European Social Survey is used to investigate this possibility by comparing eastern Germany and the Republic of Ireland on key items relating to attitudes towards politics and society. The results provide tentative support for this notion indicating that attitudes in both eastern Germany and the Republic of Ireland tend towards the compliance end of the compliancetransformation spectrum underlining the importance of broader forms of civic education for democratic socialisation both in post-communist states and more generally.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 10:26:14','2016-09-06 11:07:50','','Waiting'),(2521,'Surveying immigrant populations: Methodological strategies, good practices and open questions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Our review of survey experiences that include immigrant populations has offered important insights into the methodological challenges involved in these surveys and the possible research strategies that can be developed to deal with them. There are significant lessons that can be drawn from this diverse set of experiences with surveys from seven countries, each of which had different objectives and resources. To discuss them, we divide our conclusions into the same two main areas mentioned in the introduction. First, we will deal with issues related to the definition of the target group and to sampling design and, secondly, with fieldwork issues. Within both of these sections we will look at the reality of surveys of immigrants as well as surveys of the general population that include immigrants. Several specific aspects will be analysed. First, we will compare the methodological strategies followed by the different surveys covered in the book (providing occasional comparisons with cases not included here). Second, we will discuss the extent to which the differences that appear among these surveys are due to contextual differences (differing immigration realities, differences in resources available, etc.). We will see if there is a clear-cut best set of practices and recommendations that can be followed by any researcher preparing an immigrant survey or, alternatively, whether things are more complex and all we can do is identify the different possible avenues that can be chosen depending on the specific circumstances of each particular survey. In order to do so, we will mostly concentrate on the ideas from this book, but we will also establish a dialogue with the ideas and strategies put forward by other researchers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 12:02:28','2016-09-06 11:32:22','','Waiting'),(2522,'Growing into citizenship: The differential role of the media in the political socialization of adolescents','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European adolescents have become more and more distant from traditional politics. Turnout rates among young voters are dwindling and many young citizens tum away from news about their national parliament, parties or recent political developments. This is problematic, because it is of vital importance for any democratic system to stimulate future generations to become active citizens. This dissertation sheds a light on the role of the media in this process of political socialization. Are the media part of the reason why adolescents show so little interest in politics? And if so, can the media also be part of the solution to overcome the gap between the young and politics? Based on political socialization theory this dissertation focuses on three main areas that are important in the process of becoming a democratic citizen: a) the development of political knowledge; b) the development of political attitudes; and c) the development of political engagement. For each of these areas the mechanisms of media influence are studied from several different angles in the empirical chapters of this dissertation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 12:10:33','2016-09-06 11:15:11','','Waiting'),(2523,'Young, wild and free? The social and cultural context of adolescent risk behavior','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Adolescence, the transitional phase between childhood and adulthood, is a unique period of discovery and experimentation. It is a complex but exciting phase of life during whichyoung people gradually develop into adults. Physically, adolescents experience many changes, including changes in sexual characteristics. In terms of social relationships, their focus shifts from their family to their peers. While desiring more autonomy and freedom to make their own choices and decisions, adolescents typically distance themselves from their parents and start spending more time with peers (Meeus, Iedema, Maassen, & Engels, 2005), for example at school, while playing sports, or during leisure activities at night in bars and pubs. In the course of this process, many adolescents start experimenting with tobacco, alcohol, and cannabis use as well as sexual activities. The present thesis aimed to investigate socio-cultural factors that may influence substance use and sexual behaviors among adolescents in Europe and North America. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 12:16:12','2016-09-06 11:39:18','','Waiting'),(2524,'The element of surprise: the diverse impact of slightly alternative specifications of context on opinion formation in multi-level modeling','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The rise of multi-level modeling in social sciences brings new challenges. Multi-level modeling, although used in a great variety of ways, aims at simultaneously assessing the impact of individual-level and context-level characteristics on a dependent variable that is measured at the individual level. However, comprehending how public opinion is affected by context and how people experience contextual changes is a challenge. Little scholarly attention has been paid to the way context is incorporated in these models. The current study compares the use of the same independent variable (GNI) measured in three different ways to predict attitudes regarding EU enlargement, trust in the EU, and European Unification in 25 EU countries, using data from the European Social Survey. We introduce an alternative way to measure change, taking a larger time span into consideration, and find that this is a good way to measure contextual surprise. Our findings show that the way a variable is measured greatly influences the size and even direction of the effect. Hence, it is crucial to assess both conceptually and methodologically the best way to measure context before one simply implements a variable and interprets empty results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 12:22:41','2016-09-06 11:53:17','','Waiting'),(2525,'Religious Prosociality and Morality Across Cultures: How Social Enforcement of Religion Shapes the Effects of Personal Religiosity on Prosocial and Moral Attitudes and Behaviors','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The question of whether religiosity is linked to prosocial behavior is currently hotly debated in psychology. This research contributes to this debate by showing that the nature of individuals’ religious orientations and their relationships to prosociality depend on their country’s social enforcement of religiosity. Our analyses of data from more than 70 countries indicate that in countries with no social pressure to follow a religion, religious individuals are more likely to endorse an intrinsic religious orientation (Study 1), engage in charity work (Study 2), disapprove of lying in their own interests (Study 3), and are less likely to engage in fraudulent behaviors (Study 4) compared with non-religious individuals. Ironically, in secular contexts, religious individuals are also more likely to condemn certain moral choices than non-religious individuals (Study 2). These effects of religiosity substantially weaken (and ultimately disappear) with increasing national levels of social enforcement of religiosity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 12:41:49','2016-09-06 11:59:09','','Waiting'),(2526,'Life Satisfaction of Ethnic Minority Members: An Examination of Interactions with Immigration, Discrimination, and Citizenship','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the European Social Survey, we examine the overall life satisfaction of individuals, focusing on the influence of belonging to an ethnic minority group. Building on the existing literature, we control for immigrant and citizenship statuses and discrimination perceptions as well as several commonly-used socio-demographic variables. Through the use of interaction terms in an ordered probit model, we demonstrate that the magnitude of the negative impact of discrimination perceptions depends on the type of discrimination as well as minority membership status. Similarly, we find that first and second generation immigrants differ in their levels of life satisfaction and also according to whether they consider themselves as an ethnic minority member. Citizenship status turns out to be of secondary relevance since it is found to be a significant factor only in models that exclude the immigration variables. In the presence of the aforementioned control variables, ethnic minority membership is also found not to have a universal stand-alone effect on life satisfaction, but only for individuals with certain attributes as indicated by the interaction terms in the empirical model.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-23 13:46:12','2016-09-06 12:13:49','','Waiting'),(2527,'Unregistered Production and Employment in Estonia: Measurements and Developments','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper present data on unreported production and employment in Estonia, tracks developments over time and compares Estonia with other countries. According to official exhaustiveness calculations, unreported GDP amounted to around 4% of “true” or total GDP in 2012, having declined since 1995. Studies based on various indicator variables and surveys of the perceptions of business managers provide estimates for unreported GDP of 14-24% of true GDP in 2007-2012. Survey evidence suggests that informal employment has declined over time; in 2012 around 10-12% of the active people surveyed stated that they had undertaken unreported employment within the past year. This estimate is likely to be a lower bound and other studies provide somewhat different results. The extent of unreported activities in Estonia appears to be smaller than in many other EU countries from central and eastern Europe. Events such as the Russian crisis, the prolonged boom from 2000 to 2007 and the global financial crisis do not appear to have had a discernible impact on unregistered activities in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-24 11:25:58','2016-09-06 12:45:09','','Waiting'),(2528,'Decentralization and the Welfare State: What Do Citizens Perceive?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust in public institutions and public policies are generally perceived as a precondition for economic recovery in times of recession. Recent empirical evidence tends to find a positive link between decentralization and trust. But our knowledge about whether decentralization—through increased trust—improves the perception of the delivery and effectiveness of public policies is still limited. In this paper we estimate the impact of fiscal and political decentralization on the perception of the state of the education system and of health services, by using the 2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008 waves of the European social survey. The analysis of the views of 160,000 individuals in 31 European countries indicates that while the effect of fiscal decentralization on the perception of the state of the health and education system is unambiguously positive, political decentralization affects citizen’s satisfaction with education and health delivery in different ways. The influence of political decentralization, however, is highly contingent on whether we consider the capacity of the local or regional government to exercise authority over its citizens (self-rule) or to influence policy at the national level (shared-rule).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-24 12:03:32','2016-09-06 13:04:18','','Waiting'),(2529,'Modernization and the gender gap in religiosity: Evidence from cross-national European surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The tendency of women to be more religious than men has been widely observed. Many theories have been offered to account for this difference, with explanations ranging from the biological to the sociological; no consensus on the explanation has been reached. Using data from the European Social Survey, the European Values Study and the International Social Survey Programme, in conjunction with a new method for measuring the gender gap, we compare different countries, generations and periods in Europe to address three key questions: (1) How much do the differences between men and women depend on what indicator of religiosity (e.g. affiliation, attendance, prayer, belief) is being considered? (2) Is there an association at the national level between the size of the gender gap and the degree of secularization or gender equality? (3) Is there a convergence in the religiosity of men and women across generations or over time? There is some evidence for such a narrowing of the gap in Europe—most noticeably in southern and Eastern Europe—but substantial differences persist. Even in countries that are comparatively secular and where gender inequality has been much reduced, women are considerably more likely than men to identify with a religion, to call themselves religious, and to participate in public and private religious activities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-24 12:09:59','2016-09-06 13:03:04','','Waiting'),(2530,'Income Inequality, International Migration, and National Pride: A Test of Social Identification Theory','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Does the income inequality of a country increase the nationalistic sentiments of its citizens? If so, why do people become more nationalistic when inequality grows? This article answers these questions, which have been historically observed and theoretically suggested, but rarely answered with empirical tests. By borrowing formal models in Shayo (2009) and using a multilevel analysis method with survey data in multiple years, this article shows that income inequality increases the national pride of poor people, which is an essential aspect of nationalistic sentiments, particularly in countries whose lower class has many migrants. This result implies that the link between income inequality, income levels, and nationalistic sentiments may be shaped by other social features such as the level of migration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-24 13:18:57','2016-09-06 13:16:40','','Waiting'),(2531,'From the Interindividual to the Intraindividual Level: Is the Circumplex Model of Values Applicable to Intraindividual Value Profiles?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to Schwartz’s theoretical model of values, personal values are integrated in a two-dimensional circumplex structure, reflecting conflicts and compatibilities of their motivational contents. Albeit in large number, so far, all empirical studies supporting the model were based on correlations across individuals, thus capturing the circumplex structure as an emergent phenomenon of the sample. Using large representative data sets from 17 European countries, we test whether the structure also accounts for value conflict and congruity on the intraindividual level and whether this generalizes across cultures. Despite some intercultural differences in the degree, we find the circumplex model generally to be a good representation of intraindividual value (in-)compatibilities. The fit to the model was moderated by age and value preference: Persons whose value profiles show a poor fit to the model are (a) younger than the majority and (b) endorse values that are usually considered less important. Implications for research on motivational conflicts and compatibilities of values are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-24 13:27:04','2016-09-06 13:53:02','','Waiting'),(2532,'Why the self-employed are happier: Evidence from 25 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using survey data from 25 European countries, we can show that in most of the countries the self-employed are more satisfied with their jobs than employees. This paper aims to discuss the reasons why this is the case. The results show that part of the differences in job satisfaction between employees and self-employed individuals are due to creativity and autonomy in self-employment. This suggests that our results are in line with procedural utility theory (Benz and Frey, 2004 and Benz and Frey, 2008). In other words, especially self-employed individuals seem to derive utility from the way outcomes are achieved.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-24 13:40:37','2016-09-06 13:26:16','','Waiting'),(2533,'Expansion of higher education and graduate employability: Data and insights from Central and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter challenges the view that expansion of higher education (HE) per se leads to worsening of graduate employability, by exploring how different types of dependent capitalism in nine post-socialist countries mediate the influence of HE expansion on graduate employability in the context of their Europeanization. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey (2010) and official statistics, it takes into account different dimensions of graduate employability and bridges macro-level and micro-level factors in explaining national differences in it. The chapter argues that the development of HE of a given country is an important part of its specific ‘institutional package’.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2016-08-26 10:25:15','2016-09-06 13:56:36','','Waiting'),(2534,'On the social situation of the farming population in Switzerland','Zur sozialen Lage der landwirtschaftlichen Bevölkerung in der Schweiz',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As part of a social report, this paper traces the social situation of farmers in Switzerland in comparison with other occupational groups on the basis of the European Social Survey (ESS). With the social situation – which encompasses the quality of life and life opportunities of population groups – various factors such as job, income, unemployment, values, and integration in society are taken into account. The reference occupational group with which farmers are compared is critical for the interpretation of the results. In the assessment of their economic situation, the farming population differs little from other occupational groups; in terms of their subjectively perceived integration into society, the farming population does not fall behind other occupational groups. As far as values are concerned, depending on the reference, the farming population turns out to be less universalistic, less traditional, and more success-oriented.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference introduced by Swiss NC','sigrid.haunberger@fhnw.ch','2016-08-26 18:00:56','2016-09-06 14:07:13','','Waiting'),(2535,'Ethnic Minorities and Political Participation: Non-institutionalized Participation of Ethnic Minorities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper, the ways by which ethnic minorities participate, the reasons for their participation, the mode of their choice, and the reasons for different behaviours in different countries are explained. Several logistic regression models show that higher social communication made minorities participate more in politics. However, the political structure of their countries differentiated their behaviours. In Turkey, where both the explanatory variables exist (centralized with an exclusive dominant strategy), ethnic minorities participate more in non-institutionalized ways because it is not possible to influence local politics via voting. Germany’s decentralized institutional design may be the reason for a lower coefficient than Turkey, but due to the repressive dominant strategy, the coefficient of the ethnic minority dummy is significant and higher than the other two countries. Switzerland’s ethnic federalism and inclusive nature ends up with lowest positive coefficient but it is still significant. Lastly, for the Netherlands, with an inclusive dominant strategy and formal access points, the same dummy is not significant.\n\nThese results indicate that the host country’s structure is very important to explain minority participation. An exclusive dominant strategy seems to because repression will reinforce the contra-movements. On the other hand, availability of formal access points alleviates the likelihood of non-institutionalized participation. However, this cannot be measured by categorizing countries as centralized or decentralized. Any details of the state structure may differentiate the minority behavior in politics. Lastly, there’s some evidence that discrimination of minorities in political and social life might lead to alienation. Thus, beside the political structure of the state, the social structure should also be examined. This relation between ethnic minorities and political alienation may be a subject for further research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference introduced by Swiss NC','cansarp.kaya@eup.gess.ethz.ch','2016-08-26 18:17:24','2016-09-06 14:17:37','','Waiting'),(2536,'Formal Institutions and the Trust Formation Process: A Psychological Approach to Explain the Relationship between Institutions and Interpersonal Trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While formal institutions are recognized as having an effect on trust formation, no theoretical or empirical models exist to formalize this relationship. This study introduces a new conceptual framework to explain trust building by individuals and the role that formal rules and laws may play in this process. Drawing on a social-cognitive theory of psychology, we present trust as composed of internal, interpersonal, and external components with the latter encompassing formal institutions. We further demonstrate that there are three mechanisms – sanction, legitimacy, and autonomy – through which formal institutions may affect trust levels either directly or indirectly. These propositions are tested empirically based on the European Social Survey data (2004) by using a variety of statistical techniques. Our empirical analysis demonstrates evidence of heterogeneity in institutional effects on trust, suggesting that the autonomy dimension of the institutional framework is particularly important for trust formation processes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 09:47:36','2016-09-06 14:18:56','','Waiting'),(2537,'Political Parties and Trade Unions in Cyprus','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The political parties in Cyprus are extremely powerful. They play a dominant role in the public as well as the private sphere, resulting in a civil society that is extremely weak. The article will address two issues. First, it will map the evolution of civil society organisations (CSOs), especially the trade unions, and their relationship with political parties. Trade unions are probably the most important and influential of the CSOs in Cyprus. Second, it will examine the relationship between political parties and trade unions in contemporary Cyprus, focusing on the changing context within which their interaction takes place, the strategies adopted by the two actors and the direction of influence between them. Research and analysis are based on interviews, surveys, party documents and other secondary literature.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 09:52:13','2016-09-06 14:30:20','','Waiting'),(2538,'What Predicts Loneliness? Cultural Difference Between Individualistic and Collectivistic Societies in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using two multilevel analyses of residents in 12 (1992 Eurobarometer; N = 3,902) and 22 (2006 European Social Survey, N = 38,867) European societies, respectively, we examined loneliness as a function of dominant cultural values. Levels of loneliness were higher in collectivistic compared with individualistic societies, but societies differed in terms of their predictors of loneliness. In collectivistic societies, the absence of interactions with family was more closely linked to loneliness than was the case in individualistic societies. Conversely, in individualistic societies, the absence of interactions with friends and having a confidant was more closely linked to loneliness than in collectivistic societies. Findings are consistent with the notion that autonomy and choice with regard to interaction partners have greater implications for well-being in individualistic societies whereas traditional social bonds are more potent in collectivistic societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 10:05:32','2016-09-06 14:49:51','','Waiting'),(2539,'The Development of Interpersonal Trust and Its Relation to Economic Performance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although the literature on cross-sectional differences for interpersonal trust and their relation to differences in economic performance is quite abundant, the development of interpersonal trust within countries has received no empirical attention yet. Using panel regressions and a new measure for interpersonal trust, the average level of interpersonal trust as found in the European Social Survey, we show that economic and societal circumstances matter for the development of trust. In particular, the process of societal modernization, fueled by economic growth, hampers the development of trust. Although the effect of trust on economic performance is positive elastic, it is overshadowed by this latter process. Societal cohesion is lost when economies modernize, and this can only be recovered by an increase in interpersonal understanding through education or a diminishing of linguistic fractionalization. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 10:10:38','2016-09-06 14:43:42','','Waiting'),(2540,'Russian Police Involvement in the Shadow Economy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Russian society does not place much trust in the police; at least, it trusts the police markedly less than the public does in most European countries. It is only fair to note that this is a problem in many developing countries and states undergoing extensive reform. Thus, figures show that the Ukrainian public has even less trust in its police than Russians have in theirs. People have sufficient grounds for their distrust: in particular, the high level of coercion used by the police in performing their functions, their inadequate professionalism, and corruption and commercialization that have long surpassed the limits of random individual bribery. In fact, it is possible to speak of large-scale police involvement in the shadow economy, a sort of “illegal market.” Jens Beckert and Frank Wehinger write that at present, research into such markets is urgent. One cannot dispute that, but we need to keep in mind that the line between legal and illegal markets is usually hard to discern. This is especially true of countries undergoing transformation with undeveloped institutions and a low level of legal culture.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 10:16:02','2016-09-06 15:00:32','','Waiting'),(2541,'Healthy voting: The effect of self-reported health on turnout in 30 countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on five rounds of European Social Survey (ESS), we examine both the direct and indirect effect of health, channelled by social connectedness, on turnout in 30 countries. Our analysis is the first attempt to make a comprehensive account of the magnitude of health in electoral participation. The results show that health has an effect on turnout and that it is notably larger among older people. The impact of health is partly mediated by social connectedness, which suggests that attenuated health may weaken an individual\'s social network which in turn depresses voting.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 10:23:49','2016-09-06 15:05:29','','Waiting'),(2542,'Women and Men in the \'Great European Recession\'','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Women and Men in the \'Great European Recession\'',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 10:34:44','2016-09-07 09:26:07','','Waiting'),(2543,'Local Experiences with Unemployment and Perceptions of the National Economy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While a great deal of evidence has been generated regarding the impact of national economic perceptions on vote choice, little work has sought to explain where these perceptions come from. Here, recent work suggests that voters draw on information from their local neighborhoods, such as the number of unemployed people, fuel prices or home foreclosures, when forming perceptions of national economic conditions. To date, however, very little evidence exists that voters actually do infer national economic conditions from what they observe in their immediate surroundings. In this paper, we utilize a unique set of measures tapping the proportion of unemployed people living within radii of 80–2500 meters of where the respondent resides. As findings show, the local unemployment rate within radii of up to 750 meters significantly influences a respondents’ perception of national economic conditions whereas unemployment rates at greater radii do not. Thus, this paper provides evidence that the theoretical mechanism stipulated in extant work is in fact valid.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 11:15:01','2016-09-07 09:39:30','','Waiting'),(2544,'Electoral Turnout and State Redistribution: A Cross-National Study of Fourteen Developed Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study explores the relationship between electoral participation and income redistribution by way of social transfers, using data from the European Social Survey, the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, and the Luxembourg Income Study. It extends previous research by measuring the income skew of turnout rather than using average turnout as a proxy for its income bias. We find that, controlling for a number of other variables, the income skew of turnout is negatively related to transfer redistribution and that electoral participation by those in poverty is positively associated with redistribution in their favor.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 13:19:30','2016-09-07 09:58:35','','Waiting'),(2545,'Methodology','Metoodika',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Five sub-indexes and one general index were composed to capture different aspects of the attitudes towards new migrants. This chapter presents the procedure how the indexes were composed. Analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://sotsiaalteadused.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-08-29 13:31:52','2016-09-07 10:24:32','','Waiting'),(2546,'General attitudes towards immigration','Üldised hoiakud sisserände suhtes',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter presents the general attitudes of Estonian population towards immigration. Attitudes of Estonian population are compared to other European countries. Analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://sotsiaalteadused.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-08-29 13:38:25','2016-09-07 10:25:31','','Waiting'),(2547,'Attitudes towards immigrants of different origins','Suhtumine eri päritolu sisserändajate rühmadesse',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter the attitudes of Estonian population towards immigrants of different origins are analysed. Attitudes of Estonian population are compared to other European countries. Analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://sotsiaalteadused.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-08-29 13:46:08','2016-09-07 10:27:30','','Waiting'),(2548,'Should government be generous in judging people’s applications for refugee status?','Kas valitsus peaks inimeste pagulastaotluste läbivaatamisel olema leebe?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter addresses the question whether people think that government should be generous in judging people’s applications for refugee status or not. Attitudes of Estonian population are compared to other European countries. Analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://sotsiaalteadused.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-08-29 13:56:25','2016-09-07 10:34:12','','Waiting'),(2549,'Bridges or buffers? Motives behind Immigrants\' Religiosity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study reviews and evaluates the motives and incentives behind immigrants’ religiosity, focusing on the two sides of the Atlantic – Europe and the United States. The contribution of the study is mainly empirical, trying to identify indicators for the type of incentive – whether immigrants’ religiosity serves as a ‘bridge’ or a ‘buffer’ in the process of adaptation to the receiving country. The statistical analysis draws on data from several waves of the European Social Survey (ESS), the American General Social Survey (GSS), and the International Social Survey Program (ISSP). Estimation of extended ‘mass participation equations’ and ‘prayer equations’ leads to the following findings: (a) immigrants are indeed more religious than the populations in the receiving countries, both in Europe and in the United States; and (b) while in the United States the religiosity of immigrants serves as a bridge between the immigrants and the local population, in Europe it has mainly the function of a buffer and of a “balm for the soul”. There is an extensive literature on the ‘bridge versus buffer’ (or ‘bridge versus boundary’) theories and their different implications in the United States and in Europe. However, to the best of our knowledge, our paper presents an innovative attempt to disentangle the two types of motives and to show that while the former is more relevant in the United States, the latter dominates in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 14:20:19','2016-09-07 10:49:45','','Waiting'),(2550,'The Impact of Welfare States on the Division of Housework in the Family: A New Comprehensive Theoretical and Empirical Framework of Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study reviews the relationship between social policy and the division of domestic chores in the family by providing a new theoretical framework for housework reallocation. We argue that if presented as a dual process composed of modern values formation and behavioral compliance with such values, the reallocation of unpaid labor can be affected by a wide set of welfare state policies. In particular, education or labor market policies contribute to the emergence of modern values, while child care provision or poverty alleviation practices facilitate behavioral compliance with them. We suggest that the level of symmetry in the distribution of domestic chores in families is a function of whether or not policies promoting both stages of the reallocation are introduced. In addition, we demonstrate what may result if only one of them becomes a key target of welfare state activities. This theoretical framework is tested on data from the European Social Survey (2004) for 25 countries, using a variety of statistical techniques.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 14:38:47','2016-09-07 10:55:12','','Waiting'),(2551,'Do Estonians perceive immigration as harmful or beneficial, and how could this be explained?','Kuivõrd eestimaalased tajuvad sisserännet kahjuliku või kasulikuna ja mis seda võiks seletada?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter it is analysed whether Estonians perceive immigration as harmful or beneficial, and how could this be explained. Attitudes of Estonian population are compared to other European countries. Analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://sotsiaalteadused.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-08-29 14:49:45','2016-09-07 11:26:32','','Waiting'),(2552,'Agency freedom for worklife balance in Germany and Spain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter explores the association between gender, parenthood and employment in cross-national perspective and highlights the weaknesses in the resources–demands approach for understanding gender agency inequalities in worklife balance. Applying Sen’s capabilities approach calls for assessing worklife balance from different perspectives and at various levels of analysis. The study is built around a paradox finding that emerged from the analyses of three different high-quality large-scale European surveys, conducted between 2003 and 2006, in which no association between work?home conflict and presence of children in the household was found. In interpreting these results, the chapter underlines the strength of the capabilities approach by drawing into a predominantly individual focus on job characteristics and resources the institutional and normative settings in Germany and Spain in which employed men and women work and live.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 14:52:43','2016-09-07 13:02:31','','Waiting'),(2553,'Labour market indicators and attitude towards immigrants','Tööturunäitajate seos suhtumisega sisserändajatesse',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter it is analysed how labour market indicators are related to attitudes towards immigrants. Attitudes of Estonian population are compared to other European countries. Analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://sotsiaalteadused.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-08-29 14:55:16','2016-09-07 13:09:12','','Waiting'),(2554,'Does Regulation Make Political Parties More Popular? A Multi-level Analysis of Party Support in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines the relationship between party regulation, trust in political parties and partisanship in twenty-four European democracies in 2010. It tests two rival hypotheses, one suggesting that the regulation of political parties improves support for them among electorates, and the other arguing the opposite case that regulation inhibits support for parties. These hypotheses are tested using a multi-level modelling strategy which controls for a number of variables which might account for trust in parties and partisanship at the individual level. The evidence suggests that heavy regulation of political parties is associated with low levels of trust in parties and fewer partisans in these countries. The analysis uses cross sectional data and so definitive causal relationships cannot be fully identified, but the data implies that regulation by the state in the context of a severe economic recession could be having the effect of stifling support for political parties and weakening civil society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 15:06:11','2016-09-07 13:16:21','','Waiting'),(2555,'Social Capital in Europe. A Three-Step Analysis. Its Structure, Levels, Individual and Contextual Determinants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Despite its historical roots and wide contemporary use, the debate over the conceptualization of social capital is very much alive among researchers of different academic subjects, with its main goal being the development of empirical measurement tools. The chief aim of this article is to demonstrate the multidimensional and consistent structure of social capital in European regions through an exploratory factor analysis and a subsequent confirmatory factor analysis.Throughout the paper we critically analyze the gap between the theoretical understandings of social capital and the ways it has been measured in most empirical work so far. We use data from the five European Social Survey waves (2002-2010) in European regions. We also approach social capital levels in these regions: diachronically between 2002 and 2010 using a time-series analysis and synchronically in 2010 using an analysis of variance to determine mean differences (ANOVA). Lastly, we study the effect several determinants have, at individual and national levels over the different dimensions of social capital so as to determine whether there are verifiable differences between European regions. In order to do this we used OLS regression analyses. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 15:17:57','2016-09-07 13:31:25','','Waiting'),(2556,'Variability in the transitions to adulthood in Europe: a critical approach to de-standardization of the life course','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The concept of de-standardization of the life course is taken for granted in youth research. It has been appropriated by the thesis of individualization, applied almost exclusively to contemporary youth, and mainly established through qualitative methods and strategies better prepared to approach individual reflexivity and subjectivity, though not necessarily to measure social change. Through a critical approach to the theoretical oscillations and methodological rivalries in the study of this concept, this article uses the European Social Survey data on the organization of the life course to identify and describe various features of the order of the transitions to adulthood over historical time – such as the ratio of biographical combinations per individual, the density and overlapping of the transitions, and the degrees of normativity of the sequences of the transition. Analysis of these partial results allows us to argue that there is not a strong set of evidence for a widespread and general process of de-standardization in Europe as a whole and that in many matters, with important exceptions (such as gender), cross-national heterogeneity is far more significant than differences across generations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-29 15:25:09','2016-09-07 14:08:42','','Waiting'),(2557,'The Grapes of Wrath: Welfare Attitudes in Bailed-Out Portugal','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper compares welfare attitudes in Portugal before and after the June 2011 bailout, using survey data from the 2008 European Social Survey (rotating module on the “welfare state”) and our own follow-up survey (spring 2013). Our findings suggest the welfare retrenchment rhetoric and agenda by both the international trio of funding bodies (the “Troika”) and the centre-right two-party coalition government elected immediately after the bailout have had significant unintended consequences. If, on the one hand, pessimism with the welfare provision in Portugal and skepticism regarding the social efficacy of social provision have grown dramatically, suggesting the internalization of the retrenchment rhetoric, on the other, this has been accompanied by a no less significant increase in the support for the welfare state among the “Troika’s children”, i.e. labour market outsiders, whose numbers have increased dramatically as the result of Troika’s austerity measures and the ensuing economic crisis. We further explore this impact by identifying three social groups with distinctively different sets of welfare attitudes (welfarists, hopeful welfarists, and liberal individualists), and by providing an explanation for this shift in social attitudes in terms of socio-demographic attributes (gender, etc.), social norms (citizenship norms) and cognitive practices (reflectivity, awareness).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-07-05 10:03:09','2016-08-29 15:49:18','','Waiting'),(2558,'The Employment Gap between immigrants and natives in European countries: The importance of integration policy and origin','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We study the employment gap between immigrants and natives in 16 European countries and the effect of integration policies and country of origin. In this paper, we want to answer 3 main questions. First, is there employment gap between natives and immigrants? Using the European Social Survey, we found that employment gap exists for both male and female immigrants compare to natives because of their characteristics are different from natives. Second, how do various integration policies affect the employment probability of immigrants? Using Migration Integration Policy Index, the result shows that some integration policies are beneficial to immigrants but some are not. Lastly, how do various countries of origin characteristics affect the employment probability of immigrants? Using data from the World Bank and the United Nation Development Program, we found that Human development index and labor force participation rate of the origin country affects immigrants in positive effects of probability of being employed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-30 09:33:46','2016-09-07 14:14:12','','Waiting'),(2559,'Social contacts and attitudes','Sotsiaalsed kontaktid ja hoiakud',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter it is analysed how the amount of different social contacts are related to attitudes towards immigrants. Attitudes of Estonian population are compared to other European countries. Analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://sotsiaalteadused.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-08-30 09:48:39','2016-09-07 14:12:23','','Waiting'),(2560,'Media consumption and attitudes','Infoväli ja hoiakud',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter it is analysed how the access to different media channels is related to attitudes towards immigrants. Attitudes of Estonian population are compared to other European countries. Analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://sotsiaalteadused.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-08-30 09:54:23','2016-09-07 14:21:05','','Waiting'),(2561,'Actions by state and citizens to help the new migrants with settling in','Riigi ja inimeste tegevus sisserändajate vastuvõtmisel',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter it is analysed what state and citizens can do to help new migrants with settling in. It is also discussed what kind expectations citizens have towards migrants (e.g. what qualifications and skills people expect from migrants) and whether they are willing personally help new migrants. Attitudes of Estonian population are compared to other European countries. Analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://sotsiaalteadused.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-08-30 10:07:35','2016-09-07 14:23:01','','Waiting'),(2562,'Summary','Kokkuvõte',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Concluding chapter provides the overview of the different aspects that influence the attitudes of Estonian population towards new migrants. Attitudes of Estonian population are compared to other European countries. Most important findings of the previous chapters are emphasised and discussed and policy recommendations are provided. Analyses are based on European Social Survey data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://sotsiaalteadused.ut.ee/sites/default/files/www_ut/randehoiakute_raport_29.04.2016.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2016-08-30 10:16:47','2016-09-07 14:24:15','','Waiting'),(2563,'Internet Use and Well-Being Before and During the Crisis in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The debate about whether Internet use increases or decreases subjective well-being is growing. However, previous studies rarely explore either this association at the time of financial crisis or the mechanisms by which contextual factors affect well-being. Using the four waves of the European Social Survey 2004–2010, this study examines the association between Internet use and well-being before and during the financial crisis in Europe which started in 2007. To understand how contextual factors explain individual well-being, we use multilevel model. We find that before the crisis, Internet use is not associated with well-being, in contrast with during the period of crisis. Beyond documenting the associations between Internet use and well-being, we find that using the Internet to respond to a situation of unemployment may help individuals for improved well-being. We also find that the density of Internet users in regions across Europe has positive and significant association with well-being. The results suggest that Internet use by individuals and the provision of the Internet access may be beneficial for maintaining well-being especially during the crisis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-30 11:06:25','2016-09-07 14:30:10','','Waiting'),(2564,'Trust in Representative Democracy and Protest Behavior: A Multilevel Analysis of European Democracies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The relationship between trust in representative political institutions and extra-representational protest behavior is contested. For some time, scholars have assumed that distrust is a major source of protest behavior. However, another interpretation highlights that protest has become normalized over time. Thus far, empirical studies have yielded mixed and inconclusive results. This working paper contributes to the debate by linking it to recent studies on how contextual factors both affect the amount of protest and interact with individual-level predictors. More specifically, we consider the institutional and cultural openness of political systems as a key contextual factor. With a multilevel analysis of 21 European countries, we show that citizens who distrust the national parliament, a key institution of representative democracy, are indeed more likely to take part in protest activities. Moreover, in open political contexts, citizens are more likely to protest, and we find a stronger negative micro-level association between political trust and protest behavior.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-31 10:30:39','2016-09-07 14:46:41','','Waiting'),(2566,'European patterns of participation – How dissatisfaction motivates extra-parliamentary activities given the right institutional conditions','',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article focuses on explaining the variation in extra-parliamentary activities, such as signing petitions, demonstrating, displaying badge stickers and boycotting products in 20 European Union (EU) countries. The main questions this article will deal with are: first, how feelings of dissatisfaction with the government and feelings of being member of a discriminated group affect the level of extra-parliamentary participation, and second, how different welfare regimes condition the extend to which these groups chose to act. In a comparative multilevel design, using data from the European Social Survey (ESS) Round 4 (2008), the article finds that satisfaction/dissatisfaction with the government is an important predictor alongside the institutional macro-level variable. The article combines a critical tradition, which suggests that political participation is motivated by a feeling of dissatisfaction with an institutional perspective in which certain institutional conditions are seen as enablers for citizens to actively participate in political life. Our results show that the overall level of extra-parliamentary activity in the Scandinavian countries is higher than in the other European welfare regimes and that the connection between dissatisfaction with the government and extra-parliamentary activity is stronger. The article concludes that the welfare state and the political system in the Scandinavian countries enable dissatisfied and discriminated groups of people to get engaged in extra-parliamentary activities to a greater extent than other EU countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-31 11:37:41','2016-09-07 15:49:00','','Waiting'),(2567,'Volunteers in the probation service: a comparison between Germany and Japan','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Volunteers in the probation service: a comparison between Germany and Japan',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-01 10:37:47','2016-09-07 15:35:50','','Waiting'),(2568,'Up and Down, Old and New: Values and Value Systems of MPs and Voters in France','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'MPs are often criticised as being homogeneous. This is well known in terms of social background or gender, but the criticism also holds for values and norms. MPs are said to share normative agreements on the essential points and demonstrate differences on second-order issues. This criticism is even more widespread regarding the new politics based on the cultural divide, notably vis-à-vis politicians from the extreme right as far as immigration, European integration or globalisation are concerned. In this contribution, these criticisms are addressed by investigating the degree of normative agreements and disagreements of French MPs. Furthermore, the differences both in old and new politics between MPs on the one hand and the electorate as a whole and their supporters on the other hand are evaluated. It is concluded that MPs are definitely not all the same and the degrees of difference among MPs or with the electorate are far from being those expected.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-01 10:54:05','2016-09-07 15:54:41','','Waiting'),(2569,'Economic Performance and Political Trust: The Impact of the Financial Crisis on European Citizens','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust links ordinary citizens to the institutions that are intended to represent them, and thereby enhancing both the legitimacy and the effectiveness of democratic government (Bianco 1994; Gamson 1968; Braithwaite and Levi 1998; Hetherington 1998). It is therefore an essential part of a democratic system. People have confidence in their leaders when the government is working well, and absence of political confidence could threaten the system’s legitimacy. Mistrust by the citizens is often expressed as an unwillingness to follow political outcomes, which prevents progress from happening in the political process (Norris 1999). In this thesis I investigate whether economic performance affects political trust, and if the 2008 financial crisis has decreased confidence levels due to the severity of its consequences. By using multilevel modeling to analyze data from 25 European countries, I find that economic performance is an important component in levels of trust. I am also able to conclude that the financial crisis has reduced citizen’s trust in political institutions in the countries where the crisis has had a severe impact on the economy. As much research emphasizes the importance of individual perception of economic performance, this has also been tested for. The results indicate that individual perception of the economic situation, influence trust just as much, if not more, than the actual economic situation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-01 12:07:57','2016-09-07 15:59:29','','Waiting'),(2570,'Generational shifts in managerial values and the coming of a global business culture','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In a globalizing world, cross-national differences in values and business culture and understanding these differences become increasingly central to a range of managerial issues. Studies of cultural (dis)similarities in the values of managers (so-called managerial values) and the development of a unified, global business culture, however, have hardly developed beyond static, bi-country comparisons of managerial values. This paper addresses three recent critiques of the literature on cultural convergence. It develops a theory-driven empirical approach to the study of change in countries’ business cultures that revolves around generational differences in managerial values and brings important advancement in our understanding of cross-national differences in managerial values and the dynamics therein. We use longitudinal data that cover 37,254 managers and are able, for the first time, to consider a sample of countries that is large and diverse enough to allow for credible international generalizations. Results show systematic generational shifts in managerial values towards a steady waning of cultural dissimilarities between managers. Interestingly, cultural convergence is not universal across values domains. Nevertheless, nationality is increasingly becoming a less relevant factor in managerial values. We now have strong empirical reason to move beyond thinking in simple country dichotomies when considering managerial values and business culture.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-01 12:12:32','2016-09-07 16:04:50','','Waiting'),(2571,'Why are Boycotters Not Automatically Buycotters? Investigating the Aims Underlying Citizens\' Decision to Consume Politically Across Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates why “positive” political consumers (i.e. buycotters) are not automatically “negative” political consumers (i.e. boycotters), too. The deliberate decision to buy a product clearly seems to be driven by other factors than the decision not to buy a product for political, environmental or social reasons: buycotting relates to the idea that a firm is behaving very well and thus should be rewarded for this. In contrast, boycotters want to express their discontent with certain market practices and to put pressure for more regulation. \n\nThe change in firms’ practices may be reached by voluntary self-regulation of companies (i.e. Corporate Social Responsibility/CSR), or determined by the state or supranational institutions (for example through labeling schemes and similar standards). However, the spread of CSR and labeling schemes is somewhat different across countries. Likewise, the analysis of the European Social Survey 2002/03 reveals a different pattern of buycotting and boycotting across countries. This suggests that the citizens’ decision to use their consumption as a tool for expressing political concerns interacts differently with CSR compared to labeling schemes, and across countries. \n\nIn view of that, the paper examines whether the discrepancy is due to citizens’ “concept of the state”, that is to say, their attitudes concerning the state, the market and civil society and their view about who is responsible for what, how the cooperation between the three actors should look like and which role each of them should take over. The logic underlying this idea is that CSR embodies the taking over of responsibility of firms in cooperation with other actors of civil society and the state. In contrast, labeling schemes and similar standards serve as tools to influence demand for specific products and thus embody a culture that favors market-driven, formal solutions. \n\nHall and Soskices’ theory of “The Varieties of Capitalism“ (2001) differentiates countries exactly on these lines, i.e. according to the relationships between firms, the state and society, depending on their respective preferences for how to best solve coordination problems between them. The presented paper uses this theory to investigate whether countries exhibit different magnitudes of political consumerist activities, of CSR and of labeling schemes depending on the way in which coordination problems in interactions concerning economic- and sociopolitical matters are typically solved there. The result is a framework according to which, on the country level, boycotting brings about the “landscape” in which buycotting becomes possible since it puts companies under pressure to change their practices and thereby generates the information required for buycotting. In this process, the concept of the state influences individual citizens’ preferences for either CSR or labeling schemes. And depending on which of the two they want to promote, citizens may rather prefer to engage in a boycott or a buycott. Accordingly, the entire development of political consumerism and its overall extent are different across countries depending on the prevailing concept of the state.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-01 12:18:25','2016-09-07 16:28:33','','Waiting'),(2572,'Trust no Matter What? Citizens\' Perception of the Police 1 Year after the Terror Attacks in Norway','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust in the police appears to evolve slowly over time in response to deeper structural changes rather than single events. However, what happens when a terrorist attack occurs and exposes serious flaws in police preparedness and their response during and after the attack? This study investigates the extent to which trust in the police has been affected by the events on 22 July 2011 and the aftermath, utilizing survey data collected both prior to and after the terror attacks. The study finds that trust in the police rose significantly in the immediate aftermath of the attacks, but then returned to pre-terror levels within a year. Moreover, trust in the police has not fallen below pre-terror levels despite strong criticism in the heavily publicized July 22nd commission report. This suggests a deep-seated belief in the willingness and ability of the authorities to address and correct dysfunction in the police organization.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-01 12:22:38','2016-09-08 09:40:54','','Waiting'),(2573,'Access to a degree in Europe: Inequality in tertiary education attainment 1950-2011','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Inequality in access to, and attainment of, tertiary education, and particularly how it has been affected by a massive growth of student numbers in last decades, is one of major points of interest. Unfortunately, large international surveys focused directly on it are rather scarce. Yet it is possible to analyse the changing levels of inequity across European countries during past sixty years by using data gathered by surveys conducted on other themes, namely by European Social Surveys (ESS). This approach has been used in a study by the Education Policy Centre, Charles University in Prague (EPC). An article just put on the EPC web summarises its results, analysing basic patterns of the transmission of inequality, its changing levels and its relationship to the expansion of tertiary education.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-01 12:42:25','2016-09-08 09:33:19','','Waiting'),(2574,'Cross-entropy based combination of discrete probability distributions for distributed decision making','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this work we propose a systematic way to combine discrete probability distributions based on decision making theory and theory of information, namely the cross-entropy (also known as the Kullback-Leibler (KL) divergence). The optimal combination is a probability mass function minimizing the conditional expected KL-divergence. The expectation is taken with respect to a probability density function also minimizing the KL divergence under problem-reflecting constraints. Although the combination is derived for the case when sources provided probabilistic type of information on the common support, it can applied to other types of given information by proposed transformation and/or extension. The discussion regarding proposed combining and sequential processing of available data, duplicate data, influence of the results by preferences among sources of information and application on real data are also included.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','seckarov@utia.cas.cz','2016-09-01 14:12:01','2016-09-08 09:46:40','','Waiting'),(2575,'Changing Population Profiles and Social Risk Structures in the Nordic Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of this chapter is to provide a comparative backdrop on changing societal structures and risk profiles in the Nordic countries. The chapter is guided by two questions. Firstly, we ask to what extent labour market systems, household and ethnic demographic structures of Nordic populations have changed in the transition towards postindustrialism, with an emphasis on the most recent phase from the 1990s and onwards. Secondly, we ask to what extent it is reasonable to talk about a distinctive Nordic pattern in terms of the characteristics and distribution of new social risks in the population. These questions are addressed by offering an empirical account and discussion of changes in the socio-economic, household and ethnic composition of the population of the four major Nordic countries: Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. To provide a basis for comparison we include, where possible, data from countries approximating the liberal, the employment-centred and the sub-protective welfare models — the United Kingdom, Germany and Italy, respectively (cf. Gallie & Paugam 2000).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-05 09:20:15','2016-09-08 10:14:34','','Waiting'),(2576,'Political Participation, Democratisation and Citizens\' Values in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article addresses the issue of political participation in the context of the process of democratisation, social development, and social changes in general. Particular emphasis is placed on the attempt to explain the differences in the levels of political participation, the differences between European countries, and the role that values play in these differences. Based on data from the \"European Social Survey\" (ESS), multiple linear regression analysis was used to examine the analytical model of the factors of political participation in various European countries at both the individual level and the macro societal level. In so doing, changes over time and differences between old and young democracies were also observed. The results suggest that the differences between old and new democracies persist. In light of this trend, one particularly important finding is that values play an important role in political participation, but only in the developed countries of Western Europe which have a long democratic tradition.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-05 10:14:51','2016-09-08 10:18:35','','Waiting'),(2577,'How to measure homophobia in an international comparison?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How to measure homophobia in internationally comparable ways is a central issue of the present study. Our main goal was to compare attitudes on homophobia in 27 European countries as measured by different variables within two large-scale longitudinal surveys, the European Social Survey and the European Values Study, with both following multistage probabilistic sampling plans, in order to enable a better understanding of the main determinants of homophobic attitudes at the individual as well as country levels. Our dependent variables were the following: the ‘ justification’ of homosexuality, non-preference for homosexual neighbours, and acceptance of gay men and lesbian women (agreement with the statement that gay men and lesbians should be free to live their own life as they wish). We constructed multilevel fixed-effects linear regression and multilevel logistic regression models in order to test our hypotheses regarding the validity of our homophobia measurement instruments as well as the effects of socio-demographic, attitudinal and country-level variables on homophobic attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-05 10:31:01','2016-09-08 10:42:09','','Waiting'),(2578,'Measuring and Modelling Level of Education in European Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We present two methods to improve the comparative measurement of level of education. The first method derives optimal scale scores for all country-specific education categories distinguished in the European Social Survey Round 1–4 [ESS R1–R4]. This results in a novel continuous comparative education measure that we label ISLED: the International Standard Level of Education. The second method further improves measurement quality by modelling level of education as a true-score latent variable that is reflected in two observed indicators. In particular, we combine ISLED and a common-denominator harmonization based on the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED), respectively, with an independently collected duration measure. Embedded in an extended intergenerational status attainment model, this allows us to compare the measurement quality of ISLED with that of two often used comparative education measures: duration and ESS’s five-category harmonized qualification indicator. ISLED outperforms both by some margin, but still attenuates measurement by 5 per cent. Full disattenuation can, however, be achieved by means of latent variable modelling, as this brings about correction of all (random) measurement error.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-05 10:43:54','2016-09-08 10:58:40','','Waiting'),(2579,'From Partisanship to Abstention: Changing Types of Electoral Behavior in a New Democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Post-communist transitions to democracy in Central and Eastern Europe were generally accompanied by an increase of the share of citizens who do not vote. Absentees are usually persons who do not feel close to and do not identify themselves with any political party. The paper builds a typology of voters/non-voters and then examines the changing patterns of electoral behavior in Romania using statistical analysis based on survey data from 1990 to 2008. In the last 20 year of democratic reconstruction in Romania, we can notice a general decline of turnout in parliamentary elections and, in this context, a relative increase of the weight of pragmatic-individualist voters and a subsequent decrease of the relative share of party loyalists in the total share of voters. This raises questions about the credibility of the Romanian political parties and their ability to retain voters from one election round to another. Moreover, there are significant attitudinal and socio-demographic differences between partisan and non-partisan voters, on the one hand, and between voters and absentees, on the other hand. Finally, the paper reconsiders the conceptions and applicability of partisanship in the changing context of elections and voting behaviors in the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-05 11:45:34','2016-09-08 11:08:24','','Waiting'),(2580,'The Reaction Towards White Collar Crime: When White Collar Crime Matters','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the present article, we analyze socio-demographic profiles regarding wrongful attitudes toward white-collar crime. This is a well-researched area, however where the vast majority of the studies comes from the USA and UK. In this paper we will investigate wrongful attitudes in a different context – Sweden. We will furthermore not only focus on those having a restricted view of white collar crime, but also people with a liberal view, i.e. people who do not consider white collar crime to be seriously wrong. To identify different groups regarding attitudes towards white collar crime we have used Latent Class Analyses, with the result that we can identify four different groups, among which we focus on a large group (containing 35 % of the sample) having the most restricted view of white collar crime, and a small group (4.5 % of the sample) having the most liberal view of white collar crime. The socio-demographic profile of people having a restricted view of white collar crime is quite similar to the previous research. The restricted group consists in general of elderly women that infrequently uses Internet. The liberal group is in great extent an opposite group – containing young men regularly using Internet. We conclude that it is the latter group that is of most interest for future research, not the least because it is a group that may be breeding general distrust, which may strain the society’s social solidarity and trustfulness. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-06 11:46:06','2016-09-08 13:25:17','','Waiting'),(2581,'Decentralization and the Welfare State: What Do Citizens Perceive?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust in public institutions and public policies are generally perceived as a precondition for economic recovery in times of recession. Recent empirical evidence tends to find a positive link between decentralization and trust. But our knowledge about whether decentralization—through increased trust—improves the perception of the delivery and effectiveness of public policies is still limited. In this paper we estimate the impact of fiscal and political decentralization on the perception of the state of the education system and of health services, by using the 2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008 waves of the European social survey. The analysis of the views of 160,000 individuals in 31 European countries indicates that while the effect of fiscal decentralization on the perception of the state of the health and education system is unambiguously positive, political decentralization affects citizen’s satisfaction with education and health delivery in different ways. The influence of political decentralization, however, is highly contingent on whether we consider the capacity of the local or regional government to exercise authority over its citizens (self-rule) or to influence policy at the national level (shared-rule).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2016-09-06 13:11:00','2016-09-06 13:18:43','','Waiting'),(2582,'The Occupational Integration of Male Migrants in Western European Countries: Assimilation or Persistent Disadvantage?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper looks at the migrants\' occupational integration process. Two main theoretical perspectives are tested: the first one (assimilation view) claims that in the short-run migrants are penalized, but as they settle in the receiving country they get integrated into the host society; the second one (segmented assimilation view) claims that disadvantages persist in the long-run. EU-LFS and ESS data are described and modelled, in order to compare the labour market performances of migrants in four European old-receiving countries (Germany, France, Great Britain and Sweden) and in two new-receiving countries (Spain and Italy) both in a short-term and in a long-run perspective. We find that a) in the short-run, migrants\' labour market condition is worst with respect to the natives; b) this gap decreases with older migrants; c) the ethnic penalty disappears with the second generation, when they achieve a level of education comparable to that of the natives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-07 10:54:14','2016-09-08 13:29:23','','Waiting'),(2583,'Political Mobilisation, Ethnic Diversity and Social Cohesion: The Conditional Effect of Political Parties','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent research on the consequences of ethnic diversity for social cohesion indicates that the effects of diversity are not necessarily universal. In this article we hypothesise that the rhetoric of political parties conditions whether diversity negatively affects generalised trust. Political campaigns might highlight the salience of cultural diversity issues in their discourse or, moreover, use a divisive rhetoric of ‘nationalistic’ positions. Thus political mobilisation might heighten the perceived conflict between those who are native born and immigrants, especially in diverse societies. In order to test this argument, we investigate the influence of political rhetoric framed on cultural diversity issues, that is, nationalism and multiculturalism – obtained from the Comparative Manifestos Project – on generalised trust in 21 European democracies. We find that the negative impact of ethnic diversity on trust is particularly strong when these issues are mobilised by political parties. It does not, however, matter whether these issues are presented in a positive or negative light.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-07 11:02:15','2016-09-08 13:52:52','','Waiting'),(2584,'No two ageisms are the same: testing measurement invariance in ageism experience across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article focuses on the topic of measurement invariance (equivalence) testing in comparative research. Measurement invariance is the basic requirement for comparative data and should be addressed by researchers before any international comparison begins. In the article, multiple-group confirmatory factor analysis is first performed to describe three methods of measurement invariance testing (configural, metric, and scalar). Subsequently, this procedure is applied to the case of measuring experience with ageism against seniors in the quantitative European Social Survey, Round 4. Measurement invariance in the concept is tested across 29 states participating in the survey. Hypotheses about the sources of the lack of measurement invariance between some countries are then tested by comparing the parameters of the models identified for different groups of European states. Finally, evidence of international comparability of items measuring experience with ageism against seniors is summarized and implications for other areas of comparative social research are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-07 13:39:51','2016-09-08 14:19:13','','Waiting'),(2585,'Anti-politics in action? Do European protesters hate formal politics more or less than the general public?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There has been much talk, and even some concern, about disaffection in democracies (Dalton 2008, Torcal 2003). Especially across Western industrialised nations, citizens appear to express worrying levels of disengagement from formal political institutions. In particular, many scholars have documented low levels of satisfaction with and trust in governments, politicians and political parties (Listhaug and Wiberg 1995). In the UK, for example, only two in every ten people have trusted politicians to tell the truth since the 1970s (Hay et al 2008). This has been accompanied by a loss of partisanship in political parties (Whiteley 2009), reduced party campaigning (Scarrow 2007) and declining electoral turnouts (Blais 2007). In the UK, for example, electoral turnout for general elections was as high as 83.9% in 1950, but had reduced to 59.4% by 2001 (Stoker 2011: 33).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-07 13:47:49','2016-09-08 13:58:58','','Waiting'),(2586,'Electricity Supply Preferences in Europe: Evidence from Subjective Well-Being Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We use survey data for 139,517 individuals in 25 European countries, 2002–2011, to estimate the relationship between subjective well-being (SWB) and production shares of various electricity generation technologies. The estimated relationships are taken to represent preference relationships over attributes of electricity supply systems (costs, safety, environmental friendliness, etc.). Controlling for a variety of individual and macro-level factors, we find that individuals’ SWB varies systematically and significantly with differences in the electricity mix across countries and across time. Among other results, we find that a greater share of solar & wind power relative to nuclear power and electricity from coal and oil is associated with greater SWB at all levels of income and that the implied preference for solar & wind power over nuclear power has risen drastically after the Fukushima nuclear accident.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-08-31 10:37:45','2016-09-07 14:53:15','','Waiting'),(2587,'Ageism towards young and elderly people: lessons from the Nordic diversity model','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Our study compares ageism towards older people with that towards younger people by making a comparative analysis of different European countries, and seeks to evaluate a possible correlation between these two forms of ageism. Using data from the ESS requested by the European Commission, and conducted on 48,141 people in 25 European countries, the present study reveals a positive correlation between the two forms of ageism and thus shows that exclusion at both ends of the age spectrum are linked. However, while ageism towards older people in Nordic countries is particularly low, it remains high towards young people suggesting that a low level of ageism towards the elderly does not necessarily benefit young people. From this we infer that age-based diversity management should simultaneously address both age groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-08 09:06:35','2016-09-08 14:14:31','','Waiting'),(2588,'“Responsible trust”: A value to strengthen Active Citizenship','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is a widespread idea that societies receiving migratory flows behave with hostility towards the immigrants. Thus, three arguments underlie the public policies and educational programmes geared to fostering intercultural values and Active Citizenship competencies in multicultural societies: first, that a strong sense of self-identity is a problem itself in multicultural societies; second, that multiple, hybrids and fluids identities fit better in the social cohesion principles; and third, that it is possible to train people with formal or non-formal educational programmes with the necessary intercultural values and competencies to live together. However, empirical evidence proves that in Catalonia, Spain, there are indigenous people willing to meet voluntarily with people from different cultural background. The volunteers for the practice of the Catalan language do this Active Citizenship practice driven by a strong regional identity and without having had any compulsory or non-formal training in Active Citizenship. This research analyses, through the Grounded Theory methodology, this social phenomenon and proposes the conceptual category Responsible trust as the moral value that allows society to strengthen Active Citizenship among the adult population that is not of compulsory schooling age.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-09 10:54:43','2016-09-13 15:26:26','','Waiting'),(2589,'What can ecological data tell us about reasons for divergence in health status between West Central Scotland and other regions of post-industrial Europe?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: The link between the effects of de-industrialization (unemployment, poverty) and population health is well understood. Post-industrial decline has, therefore, been cited as an underlying cause of high mortality in Scotland\'s most de-industrialized region. However, previous research showed other comparably de-industrialized regions in Europe to have better and faster improving health (with, in many cases, a widening gap evident from the early to mid-1980s).\n\nObjectives: To explore whether ecological data can provide insights into reasons behind the poorer, and more slowly improving, health status of West Central Scotland (WCS) compared with other European regions that have experienced similar histories of post-industrial decline. Specifically, this study asked: (1) could WCS\'s poorer health status be explained purely in terms of socio-economic factors (poverty, deprivation etc.)? and (2) could comparisons with other health determinant information identify important differences between WCS and other regions? These aims were explored alongside other research examining the historical, economic and political context in WCS compared with other de-industrialized regions.\n\nStudy design and methods: A range of ecological data, derived from surveys and routine administrative sources, were collected and analysed for WCS and 11 other post-industrial regions. Analyses were underpinned by the collection and analysis of more detailed data for four particular regions of interest. In addition, the project drew on accompanying literature-based research, analysing important contextual factors in de-industrialized regions, including histories of economic and welfare policies, and national and regional responses to de-industrialization.\n\nResults: The poorer health status of WCS cannot be explained in terms of absolute measures of poverty and deprivation. However, compared with other post-industrial regions in Mainland Europe, the region is distinguished by having wider income inequalities and associated social characteristics (e.g. more single adults, lone parent households, higher rates of teenage pregnancy). Some of these distinguishing features are shared by other UK post-industrial regions which experienced the same economic history as WCS.\n\nConclusion: From the collection of data and supporting analyses of important contextual factors, one can argue that poor health in WCS can be attributed to three layers of causation: the effects of de-industrialization (which have impacted on health in all post-industrial regions); the impact of ‘neoliberal’ UK economic policies, resulting in wider inequalities in WCS and the other UK regions; and an as-yet-unexplained (but under investigation) set of factors that cause WCS to experience worse health outcomes than similar regions within the UK.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-09 11:20:57','2016-09-13 15:33:22','','Waiting'),(2590,'Teacher self-efficacy in cross-national perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the present study, teacher self-efficacy was examined in a cross-national setting. The cross-national generalizability of the scale and the meaning of cross-national variation in mean scores were investigated. Using data from TALIS involving 73,100 teachers in 23 countries, teacher self-efficacy was shown to have a similar unifactorial structure and equivalent positive correlations with teaching practices and job satisfaction across countries. At the country level, significant correlations were only found for job satisfaction; in addition, teacher self-efficacy was related to collectivism, modesty, and extremity scoring. Thus, mean score differences between countries mainly reflect cultural value orientations and response styles.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-12 09:09:44','2016-09-13 15:40:24','','Waiting'),(2591,'Job satisfaction across Europe: differences between and within regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study focuses on comparison of factors of job satisfaction within Europe. The rare comparative papers on this subject commonly compare Western Europe (WE) and Eastern Europe (EE) by pooling data on the two regions. By contrast, this analysis takes into account dis/similarities within each of the two regions. We use an ordered probit regression model based on European Social Survey 2010 and test the homogeneity of the two WE and EE regions. We apply a bottom-up psychological theory which divides factors into work-role inputs and work-role outputs. The results confirm the existing WE–EE gap in job satisfaction. Some factors show stronger effects on job satisfaction in one region than the other. The effects of gender and education proved statistically significant only in WE. Being paid appropriately is the most important work-role output and increases job satisfaction substantially more in Germany, France and the UK than in the rest of the WE region. Learning new things in work has the strongest positive impact in France, while Russia is the only country with a negative impact. The article provides a more detailed map of job satisfaction levels and its main factors across European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-12 09:37:28','2016-09-13 15:44:12','','Waiting'),(2592,'Is there a cultural component in tax morale? Evidence from immigrants in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we examine the existence of a cultural component in individual tax morale. To identify the effect of culture we use immigrant data drawn from the European Social Survey. We find that culture is a significant determinant of tax morale: the level of tax morale in the country of immigrant origin influences individual tax morale in the destination country. The result is robust to the inclusion of a wide set of individual and aggregate controls and persists across different population segments.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-12 09:47:49','2016-09-13 15:52:37','','Waiting'),(2593,'Reducing the participation gap in civic engagement: Political consumerism in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on the analysis of the European Social Survey (2002), this study explores the nature of civic engagement and identifies three main dimensions: political activism (such as political party or political action group involvement or demonstrations), involvement in voluntary associations and political consumerism (boycotting, ‘buycotting’, and signing petitions). While political activism and associational involvement accords well with traditional studies of civic engagement, political consumerism points to a new pattern of political behaviour that has become popular in Europe in the past decade. Moreover, modelling the three dimensions of civic engagement demonstrates that the socio-demographic profile of these activists differ from each other. Particularly, political consumerism appeals more to people who have been traditionally regarded as less active, such as women, the young, and those living in urban areas. These findings suggest that political consumerism reduces the participation gap between different social groups and might carry important lessons for participative democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-12 09:53:50','2016-09-13 15:58:28','','Waiting'),(2594,'Partisan supply and voters\' positioning on the left–right scale in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main objective of this article is to provide a comparative analysis of the impact of the components that determine positions on the left–right scale using data from the European Social Survey (ESS) which, in addition and in contrast to previous studies, includes the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Our findings show the stronger effect of the partisan component vis-à-vis other factors, resulting in further proof of the main role that parties play in influencing voters’ positions on the left–right scale, as long as they constitute the main and most visible actors around which electoral competition develops. Moreover, there are significant variations among countries regarding the impact of the partisan component, principally stemming from the degree of ideological polarization in party systems.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-12 10:19:37','2016-09-14 09:45:11','','Waiting'),(2595,'Do Parties “Playing the Race Card” Undermine Natives\' Support for Redistribution? Evidence From Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, we address the question of whether the policy statements of political parties with regard to migration affect the link between individual anti-immigrant sentiment and support for redistributive policies. While the effect of political parties “playing the race card” is well documented and repeatedly discussed in the American context, it has received little attention in comparative studies. We test our measurements of issue-salience with regard to migration and welfare-related matters by conducting multilevel models for a sample of 14 European countries. We also control for the potential effects of the countries’ welfare regimes—which is so far the most prominent contextual variable. Our results strongly indicate a moderating party-effect: The more parties accentuate crucial migration issues, the less general support there is for welfare programs by native anti-immigrant groups. In contrast, we find no effect of the repeatedly discussed welfare regime on this relationship, once controlled for party statements.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-12 11:34:48','2016-09-14 10:12:41','','Waiting'),(2596,'Is there Anything Wrong with the MTMM Approach to Question Evaluation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In 1959 Campbell and Fiske introduced the Multitrait Multimethod (MTMM) approach to evaluate the convergence and discriminant validity of measurement instruments. 1984 Frank Andrews adjusted the procedure to estimate the quality of questions for survey research. He also did the first meta-analysis across many experiments to evaluate the effect of the different question characteristics on the quality of the questions. After his death my research group continued his valuable work by doing more experiments, doing a new meta analysis and developing a program for prediction of the quality of questions (Oberski, Kuipers, & Saris, 2005) on the bases of the findings of the meta analysis (Saris & Gallhofer, 2007). In 2001 the European Social Survey (ESS) decided to include in its data collection MTMM experiments to evaluate the quality of questions, to compare the quality across countries and to correct for possible differences in quality across these countries. In order to apply this approach in the ESS the design of the MTMM experiment was adjusted to reduce memory effects by repetition of the same questions. Saris, Satorra, and Coenders (2004) developed for this purpose the Split Ballot MTMM design. This design has been used in all rounds of the ESS in more than 20 countries.In a recent book, edited by Madans, Miller, Maitland and Willis (2011) published by Wiley in the series on survey research three authors criticize the MTMM approach. Because these criticisms come from three very well known and respected scholars, Duane Alwin, Jon Krosnick and Peter Mohler and they have been published in the very prestigious survey research series of Wiley I feel obliged to indicate that there is nothing wrong with the MTMM approach but that the criticisms are unjustified.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-12 11:41:41','2016-09-14 10:19:08','','Waiting'),(2597,'The worst of both worlds? Origin and destination effects on migrant religiosity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Insecurity theory states that religiosity is predominantly affected by insecurities experienced during childhood, instead of present insecurities. The empirical research of these aspects, however, has been hampered by the difficulty to disentangle past and present contextual effects. In this respect, first-generation migrants offer an interesting case study that allows us to discern: (1) contextual effects experienced during childhood (i.e. associated with the origin country); (2) contextual effects experienced during later life (i.e. associated with the destination country); and (3) individual effects experienced during later life in the destination country. We test hypotheses using the European Social Survey (ESS) in cross-classified multi-level analyses on 5,900 individuals within on the one hand twenty-five destination countries and on the other 146 origin countries. While insecurity theory offers interesting prospects of explaining origin country variance, the applicability of insecurity theory to migrants at the individual and destination level is questioned by the results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-12 13:08:21','2016-09-14 10:29:21','','Waiting'),(2598,'The International Standard Classification of Education ISCED: the standard from Sevrès or Satan\'s trick?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the ISCED classification was to compare educational resources in different countries. One of the reasons why the classification fails is that it does not reflect the specific characteristics of educational systems in individual countries and as a result creates an oversimplified image of the role of education in contemporary societies. In Poland, the national classification provides a better tool than the ISCED for specifying the role of education, which is demonstrated by the results of the 2010 European Social Survey. The advantage of national classification over the ISCED follows from the fact that it takes changes and reforms in the Polish educational system into consideration. These empirical results speak for supplementing standards with national classifications for education which allow specific characteristics of education systems to be taken into account in inter-country comparison. This would be a step towards functional harmonisation, a concept abandoned after the year 2000 which was replaced with methodological rigor. In the discussion possible reasons are outlined for why researchers find using the ISCED more appropriate for their countries than constructing their own instruments.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-12 13:37:18','2016-09-14 10:51:37','','Waiting'),(2599,'Evaluating Relative Mode Effects on Data Quality in Mixed-Mode Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In order to compare data-quality of different data-collection modes, multitrait-multimethod (MTMM) experiments have been implemented in a mixed-mode experiment parallel to the European Social Survey (ESS) fourth round (2008/2009). Special interest lies in measurement effects between the modes which refer to the pure impact of a data-collection mode on the quality. Nevertheless, mere comparison between quality estimates of the different modes does not allow drawing conclusions about measurement effects. Indeed, measurement effects may be completely confounded with selection effects which refer to differences in respondents compositions across the modes. However, by comparing the mixed-mode data with the main ESS data and treating the dataset of origin as an instrumental variable, some conditional measurement effects and selection effects can be disentangled. This paper provides a preliminary exploratory analysis of this approach. The results generally yield low to fair measurement effects while the selection effects on some items are rather large.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-14 12:48:00','2016-09-16 14:42:24','','Waiting'),(2600,'Protest activity in European countries','',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The analysis presented in the article is focused on the processes of the formation of social stratification as stemming from protest activity. It is aimed at finding out to what degree participation in protest actions is a factor in the structuring of social relationships and, in particular, the extent to which the basic forms of structuring which emerge on this basis are superimposed on the existing distances between social categories such as the intelligentsia, owners, workers and peasants. Based on data from the European Social Survey of 2002-2010, the author endeavours to discover the degree to which the more general regularities come to the fore here and to what extent the protests are determined by contextual factors resulting from the specific features of countries, such as, for example, the level of their political system’s democratisation, the threat of unemployment or the influx of ethnic minorities. The indicators of participation in protest taken into account include the participation in legal street demonstrations declared by the respondents, their signing of petitions and boycotting of specific goods and products, as well as their carrying of visible signs of opposition such as stickers or banners intended to promote the values they support. The analysis presented in the article leads to the conclusion that it was Scandinavian societies which had the relatively highest indicators of participation in protest between 2002 and 2010. The values for the indicators were lower for societies representing the traditional Western democracies, such as Britain or France, while the Mediterranean and post-communist societies were characterised by the lowest of all. In all these countries, it is high-level executives and specialists who display the highest indicators for participation in protests, followed by lower-rank white collar staff, owners, workers and farmers. Taking part in democracy is thus not equivalent to more egalitarian social relationships.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-15 09:21:37','2016-09-16 14:56:17','','Waiting'),(2601,'Political polarization and its consequences on democratic accountability','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper first explores the polarization thesis, according to which between 1990-2010 political polarization increased to a large extent in the Hungarian political elite and among citizens, although it did not undermine the stability of the political system. Second, it gives an endogenous explanation for this phenomenon. Third, through theoretical discussion and empirical examples taken from Hungarian politics it is revealed that although growing polarization has not generated regime instability, it reduces, or might reduce, the efficiency of the operation of democracy. Five mechanisms of the effects of ideological polarization which weaken democratic accountability are explored.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-15 09:53:53','2016-09-16 15:10:51','','Waiting'),(2602,'Does education affect happiness? Evidence for Spain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper we study the impact of education on happiness in Spain using individual-level data from the European Social Survey, by means of estimating Ordinal Logit Models. We find both direct and indirect effects of education on happiness. First, we find an indirect effect of education on happiness through income and labour status. That is, we find that people with a higher education level have higher income levels and a higher probability of being employed, and thus, report higher levels of happiness. Second, and after controlling by income, labour status and other socio-economic variables, we find that education has a positive (and direct) impact on happiness. We interpret this result as evidence of a “self-confidence” or “self-estimation” effect from acquiring knowledge. Finally, we find that the direct impact of education on happiness does not depend of the level of education (primary, secondary or tertiary).\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-15 10:58:08','2016-09-16 15:17:12','','Waiting'),(2603,'Policing by consent: understanding the dynamics of police power and legitimacy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This is the first of the country-specific European Social Survey topline results reports. Focusing on UK data from the Round 5 module entitled ‘trust in justice,\' we link people’s perceptions of police legitimacy to their compliance with the law and their willingness to cooperate with the police and criminal courts. We also extend the existing literature by addressing wider forms of trust and people’s attachment to order and security. Framing the findings in the context of a long and rich history of policing by consent, we show the value of the European Social Survey in shaping public policy, practice and debate.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-15 11:18:49','2016-09-16 15:20:54','','Waiting'),(2604,'Is social capital good for health? A European perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the research reported here was to examine the causal impact of social capital on health in 14 European countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, supplemented by regional-level data, the authors studied whether individual and/or community-level social capital positively affects health. They controlled for other factors expected to affect health, and addressed – via an instrumental variable approach – the challenge of assessing causality in the relationship between social capital and health. The large variance of the error term due to measurement errors calls for strong instruments to obtain reliable estimates in a finite sample. The dataset was rich enough in information to allow the finding of a seemingly strong causal relationship between social capital and individual health. Community social capital (defined at the regional level) appears not to affect health once individual-level social capital is controlled for. Taken at face value, the findings suggest that policy interventions should be aimed at improving primarily individual social capital. This would achieve a double effect: directly improving individuals’ health and contributing to community social capital, which reinforces the beneficial role of individual social capital.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-15 11:39:39','2016-09-16 15:23:34','','Waiting'),(2605,'Does changing a light bulb lead to changing the world? Political action and the conscious consumer','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As the prevalence of “conscious” consumption has grown, questions have arisen about its relationship to political action. An influential argument holds that political consumption individualizes responsibility for environmental degradation and “crowds out” genuine forms of activism. While European and Canadian empirical research contradicts this perspective, finding that conscious consumption and political engagement are positively connected, no studies of this relationship have been conducted for the United States. This article presents ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models for two datasets, the 2004 General Social Survey and a detailed survey of approximately 2,200 conscious consumers conducted by the authors, to assess the nature of the relationship between conscious consumption and political activism. The authors find that measures of conscious consumption are significantly and positively related to political action, even when controlling for political involvement in the past. The results suggest that greater levels of political consumption are positively related to a range of political actions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-16 10:11:56','2016-09-16 15:32:49','','Waiting'),(2606,'Immigrant Involvement in Voluntary Associations in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper measures the impact of immigration on migrants\' involvement in associations across Europe. Using multilevel analysis on European Social Survey (ESS) data, we address three questions: Are immigrants likely to become members in voluntary associations? Does this likelihood change with the length of stay in the host country? Does the type of the association make a difference? The findings show that the likelihood of migrants participating in associations increases with the length of stay, while second-generation migrant participation is similar to that of the host society. The relation is stronger for expressive associations and weaker for instrumental-utilitarian ones, while religious organisations are more likely to attract new immigrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-26 08:50:09','2016-09-26 10:01:39','','Waiting'),(2607,'Where do radical right parties stand? Position blurring in multidimensional competition','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article questions the utility of assessing radical right party placement on economic issues, which has been extensively analyzed in academic literature. Starting from the premise that political parties have varying strategic stakes in different political issues, the article considers political competition in multiple issue dimensions. It suggests that political competition is not simply a matter of taking positions on political issues, but rather centers on manipulating the dimensional structure of politics. The core argument is that certain political parties, such as those of the radical right, seek to compete on neglected, secondary issues while simultaneously blurring their positions on established issues in order to attract broader support. Deliberate position blurring – considered costly by the literature – may thus be an effective strategy in multidimensional competition. The article combines quantitative analyses of electoral manifestos, expert placement of political parties, and voter preferences, by studying seventeen radical right parties in nine Western European party systems.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-26 09:18:58','2016-09-26 10:14:42','','Waiting'),(2608,'The Nature of Public Opinion on Education in Norway, Sweden and Finland – Measuring the Degree of Political Polarization at the Mass Level','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this article is to investigate public opinion on education in Norway, Sweden and Finland. Two questions are investigated: (1) whether there is a “Nordic model” of public opinion, and (2) whether public opinion is characterized by political consensus or conflict. Large-scale surveys from 1981 to 2009 are analyzed. The findings reveal that the nature of public opinion on education differs between Norway and Sweden on one hand and Finland on the other. In Norway and Sweden there is a tendency for supporters of the social democratic parties to have the most positive perceptions of the education system, even though the degree of polarization decreased during conservative participation in government. In Finland, political polarization was almost non-existent. Finally, the findings suggest that some of the dissatisfaction with the education system, as with other public institutions, was explained by support in populist parties. The article contributes to our understanding by filling a gap between research on education and public opinion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-26 10:17:53','2016-09-26 10:47:29','','Waiting'),(2609,'Weighting in the regression analysis of survey data with a cross-national application','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A class of survey weighting methods provides consistent estimation of regression coefficients under unequal probability sampling. The minimization of the variance of the estimated coefficients within this class is considered. A series of approximations leads to a simple modification of the usual design weight. One type of application where unequal probabilities of selection arise is in cross-national comparative surveys. In this case, our argument suggests the use of a certain kind of within-country weight. We investigate this idea in an application to data from the European Social Survey, where we fit a logistic regression model with vote in an election as the dependent variable and with various variables of political science interest included as explanatory variables. We show that the use of the modified weights leads to a considerable reduction in standard errors compared to design weighting.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-26 10:23:46','2016-09-26 10:54:06','','Waiting'),(2610,'The Multidimensionality of Welfare State Attitudes: A European Cross-National Study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'When evaluating the various aspects of the welfare state, people assess some aspects more positively than others. Following a multidimensional approach, this study systematically argues for a framework composed of seven dimensions of the welfare state, which are subject to the opinions of the public. Using confirmatory factor analyses, this conceptual framework of multidimensional welfare attitudes was tested on cross-national data from 22 countries participating in the 2008 European Social Survey. According to our empirical analysis, attitudes towards the welfare state are multidimensional; in general, people are very positive about the welfare state’s goals and range, while simultaneously being critical of its efficiency, effectiveness and policy outcomes. We found that these dimensions relate to each other differently in different countries. Eastern/Southern Europeans combine a positive attitude towards the goals and role of government with a more critical attitude towards the welfare state’s efficiency and policy outcomes. In contrast, Western/Northern Europeans’ attitudes towards the various welfare state dimensions are based partly on a fundamentally positive or negative stance towards the welfare state.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-26 11:00:51','2016-09-26 11:16:38','','Waiting'),(2611,'Collecting ethnic statistics in Europe: a review','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Statistics on ethnicity, if not on ‘race’, are common in a large number of countries around the world, but not in the western part of Europe. This divergence can be explained by legal prohibitions attached to data protection provisions and by a political reluctance to recognize and emphasize ethnic diversity in official statistics. Following different traditions of political framing, northern, central and eastern European countries have implemented different ways of collecting ‘ethnic statistics’. This article provides a review of the heterogeneity of methodologies used for converting ethnicity into statistics and discusses their limitations for any potential standardization. As part of the enforcement of anti-discrimination policies, European human rights institutions are urging a reconsideration of the choice of ‘colour-blind’ statistics. Counting or not counting by ethnicity raises epistemological and methodological dilemmas which this article attempts to identify.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-26 11:09:46','2016-09-26 11:21:01','','Waiting'),(2612,'Those who are in the gutter look at the stars? Explaining perceptions of labour market opportunities among European young adults','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the aftermath of the global financial crisis of 2008, youth unemployment has risen worldwide. In cross-national perspective, research on youth employment has thus far paid attention to the transition from school to work, but underemphasized the importance of the social psychology of labour market entrance. In this article, European young adults’ perceptions of the first-job opportunities in their country are analysed. The result of a multilevel regression analysis on the 2008 wave of the European Social Survey (ESS) shows that differences across countries can mainly be explained by the public’s perceptions of levels of unemployment, and public spending on education. At the individual level, youth in a precarious socioeconomic situation have a rather pessimistic view on these opportunities. Moreover, women perceive the opportunities as less positive than men while young people of foreign origin have, contrary to the expectations, a more positive outlook on the chances for young people.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-26 11:15:19','2016-09-26 11:40:42','','Waiting'),(2613,'Tax and Trust: The Fiscal Crisis in Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aims to highlight a number of shortcomings in the design and enforcement of the tax system in Greece, which have played a key role in the exacerbation of fiscal deficits that led to the current sovereign debt crisis. More precisely, we argue that these shortcomings resulting in low tax revenue are related to the structure of the Greek economy and to the failures of formal institutions (such as the poor functioning of the tax administration and lax tax enforcement). Such failures are rooted in and at the same time reinforce failures of informal institutions, namely low levels of trust in institutions and perceived fairness of the tax system.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-26 11:24:33','2016-09-26 11:52:15','','Waiting'),(2614,'Fixed-Term Contracts, Economic Conjuncture, and Training Opportunities: A Comparative Analysis Across European Labour Markets','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Our work aims to bring together two research fields: the debate concerning different labour market flexibilization strategies and the determinants of training chances. The purpose of our work is therefore to assess the trade-off between temporary employment and training opportunities in a comparative analysis of three groups of countries characterized by different levels of labour market segmentation and training coverage. Particular attention is paid to the impact of the 2008 economic downturn in shaping training opportunities for contingent workers. Our research questions are investigated using three pooled rounds of the European Social Survey (2004, 2006, and 2008). While regression analyses partially confirm the negative effects of fixed-term contracts (FTCs) on training opportunities, a counterfactual analysis shows a retrenchment in training provisions among temporary workers only in strongly segmented labour markets, where FTCs constitute a more homogeneous marginal group, highly stratified in terms of age, gender, unemployment experience, and social class.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-27 10:42:09','2016-09-27 14:45:45','','Waiting'),(2615,'Age, class, and attitudes towards government responsibilities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter argues that age and class are two fundamental principles of social stratification; therefore, it is a sociologically central task to analyze their impact on individuals\' attitudes toward social arrangements. It examines to what extent do risk perceptions, beliefs about claimant groups and about the sustainability of the welfare state, and values work as micro-level mechanisms that tie class/age categories to attitudes toward government responsibilities. Findings show that perceptions about individual risk and beliefs about the extent of social problems mediated the class-attitudes relationship. Results further show a large variation across Europe in the extent to which class and age structure welfare attitudes. On average, across different dependent variables, age and class differences vary independently of each other.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-27 12:45:42','2016-09-27 14:53:25','','Waiting'),(2616,'Regressing the propensity to vote','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present paper addresses the propensity to vote with data from the third and fourth rounds of the European Social Survey. The regression of voting propensities on true predictor scores is made possible by estimates of predictor reliabilities (Bechtel, 2010; 2011). This resolves two major problems in binary regression, i.e. errors in variables and imputation errors. These resolutions are attained by a pure randomization theory that incorporates fixed measurement error in design-based regression. This type of weighted regression has long been preferred by statistical agencies and polling organizations for sampling large populations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-28 09:43:42','2016-10-03 10:18:52','','Waiting'),(2617,'Labor-market exposure as a determinant of attitudes toward immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper re-examines the role of labor-market competition as a determinant of attitudes toward immigration. We claim two main contributions. First, we use more sophisticated measures of the degree of exposure to competition from immigrants than previously done. In addition to education, we focus on the protection derived from (self-assessed) investments in job-specific human capital and from specialization in occupations that are (objectively) intensive in communication tasks. Second, we explicitly account for the potential endogeneity arising from job search. Methodologically, we estimate by instrumental variables, an econometric model that allows for heterogeneity at the individual, regional and country level. Drawing on the 2004–2005 European Social Survey, we obtain the following main results. First, natives that dislike immigrants tend to work in low-immigration jobs, biasing OLS estimates. Second, working in jobs that require high levels of specific human capital leads to relatively more pro-immigration attitudes, although this effect is only found for respondents with more than 12 years of schooling. Third, the degree of manual (communicational) intensity of workers\' occupations has a negative (positive) effect on their pro-immigration views. This effect is the most significant, both in a statistical and in a quantitative sense, and is distinct from the protection from immigrant competition provided by formal education. Overall our results suggest a large role for skill-based labor market competition in determining individual attitudes toward immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-29 08:18:09','2016-10-03 10:27:38','','Waiting'),(2618,'Immigrants\' Health in Europe: A Cross-Classified Multilevel Approach to Examine Origin Country, Destination Country, and Community Effects','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study, we examined origin, destination, and community effects on first- and second-generation immigrants’ health in Europe. We used information from the European Social Surveys (2002–2008) on 19,210 immigrants from 123 countries of origin, living in 31 European countries. Cross-classified multilevel regression analyses reveal that political suppression in the origin country and living in countries with large numbers of immigrant peers have a detrimental influence on immigrants’ health. Originating from predominantly Islamic countries and good average health among natives in the destination country appear to be beneficial. Additionally, the results point toward health selection mechanisms into migration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-29 09:31:50','2016-10-03 10:34:00','','Waiting'),(2619,'Sociality in Diverse Societies: A Regional Analysis Across European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For a long time, researchers investigate the impact of diversity on society. To measure diversity, either archival data at the national level of census data at the neighborhood level, within a single country are used. Both approaches are limited. The first approach does not allow to investigate variation in diversity within countries and the second approach misses the possibility to investigate cross national differences. The present study aims at bringing these two approaches closer together by constructing diversity measures based on the European Social Survey (ESS). The ESS is collected every 2 years since 2002 and includes individual level data that allow replicating earlier measures of ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity for 30 European countries. Furthermore, since respondents are asked to indicate in what region they live, measured with the Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics classification, it is possible to construct disaggregated measures. Comparing the new indicators with existing diversity scores leads to the following conclusions. First, the new and old measures are strongly correlated at the national level. Secondly, investigating the relationship between diversity and different kinds of sociality (interpersonal trust, institutional trust, and support for government redistribution) shows that regional diversity is more strongly related to them than diversity at the national level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-29 09:49:49','2016-10-03 11:07:51','','Waiting'),(2620,'The Societal Impact of Economic Anxiety','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Loss of household income and purchasing power are shown to have broad and negative societal effects. The economic anxiety accompanying this loss has its strongest impact on consumer demand, which is the major factor in a nation’s gross domestic product (GDP). Negative effects of economic anxiety are also found on the propensity to vote, political trust, societal satisfaction, and the quality of life. These effects were verified in a crossnational sample from the fifth round of the European Social Survey. Simple regression of the true value of consumer demand, etc. on the true value of economic anxiety is made possible by an estimate of the reliability of our economic-anxiety score (cf. Bechtel, 2010; 2011; 2012). This reliability estimate corrects the regression slope of each societal variable for measurement error in the anxiety score.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-29 11:07:47','2016-10-03 11:20:44','','Waiting'),(2621,'Policy and practice: The relationship between family policy regime and women\'s labour market participation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to develop a typology of different family policy systems in Europe and evaluate their impact on the employment strategy of mothers with care responsibilities for dependent children.\nDesign/methodology/approach: The paper outlines a typology of family policy regimes in Europe – covering the 26 countries. A typology based on a cluster analysis of macro indicators of family policy – coverage of childcare, effective parental leave and spending on family policies. The cluster analysis is based on data from OECD family data base. Then follows an analysis of the impact of the different family policy regimes on mothers\' employment strategies when they return into gainful employment, based on data from the European Social Survey, 2008.\nFindings: The authors have identified four different family policy models: extensive family policy, long parental leave, family care, and cash for care. For each of the models, different strategies are found for take up of employment for mothers with dependent children.\nOriginality/value: The paper includes 26 European countries, thereby covering the East and Central Europe, which is not the case in most welfare typologies. Furthermore, the authors distinguish clearly in the analyses between the institutional dimension and the outcome – mothers\' employment strategies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-29 11:37:03','2016-10-03 11:42:27','','Waiting'),(2622,'A Comparison of the Quality of Questions in a Face-to-face and a Web Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Up until now, most surveys have used face-to-face interviews, postal mail, or the telephone to collect data. However, today the difficulties of carrying out surveys at reasonable costs have increased. Simultaneously, new opportunities have appeared. In particular, web surveys, which are usually cheaper, offer more flexibility, and can reach a large population in a short time, are becoming very attractive. Nevertheless, different modes of data collection may lead to different coverage, sampling, nonresponse, and measurement errors. We focus on the last since different modes have different properties, just because the question is asked in a different mode, a difference in responses may appear. For instance, Krosnick (1991) shows that varying levels of social desirability and satisficing biases exist depending on the mode of data collection used. This can be related to the presence of an interviewer in some modes but not in others. As a result, in order to compare data collected with different modes (across time, across countries, across groups), we first need to study the impact of modes on several parameters.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-09-29 15:28:25','2016-10-03 11:56:50','','Waiting'),(2623,'Who Benefits More from a Balanced life? Gender Differences in Work-life Balance and Satisfaction with Life in Eight Post-communist Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of the research described in this paper is to investigate the gender differences in the relationship between perceived tension with work-life balance and satisfaction with life in eight post-communist regions (the Czech Republic, East Germany, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia and Ukraine). The research investigates 1) how having a balanced life contributes to the subjective well-being of individuals (measured according to level of satisfaction with life), and 2) the variability which exists on a country level with satisfaction with life and satisfaction with work-life balance, and the relationship between these two attitudes. Data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey is used in the analysis, to which only respondents active in the labor force were included (N=6410). The paper presents descriptive statistics about country differences in the level of satisfaction with life and work-life balance. Following this, OLS regression models are used to predict satisfaction with life. Results reveal that the perceived balance between work and other elements of life has a significant impact on satisfaction with life, and no gender difference is detectable in this regard. Nevertheless, more highly educated individuals have greater subjective well-being, and the impact is stronger for women than men. Between-country differences are also moderate.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Free access:\nhttp://intersections.tk.mta.hu/index.php/intersections/issue/view/7','Robert.Peter@tk.mta.hu','2016-10-03 11:27:32','2016-10-03 12:12:09','','Waiting'),(2624,'Cross-National Differences in Political Discussion: Can Political Systems Narrow Deliberation Gaps?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Even though many researchers devoted considerable attention to political discussion and its individual-level antecedents and outcomes, insights are based on single-country studies. Cross-national variations were either never studied or implicitly equated to the U.S. context. This study integrates explanations from communication and comparative politics to test whether political system features (e.g., electoral competitiveness and multiple parties) affect the macrosupply of political information, and thus either amplify or diminish the effects of individual characteristics on discussion. Analyses of cross-national data show system features correlate with greater discussion frequency and moderate the contribution of individual differences to discussion. The potential of systems to narrow gaps in mass public discussion and implications for future research are considered in conclusion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-10-12 10:33:31','2016-10-12 15:01:47','','Waiting'),(2625,'Frozen transitions to adulthood of young people in Slovenia?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article reviews key-indicators of youth transitions in Slovenia over the last decades and highlights some of the inherent tensions. Against the background of the metaphor of ‘frozen transitions’, which tries to grasp some of the contradictions between the speed of societal change and the stagnating development of youth towards independence, the article describes and reflects the development of youth transitions in the three domains of employment, housing and parenthood. The basis is a selection of indicators available in international data sets and surveys that allow to trace the change at least over the last two decades after the breakdown of Yugoslavia. Our findings indicate that transitions in Slovenia are frozen in all three domains, which challenges the usefulness of the conventional life course framework for studying post-communist contexts. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-10-13 09:15:48','2016-10-13 16:28:16','','Waiting'),(2626,'Beyond ´Distant suffering´ and pity-compelled cosmopolitanism – Examining the relation between the consumption of ordinary news, general media consumption and cosmopolitan outlooks in Scandinavia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Questions arising out of the global character of the media include whether or not one can become a kosmou politês (citizen of the world) by consuming and using different media whose “relay function” (Schulz, 2004) potentially draws the world into the sphere of the everyday. This potential has mainly been researched from a reception-of-distant-suffering paradigm where what is at stake is the possibility for news reporting to set in motion an “electronic empathy” (Hannerz, 1996). This study ventures beyond this dominant paradigm and uses ESS (European Social Survey) Round 5 2010 to examine the impact of the empirically neglected variables of ordinary news consumption and media consumption in general to see to what extent they cultivate a cosmopolitan outlook in audiences and users. The results indicate that ‘the media’ display ambivalent and multi-directional effects and thus that the notion of “mediated cosmopolitanism” does not withstand empirical testing.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-10-13 09:44:11','2016-10-13 16:39:55','','Waiting'),(2627,'Social risks of depression in Europe and Russia: The role of demographics, education and social capital','Социальные риски депрессии в Европе и России: значение демографии, образования и социального капитала',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is devoted to a problem of social inequalities in mental health in the European countries. The data of the European Social Survey 2012 for 27 countries and statistics on the level of economic development, government expenditure on health, control of corruption in these countries integrated into an index of social development were analyzed by statistical methods of two-level linear modeling. Mental health was measured by the Center for Epidemiologic Studies (National Institute of Mental Health, USA) Depression Scale (CES-D, 8-item scale). Social differences of depressive symptomatology were analyzed taking into account gender, age, education and social capital (interaction and support in the person’s inner circle and interpersonal trust in wider community). Results of modeling show that risks of a depression are much higher in the countries with rather low level of social development (many former communistic states and mediterranean regimes), than in the most developed northern social democracies. In any part of Europe there are distinct social differences in probability of depressive symptoms’ development – it a little higher for women, than men, and considerably raises with age and with decrease in education level. However age and education inequalities are not identical in all societies – they gradually smooth out with increase in the economic well-being of a country and government social expenditure. The social capital – networks of interactions with friends, relatives, work colleagues and their support - is the major variable explaining differences in mental health. Such interactions and support are especially important for vulnerable segments of the population (elderly and poorly educated people) in less developed countries, however this type of social capital appears in deficiency in these strata. Social trust also plays an important role, reducing risks of a depression, and such influence is a little more expressed in the countries with the high level of social development. Mental health in Russia is characterized by the increased risks of a depression, distinctly expressed social inequalities and a lack of resources of social support in vulnerable strata.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2016-10-13 10:37:39','2017-12-20 14:37:39','','Waiting'),(2628,'Too old to work, or too young to retire? The pervasiveness of age norms in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The ageism debate has pointed to the persistence of negative age stereotypes that hinder the prolongation of working lives. However, the actual holders of discriminatory norms have remained largely anonymous because there is limited understanding of the pervasiveness of age norms. This article discusses arguments derived from life course and social norms theory regarding the degree of internalization of age-related norms. The focus is on individual differences in terms of social class and gender. Using 2006 data from the European Social Survey, the article gathers empirical evidence on attitudes towards the timing of retirement in 14 Western European societies. A set of tobit models examines the determinants of retirement age norms for men and women. The results suggest that social class has a strong impact on retirement age norms. Moreover, the analysis reveals a complex pattern of gendered norms concerning the timing of retirement.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-10-14 10:13:29','2016-10-14 13:58:09','','Waiting'),(2629,'Reciprocity and public support for the redistributive role of the state','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is to test whether motivations characteristic of homo reciprocans, as described in experimental economics, can account for the support for the redistributive role of the State. Using data from the 2008 European Social Survey, we show how this picture of human motivations provides a fertile framework to interpret support for redistribution among the general public. We test this claim through two ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models. The evidence clearly shows that variables associated with ‘reciprocity’ are better predictors of support for the redistributive role of the State than those associated with ‘self-interest’, including the traditional socioeconomic variables, although both types of variables offer useful insights into the question of why people give support for redistribution.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-10-14 10:18:22','2016-10-14 14:17:15','','Waiting'),(2630,'The securitization of migration: Greece in the 1990s','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The emergence of mass migration to Greece in the 1990s—one unforeseen by political elites and the mass public—resulted in markedly increased levels of hostility and fear vis-à-vis migrants. Interpreting this response from the perspective of societal security, we analyse both public opinion data and elite discourse. We argue that the official policies of the Greek state and public pronouncements of political leaders helped foster and perpetuate an interpretation of migration centred on threat, fear, criminality and security. Over the course of the decade, Greek public opinion and elite rhetoric were clearly characterized by a sense of danger and threat, both to Greek national culture as well as to individuals\' own personal security.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-10-14 10:42:42','2016-10-14 14:26:18','','Waiting'),(2631,'Does Generalized (Dis) Trust Travel? Examining the Impact of Cultural Heritage and Destination-Country Environment on Trust of Immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'At least two contrasting perspectives on the roots of generalized trust exist: The cultural perspective emphasizing how trust is a stable trait passed on from one generation to the next through parental socialization, and the experiential perspective, which stresses that trust is subject to change with what we experience in the environment in which we live. Analyzing trust of immigrants is an effective way to contrast the two perspectives, as the cultural perspective predicts that immigrants\' level of trust will continue to reflect the level of trust of their home country, whereas the experiential perspective predicts that trust of immigrants will change according to the environment of the destination country. This article examines how first-generation immigrants from three low-trust countries of origin (Turkey, Poland, and Italy) are affected by migrating to high-trust countries in Northern Europe, which hold qualities conducive to trust. In contrast to earlier studies examining trust of immigrants, I build on one data set containing data on both migrants and nonmigrants from the same country of origin as well as on a wide range of relevant covariates of trust. Using the method of matching, the results of the analysis lend most support to the experiential perspective on trust as the destination-country context has a massive impact on trust of immigrants, who display significantly higher levels of trust than comparable respondents in their country of origin. The results are robust to limiting the destination-country context to only one country (Germany) and comparing migrants and nonmigrants responding in the same language.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-10-14 11:40:18','2016-10-14 14:29:00','','Waiting'),(2632,'Participation, equality of opportunity and returns to tertiary education in contemporary Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the paper is to investigate the consequences of the expansion of higher education on two goals of the education system, namely promoting equity of educational opportunities and providing credentials that facilitate the matching of labour supply and demand. The first goal is typically studied by research on inequality of educational opportunity; the second by research on returns to education and credential inflation. The key idea of the paper is that educational expansion can have different and possibly opposite effects on the two goals. (a) If, with educational expansion, equality of educational opportunities increases, while the occupational value of the titles decreases, one has a trade-off scenario. For example, an increase in equality of educational opportunities is matched by a decline in the value of higher education in the labour market. (b) If equality of opportunities does not increase, despite the expansion of higher education, and the returns of higher education degrees decline, one has then a worst-off scenario. (c) Finally, if with educational expansion equality of opportunities increases and there is no credential inflation, one has a best-off scenario. In this paper, we systematically investigate these alternative scenarios. We perform the same empirical analysis on two distinct data sets in order to test the robustness of our findings. We use micro data from EU-SILC 2005 and from the five merged waves of the European Social Survey (2002–2010), covering 23 countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-10-14 11:44:16','2016-10-14 15:04:17','','Waiting'),(2633,'Institutional Context and Representational Strain in Party–Voter Agreement in Western and Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Theories of electoral institutions and representation suggest that majoritarian and proportional systems will produce distinct patterns of party–voter congruence, with the centripetal incentives of the former pulling parties to the ideological centre and reducing, by comparison with the latter, congruence with voters to the right and left. Recent scholarship, however, has found little contemporary empirical evidence for this pattern but no satisfactory explanation has been advanced to account for these non-findings. This paper develops a new theoretical account of the impact of electoral institutions on congruence that takes into account the increasingly dealigned character of voters. The central argument is that the impact of institutions is conditional on the balance between partisans and independents in the electorate. It is this conditional nature of the influence that seems to account for the absence of the anticipated relationship of institutions to congruence nowadays. This theory is tested using a unique data set of party positions in 24 European states and its consequences are drawn out for the relative representational effectiveness of electoral systems in contemporary conditions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-10-14 11:58:24','2016-10-14 15:12:41','','Waiting'),(2634,'Basic Values of Russians and Other Europeans','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The authors use mainly data from the European Social Survey carried out in 2008 to compare Russian basic values and the values of the thirty-one other European countries as measured by the Schwartz Portrait Values Questionnaire.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-10-14 12:23:49','2016-10-14 15:23:58','','Waiting'),(2635,'How the macroeconomic context impacts on attitudes to immigration: Evidence from within-country variation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study investigates the effects of the macroeconomic context on attitudes to immigration. Earlier studies do in some cases not provide significant empirical support for the existence of important such effects. In this article it is argued that this lack of consistent evidence is mainly due to the cross-national setup of these studies being vulnerable to estimation bias caused by country-specific factors. The present study instead analyzes attitude variation within countries over time. The results provide firm empirical support in favor of macroeconomic variation importantly affecting attitudes to immigration. As an illustration, the estimates indicate that the number of individuals in the average European country in 2012 who were against all immigration from poorer countries outside Europe was 40% higher than it would have been if macroeconomic conditions in that year had been as good as they were in 2006.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','joakim.ruist@economics.gu.se','2016-10-16 21:25:21','2016-10-17 15:26:26','','Waiting'),(2636,'Changing Attitudes, Behaviours and Values in Ireland:  An Analysis of European Social Survey Data in Ireland, 2002-2012','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey (the ESS) is an academically-driven social survey designed to chart and explain the interaction between Europes changing institutions and the attitudes, beliefs and behaviour patterns of its diverse populations. Established in 2001, and currently preparing for its seventh round, this biennial cross-sectional survey covers more than thirty nations and employs the most rigorous methodologies. This volume provides an analysis of the Irish data over six rounds of the European Social Survey, focusing on the internal changes over time in Ireland and situating these changes in a broader European context. The books core chapter deal with the primary themes of the European Social Survey: Institutional Trust, Democracy and Legitimacy; Political Engagement and Socio-Political Values; Moral and Social Values; Social Capital and Social Exclusion; and National, Ethnic, and Religious Identity. A separate chapter focuses on the surveys rotating modules, which change from survey to survey. These topics include Citizenship, Involvement and Democracy; Immigration; Well-Being; Health; Economic Morality in Europe and Welfare Attitudes; and Trust in Criminal Justice. Each chapter provides a list of background literature to the topic in Ireland, an analysis of the data that will be both accessible for the general reader, but offering something deeper to the expert, and a clear comparison of how the Irish data fit in with the rest of Europe. This book charts a changing Ireland over a highly significant period of its history. Given the significance of the ESS as the most rigorous social science survey in Europe and the scope of its questionnaires, this volume is highly pertinent both in terms of how it maps political, social, demographic and attitudinal changes in Ireland, and in the way it places those changes within a European context.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Michael.Breen@mic.ul.ie','2016-10-29 13:54:30','2016-11-07 09:33:13','','Waiting'),(2637,'The educational gradient in self-rated health in Europe. Does the doctor–patient relationship make a difference?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research suggests that doctor–patient relations have evolved from a doctor-centered, paternalistic approach towards a more patient-centered, egalitarian model of interactions between physicians and their patients. Given the long-running debate on the positive relationship between education and health, the question arises how this development in doctor–patient relations affects social inequalities in health. First, we test to what extent egalitarian (e.g. discussing treatment decisions with patients) doctor–patient relations are underlying the education–self-reported health association. Second, we test whether egalitarian and paternalistic (e.g. withholding some information from patients) doctor–patient relations show differential effects on self-reported health across educational groups. Analyses of the European Social Survey (ESS) 2004/2005 for 24 countries demonstrate that a more egalitarian doctor–patient relationship does not substantially reduce educational inequalities in self-reported health. However, some direct positive effects of egalitarian and direct negative effects of paternalistic doctor–patient relations on health ratings can be found. Finally, results show how the health status of the lower educated can improve with a more egalitarian and less paternalistic doctor–patient relationship. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','patrick.prag@sociology.ox.ac.uk','2016-11-04 18:09:16','2016-11-07 11:51:55','','Waiting'),(2638,'Who brings home the bacon? The influence of context on partners\' contributions to the household income','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Female-breadwinner families represent a relatively new phenomenon in Europe. Little is known about the determinants of this couple type, which sensibly diverts from the traditional economic superiority of men within the household.\nThis paper studies the contextual correlates of partners’ contribution to the household income, distinguishing between female-breadwinner, male-breadwinner, and equal-income couples. In particular, it focuses on the role of male unemployment rate and the prevalence of gender-egalitarian attitudes as possible explanations for the emergence of female-breadwinner and equal-income couples across European regions and countries.\nUsing data from the fifth round (2010/2011) of the European Social Survey, integrated with data from the Eurostat database, we model the categorical variable identifying the couple type (male-breadwinner, female-breadwinner, or equal-income couple) by using a multilevel multinomial logistic regression model where individuals are nested within regions and countries.\nThe prevalence of female-breadwinner, male-breadwinner, and equal-income couples varies considerably across European countries as well as within countries. The prevalence of female-breadwinner couples is positively associated with male unemployment, while it is not influenced by the diffusion of gender-egalitarian attitudes. However, the diffusion of gender-egalitarian attitudes matters for explaining the variation in the prevalence of equal-income couples across Europe.\nWe add to the literature on partners’ contributions to household income by analysing the spatial distribution and the contextual correlates of female-breadwinner, male-breadwinner, and equal-income couples across European countries and regions.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a.vitali@soton.ac.uk','2016-11-08 15:12:48','2016-11-09 15:35:00','','Waiting'),(2639,'Investigations on the Legitimacy of the Swiss Police: Actual Debates and Empirical Evidence','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: Actual debates around the Swiss police see a decrease in respect and an increase in attacks towards police officers. Such non-respect can be seen as a lack of feelings of obligation to obey the police. Instead of asking whether such a proclaimed increase in disrespect in indeed happening in Switzerland, this chapter analyzes aspects of legitimacy. It builds on the question whether the population sees the Swiss police a a legitimate force.\n\nMethodology/approach: Swiss police’s legitimacy will be elaborated in two parts. After giving an overview about current debates, known theoretical aspects of legitimacy will be outlined. These aspects build the ground for empirical analyses that follow. Results are based on data of the European Social Survey ESS5.\n\nFindings: The Swiss population sees the police as a legitimate force. The majority morally align with the police, they feel an obligation to obey their directives, and they ascribe legality to their actions. Furthermore, also procedural fairness is highly ascribed to the Swiss police. Finally, age correlates only with certain aspects of legitimacy. While moral alignment increases with age, as well as positive views about police’s procedural fairness, no effects were found for feelings of obligation to obey. However, elderly people more often see a political influence on police’s decisions and actions.\n\nOriginality/value: While in Anglo-Saxon countries research on legitimacy of the police is broad, no analyses are known for Switzerland so far. Moreover, topics around the Swiss police are often emotionally debated in media, with a lack of empirical evidence. This chapter contributes to close this gap. It gives an insight on the population’s perception of the Swiss police and offers an important scientific foundation for actual debates.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'This reference has been added by the Swiss NC Michele.ErnstStaehli@fors.unil.ch','silvia.staubli@unifr.ch','2016-11-10 18:00:10','2016-11-11 12:20:44','','Waiting'),(2640,'The basic motivational drivers of northern and central European farmers','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Farmers are key actors in land management confronted with society’s increasing demand for public goods. Understanding farmers’ values and motivations is essential to policy makers to foster more sustainable production practices. So far, no definite value profile for European farmers exists. Based on Schwartz’s theory of basic human values, we statistically analyzed six rounds of the European Social Survey to explore farmers’ value orientations in Austria, Denmark, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland. Our results revealed that farmers are less open to change and instead more conservative in their value orientation than the general population. Comparison of value orientations across farmers showed that this value profile is particularly pronounced for Austrian, Finnish, and German farmers. Furthermore, there is a slight tendency for farmers to be less motivated by self-interest and instead more concerned with common welfare than the general population, but this observation needs further validation. Based on these value profiles, we argue that agri-environmental schemes will receive better acceptance when they represent a long-term modification of existing schemes, when they do not trade off commodity production, and when they provide benefits to society. Compensation for income losses resulting from reduced on-farm output appears to be an ineffective incentive.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference introduced by Swiss NC (Michele.ErnstStaehli@foprs.unil.ch)','Ivo.Baur@agroscope.admin.ch','2016-11-11 09:53:52','2016-11-11 12:36:09','','Waiting'),(2641,'Normative Climates of Parenthood across Europe: Judging Voluntary Childlessness and Working Parents','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Past research on gender role attitudes has often focused on individual- rather than country-level explanations. Drawing on European Social Survey data from 21 countries, we examine the effect of societal normative climates (i.e., shared perceptions of others’ attitudes) on personal attitudes towards two  non-traditional  gender  roles:  Voluntary  childlessness  and  working  full-time  while  children  are young. To detect potential gender differences, we analyse disapproval of men and women separately. Findings reveal that there are strong differences in normative climates across countries, and that people generally perceive more disapproval of women than of men for both behaviours. Most importantly, in countries where a higher share of respondents perceives disapproval of these behaviours, respondents themselves disapprove more strongly—even if they do not believe that others disapprove, and  even  after  controlling  for  other  relevant  individual-  and  country-level  characteristics.  What is more, the independent effect of normative climate explains most of the differences between countries. This robust finding demonstrates the power of country-level normative climates in explaining individuals’ attitudes and between-country differences in attitudes toward gender roles.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference introduced by Swiss NC','Richard.Settersten@oregonstate.edu','2016-11-11 10:17:20','2016-11-11 12:48:18','','Waiting'),(2642,'Sharing the Risk? Households, Labor Market Vulnerability, and Social Policy Preferences in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Explaining social policy preferences has become a major topic in comparative politics with labor market risk as a key determinant of these preferences. However, one question continues to loom large: are preference divides blurred by mixed households, that is, secure labor market participants living with vulnerable partners? In this article, we build on the insider-outsider literature and show that while the household does matter, its mitigating effect is limited in scope and strongly conditional on gender. Women’s preferences depend on their partner’s labor market situation, while men’s preferences are unaffected by it. Overall, only a small minority of the population across Western Europe benefits from a “household safety net.” Our findings have important implications for understanding the politicization of insider-outsider divides.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference added by Swiss NC','silja.haeusermann@ipz.uzh.ch','2016-11-11 11:04:36','2016-11-11 13:39:31','','Waiting'),(2643,'I the People? Self-Interest and Demand for Government Responsiveness','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Whether elected representatives should be responsive to the wishes of the majority of citizens has been an issue often discussed from a normative perspective. This article shifts the focus by looking at the determinants of support for responsiveness among citizens. Its core argument is that attitudes toward responsiveness vary systematically depending on the policy gains an individual can expect from a government that is responsive to the preferences of the majority of citizens. The analysis of data from the European Social Survey and 21 countries confirms these expectations. Individuals whose ideological stances are reflected well by the incumbent government are less favorable to the idea that governments should be responsive to the preferences of the majority, while one’s proximity to the ideological location of the median citizen increases the odds of support for majority responsiveness. Our findings are stable across a large variety of European democracies. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference added by Swiss NC','jan.rosset@mzes.uni-mannheim.de','2016-11-11 11:39:40','2016-11-11 13:49:59','','Waiting'),(2644,'Explaining Preferences for Active Labour Market Policies: The Effects of Labour Market Risk, Socio-Economic Status and Ideology','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the last three decades, we witnessed an activation turn (Bonoli 2010). Since the success of new policies depends on public support, it is surprising that little is known about whether and what types of active labour market policies (ALMPs) citizens endorse. In this article, I complement the literature by analysing public attitudes towards three ALMP models. I analyse the support for the liberal (sanctions), human capital (training) and employment-related (public job creation) activation models. I test how labour market risk, socioeconomic status, and ideological orientation interact and influence the support for particular ALMP models. The results show that risk increases the likeliness to support unconditional policies, that a high socioeconomic status moderates the effect of risk, and that unemployed individuals sympathising with the political right are more strongly against conditional measures than employed individuals with the same political preferences. The results suggest that for ALMPs to be accepted across social and ideological camps these should prioritise human capital investment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'added by Swiss NC; \nESS used as contextual data','Flavia.Fossati@unil.ch','2016-11-11 11:49:23','2016-11-11 13:58:52','','Waiting'),(2645,'Union members at the polls in diverse trade union landscapes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates to what extent social democratic parties still benefit from the support of union members at the polls. Not only are social democratic parties confronted with new competitors in the party systems, but also the union confederations of the socialist labour movement are in some countries losing their dominant position due to the rise of separate professional confederations. It is argued in the article that the effect of union membership on voting choice is conditioned by the structure of the trade union movement. The support of union members for social democracy is fostered by the strength of the confederations historically close to this party family, while it is hampered when strong separate (or politically unaffiliated) white-collar confederations exist. Using European Social Survey and Swedish Public Opinion data, the article shows that social democratic parties still enjoy important support from trade union members, but at the same time are under fierce competition from bourgeois and green parties among members of white-collar confederations. This reinforces the challenges for social democracy to build new voters’ coalitions in post-industrial societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'added by Swiss NC; \nESS used as contextual and control data','line.rennwald@unil.ch','2016-11-11 12:43:00','2016-11-11 14:15:27','','Waiting'),(2646,'Education systems and meritocracy: social origin, educational and status attainment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This is the first book to bring together an international roster of contributors to compare different education systems and their effects on social inequality. Starting with basic premises—such as how education systems can be characterized and what distinguishes them—the book goes on to explore those systems’ links with social structures, their role in expanding or ameliorating inequality, and the social mechanisms that underlie that role. It will be crucial to future debates on education and policy reform.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'added by Swiss NC','rolf.becker@edu.unibe.ch','2016-11-11 13:18:16','2016-11-11 14:18:50','','Waiting'),(2647,'Explaining membership in pro-environmental groups: a comparative European perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'-',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vaidas.morkevicius@ktu.lt','2016-11-11 15:14:51','2016-11-14 16:12:53','','Waiting'),(2648,'Inequalities in returns to education in Switzerland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Focusing on the Swiss case, this chapter investigates the relation between social origins and education in labour-market success. More specifically, it addresses four research questions: (1) Does an effect of social origins exist after controlling for education?; (2) Has this effect declined over time?; (3) Does it depend on the level of education?; (4) Have the returns to education regarding the chances of accessing the upper classes varied over time? The case of Switzerland is interesting for two reasons: first, because there has been a strong upgrading of the occupational structure in recent decades (Oesch 2013); and second, because of its educational system, which is based on a dual track, where young adults choose between vocational and general education at an early age (Buchmann 1998; Meyer 2011). The chapter is organized as follows. Section 13.2 presents the Swiss case, the literature and the hypotheses. Section 13.3 describes the data and the methods used to address the research questions. Section 13.4 sets out the results of the analysis. Section 13.5 is devoted to the discussion and conclusions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'added by Swiss NC','francesco.lagana@unil.ch','2016-11-11 16:25:55','2016-11-14 16:17:48','','Waiting'),(2649,'Lithuania','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter we will provide an overview of the Lithuanian party landscape. We will inspect the development of the party system, discuss the relevant issues that divide parties and voters; and consider Lithuanian politics from the angle of parties as well as citizens.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','giedrius.zvaliauskas@gmail.com','2016-11-15 20:52:17','2016-11-17 09:50:56','','Waiting'),(2650,'Who gives, who gains? Progressivity and Preferences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The extent to which popular support for the welfare state depends on income varies greatly across nations and policy domains. We argue and show formally that these variations—largely overlooked yet essential to understanding the politics of redistribution—reflect in part the design of tax and transfer policies in terms of progressivity. When progressivity is high, politics is perceived by income groups as a zero sum game and conflicts over who gets what intensify. When progressivity is low, and tax contributors and benefit recipients overlap, redistributive struggles become politically less salient. We test these predictions both across nations and across policy domains within a sample of advanced industrial democracies. Our findings indicate that the progressivity of the tax and transfer system is a major determinant of the predictive power of income on preferences for redistribution.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-16 10:21:17','2016-11-17 10:09:27','','Waiting'),(2651,'Asylum Policy in the EU: the Case for Deeper Integration ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the last 15 years, the locus of policymaking towards asylum seekers and refugees has shifted away from national governments and towards the European Union (EU) as the Common European Asylum Policy has developed. Most of the focus has been on the harmonization of policies relating to border control, the processing of asylum claims, and reception standards for asylum seekers. But this still falls far short of a fully integrated EU-wide policy. This article examines the basis upon which a joint EU policy can be justified. I then ask whether superior outcomes can be achieved by harmonization alone or if more centralized policymaking is necessary. I chart the progress of harmonization and burden-sharing in the development of the Common European Asylum System and explore its effects. I also study the political feasibility of deeper policy integration by analysing public attitudes in the European Social Survey. I conclude that deeper integration is both desirable and politically possible.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-16 12:58:52','2016-11-17 10:23:22','','Waiting'),(2652,'The Two Facets of Social Policy Preferences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Most political economy models start from the assumption that economic self-interest is a key predictor of support for income redistribution. A growing literature, in contrast, emphasizes the role of “other-oriented” concerns, such as social solidarity or affinity for the poor. These frameworks generate distinct, often conflicting predictions about variation in mass attitudes toward redistribution. We argue that this tension is in part an artifact of conceptualizing demand for redistribution as unidimensional and propose distinguishing between redistribution conceived as taking from the “rich” and redistribution conceived as giving to the “poor.” These two facets of redistribution prime different individual motives: self-oriented income maximization on the one hand and other-oriented social affinity with welfare beneficiaries on the other. We find strong evidence for this framework using British longitudinal survey data and cross-sectional data from four advanced industrial countries. We discuss the implications for studying changes in mass support for redistributive social policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-16 13:06:11','2016-11-17 10:49:31','','Waiting'),(2653,'Measuring National Well-being: Life in the UK, 2015','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report provides a snapshot of life in the UK today across the 10 domains of national well-being. It is the third annual summary to be delivered by the Measuring National Well-being programme.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-16 13:16:25','2016-11-17 10:58:54','','Waiting'),(2654,'Depression in Europe: does migrant integration have mental health payoffs? A cross-national comparison of 20 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives: Depression is a leading cause of ill health and disability. As migrants form an increasing group in Europe, already making up about 8.7% of the population in 2010, knowledge on migrant-related inequalities in depression is of main public health interest. In this study, we first assess whether migrants in Europe are at higher risk for depression compared to the native population. Second, we assess whether the association between migration and depression is dependent on different forms of migrant integration. Migrant integration is looked at both from the individual and from the national level.\n\nDesign: Hierarchical linear regression analyses based on data for 20 countries in the European Social Survey 2006/2007 (N = 37,076 individuals aged 15 or more). Depression is measured using the center for Epidemiologic Depression Scale. We consider migrant integration over time (first- and second-generation migrants, differentiated according to European Union (EU) or non-EU origin), barriers to integration (low educational level, financial difficulties, being out of the labor market, ethnic minority status, discrimination), and the host country environment (national migrant integration policy). Controls are gender, age, partner relationship, social support, and welfare state regime.\n\nResults: Natives and second-generation migrants do not differ significantly in their risk profile for depression. First-generation migrants show higher levels of depression, with those born outside of Europe to be the worst off. This higher risk for depression is not attributable to ethnic minority status but is mainly due to experienced barriers to socioeconomic integration and processes of discrimination. A country\'s national policy on migrant integration shows not to soften the depressing effect of being a first-generation migrant nor does it have indirect beneficial health effects by reducing barriers to integration.\n\nConclusion: In Europe, first-generation EU and non-EU migrants experience higher levels of depression. Second-generation migrants and natives show similar risk profiles.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-16 13:38:27','2016-11-17 11:13:42','','Waiting'),(2655,'The perception of ethnic diversity and anti-immigrant sentiments: a multilevel analysis of local communities in Belgium','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Most of the literature suggests a positive relationship between immigrant concentration and anti-immigrant sentiments. The main goal of this study is to investigate the impact of both perceived and actual size of migrant populations on anti-immigrant sentiments. A representative survey of inhabitants of local communities in the Flemish region of Belgium shows a strong tendency to overestimate the presence of non-nationals. The survey allows us to conclude that respondents living in ethnically diverse communities do not have more negative attitudes towards immigrants. Individuals who perceive more immigrants to be present in their communities are more hostile even after controlling for reported contact with members of immigrant groups. We can therefore conclude that the perceived size of the immigrant group has a stronger impact on anti-immigrant sentiments than the actual presence of ethnic minority groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-16 13:49:01','2016-11-17 11:26:04','','Waiting'),(2656,'The local structure of the welfare state: Uneven effects of social spending on poverty within countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research has shown that there is a strong negative relationship between social spending and poverty levels. Among urban inequality researchers it is often assumed that, compared with the USA, the welfare state has mitigated social differences explaining lower levels of urban inequality in most European countries. However, research on the role of the welfare state is often conducted on the national level, and is thus unable to draw conclusions on the effects of social spending and redistribution on a lower level, failing to take the within-country variation into account. This study connects welfare state research to urban inequality research by investigating the effects of social spending on poverty in urban and non-urban areas. We have conducted a cross-national multilevel logistic regression analysis using Eurostat and European Social Survey data of 2008. Our findings suggest that the effects of social spending are unequally distributed within countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-16 14:01:01','2016-11-17 14:12:29','','Waiting'),(2657,'Estimates on the Global Threat of Islamic State Terrorism in the Face of the 2015 Paris and Copenhagen Attacks','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article estimates the probable conflict intensity in connection with Islamic State (IS, formerly known as ISIS and ISIL) terrorism. Based on Pew data, covering 2/5 of the global Muslim population, it is estimated that 17.38 percent of Muslims worldwide openly express terror sympathies (five terrorism support indicators used). Quantitative estimates on terror support rates for a number of additional countries are also provided, based on European Social Survey (ESS) data and their statistical relationship to Pew data. Also evaluated is Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies survey data on Islamic State support in eight Arab countries and territories.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-16 14:26:07','2016-11-17 14:27:53','','Waiting'),(2658,'Political Culture, Political Satisfaction and the Rollback of Democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article addresses the alleged rollback of democracy by looking at the development of political cultures and the quality of democracy at the institutional level in three groups of European countries: longstanding democracies of western Europe, the first third-wave countries (Portugal, Spain and Greece) and the new democracies of the 1990s in central and eastern Europe. Political culture and political structures are examined by bringing in two aspects: the actual performance of democracy and the normative foundations of the democratic order. Pulling in a range of empirical evidence – comparative population surveys, macro-level data on the quality of democracy and contextual factors – the findings show that the normative foundations of democracy have not been negatively affected over the last decade, either in terms of political culture or with regard to political structures. In contrast, performance-related measures of democratic practice and subsequent support for democracy reveal significant negative developments. Thus, if there is a rollback of democracy it is in its practice, not in its normative foundations. However, the alarm is set: Europe cannot afford a continuing performance crisis if it wants to avoid a legitimacy deficit of democracy that goes beyond dissatisfaction with performance to eroding the support for the normative base of democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-16 14:31:31','2016-11-17 14:48:51','','Waiting'),(2659,'Correction for Measurement Errors in Survey Research: Necessary and Possible','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Survey research is the most frequently used data collection method in many disciplines. Nearly, everybody agrees that such data contain serious measurement errors. However, only few researchers try to correct for them. If the measurement errors in the variables vary, the comparison of the sizes of effects of these variables on each other will be wrong. If the sizes of the measurement errors are different across countries, cross-national comparisons of relationships between variables cannot be made. There is ample evidence for these differences in measurement errors across variables, methods and countries (Saris and Gallhofer in Design, evaluation and analysis of questionnaires for survey. Wiley, Hoboken, 2007; Oberski in Measurement errors in comparative surveys. PhD thesis, University of Tilburg, 2011). Therefore, correction for measurement errors is essential for the social sciences. The correction for measurement errors can be made in a simple way, but it requires that the sizes of the error variances are known for all observed variables. Many experiments are carried out to determine the quality of questions. The relationship between the quality and the characteristics of the questions has been studied. Because this relationship is rather strong, one can also predict the quality of new questions. A program SQP has been developed to predict the quality of questions. Using this program, the quality of the questions (complement of error variance) can be obtained for nearly all questions measuring subjective concepts. For objective variables, other research needs to be used (e.g., Alwin in Margins of error: a study of reliability in survey measurement. Wiley, Hoboken, 2007). Using these two sources of information, making correction for measurement error in survey research is possible. We illustrate here that correction for measurement errors can and should be performed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-18 09:29:19','2016-11-18 12:21:33','','Waiting'),(2660,'The decline of the working-class vote, the reconfiguration of the welfare support coalition and consequences for the welfare state','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The central political claim of Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism is that class actors, through the instruments of the democratic process, can modify capitalism. Where working-class mobilization is strong, left parties have sufficient electoral support in the political arena to alter markets politically in ways that decommodify and thereby empower workers. The decline of traditional class voting, however, has profoundly changed this dynamic of welfare politics. We show that the political support coalition for welfare states has been reconfigured through two processes. On the one hand, the Left may have lost support among the traditional working class, but it has substituted this decline by attracting substantial electoral support among specific parts of the expanding middle class. On the other hand, the welfare support coalition has been stabilized through increasing support for the welfare state among right-wing political parties. We discuss the possible consequences of this ‘middle-class shift’ in the welfare support coalition in terms of policy consequences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-18 10:07:26','2016-11-18 12:33:59','','Waiting'),(2661,'How Does the Majority Public React to Multiculturalist Policies? A Comparative Analysis of European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Migration and ethnic minority integration remain heavily contested issues in numerous European countries. Over the past decade, researchers and political commentators have observed an apparent retreat from multiculturalist policies related to a belief that multiculturalism has lost support among the majority public. Recently, however, based on analyses of the evolution of migrant integration policies, it has been demonstrated that multiculturalist policies were largely left in place. To investigate the effect of multiculturalist policies on public opinion, we use a multilevel analysis of three policy indicators (Multiculturalism Policy Index, Index of Citizenship Rights for Immigrants–Cultural diversity, and Migrant Integration Policy Index) and European Social Survey data in 20 European countries. Results show that multiculturalist policies, as measured by Multiculturalism Policy Index and Index of Citizenship Rights for Immigrants–Cultural diversity, and migrant integration policies more generally, as measured by Migrant Integration Policy Index, to some extent are associated with lower levels of anti-immigrant sentiments, while they do not affect public attitudes toward political institutions. Regarding political attitudes, especially respondents with higher education levels tend to respond in a more positive manner to multiculturalist policies than respondents with lower education levels.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-18 10:12:44','2016-11-18 12:42:37','','Waiting'),(2662,'Social Inequality in Political Participation: The Dark Sides of Individualisation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Has the participatory gap between social groups widened over the past decades? And if so, how can it be explained? Based on a re-analysis of 94 electoral surveys in eight Western European countries between 1956 and 2009, this article shows that the difference in national election turnout between the half of the population with the lowest level of education and the half with the highest has increased. It shows that individualisation – the decline of social integration and social control – is a major cause of this trend. In their electoral choices, citizens with fewer resources – in terms of education – rely more heavily on cues and social control of the social groups to which they belong. Once the ties to these groups loosen, these cues and mobilising norms are no longer as strong as they once were, resulting in an increasing abstention of the lower classes on Election Day. In contrast, citizens with abundant resources rely much less on cues and social control, and the process of individualisation impacts on their participatory behaviour to a much lesser extent. The article demonstrates this effect based on a re-analysis of five cumulative waves of the European Social Survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-18 10:37:20','2016-11-18 13:53:23','','Waiting'),(2663,'Economic Inequality and Nonviolent Protest','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objective: Despite substantial theorizing, the relationship between economic inequality and participation in nonviolent protests has not been satisfactorily examined empirically. \nMethods: Using multilevel models of data from four waves of the European Social Survey, this article examines whether differences in inequality across countries and over time help explain people’s engagement in peaceful protest. \nResults: It finds that greater inequality reduces protest participation for all those with incomes below the top quintile. \nConclusions: This result provides strong support for the relative power theory of political participation; the predictions of grievance and resource theories regarding inequality’s effects on protest are not supported.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-18 11:01:12','2016-11-18 14:02:07','','Waiting'),(2664,'Ethnic Diversity and Social Trust: Evidence from the Micro-Context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We argue that residential exposure to ethnic diversity reduces social trust. Previous within-country analyses of the relationship between contextual ethnic diversity and trust have been conducted at higher levels of aggregation, thus ignoring substantial variation in actual exposure to ethnic diversity. In contrast, we analyze how ethnic diversity of the immediate micro-context—where interethnic exposure is inevitable—affects trust. We do this using Danish survey data linked with register-based data, which enables us to obtain precise measures of the ethnic diversity of each individual’s residential surroundings. We focus on contextual diversity within a radius of 80 meters of a given individual, but we also compare the effect in the micro-context to the impact of diversity in more aggregate contexts. Our results show that ethnic diversity in the micro-context affects trust negatively, whereas the effect vanishes in larger contextual units. This supports the conjecture that interethnic exposure underlies the negative relationship between ethnic diversity in residential contexts and social trust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-18 11:46:47','2016-11-18 14:12:45','','Waiting'),(2665,'Pin-ups and Journalists: A Model of Media Market with News and Entertainment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, the authors model a market for news where two sources compete for the audience. Individuals are heterogeneous with respect to their tastes for the news and entertainment. The authors model endogenously the sources\' choices concerning the news accuracy and the level of entertainment, together with the audience\'s behavior, which includes reading one or two sources as well as not reading at all. The authors provide a rigorous setting explaining why individuals get informed according to a Bayesian behavior. Then, when some individuals read more than one source, they show that the competition is relaxed and the incentives to invest in quality lacks. In this respect, pluralism, defined as the possibility to jointly resort to more than one paper, does not automatically guarantee a higher press quality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-18 11:51:58','2016-11-18 14:18:43','','Waiting'),(2666,'Trust and the Welfare State: the Twin Peaks Curve','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We show the existence of a twin peaks relation between trust and the size of the welfare state that stems from two opposing forces. Uncivic people support large welfare states because they expect to benefit from them without bearing their costs. But civic individuals support generous benefits and high taxes only when they are surrounded by trustworthy individuals. We provide empirical evidence for these behaviours and this twin peaks relation in the OECD countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-21 12:05:40','2016-11-21 15:42:32','','Waiting'),(2667,'Why people co-produce within activation services: the necessity of motivation and trust – an investigation of selection biases in a municipal activation programme in the Netherlands','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Activation services that aim at re-employment of jobseekers often suffer from ‘creaming’, i.e. selecting those who have the best qualifications to re-enter the labour market. New ways of delivery, such as co-production, are supposed to be less subject to selection mechanisms. To analyse whether co-produced activation programmes suffer from selection biases, participants in a local innovative activation programme (n = 60) were compared to non-participants (n = 18). Participants are more motivated in general and showed higher levels of generalized, municipal and interpersonal trust. Moreover, high general motivation relates to high levels of trust and perceived control. This indicates that there is indeed a selection bias within co-produced activation programmes. Therefore, it remains uncertain whether co-production is more successful in dealing with creaming than common types of service delivery.\nPoints for practitioners: Public services, in the field of activation policies for instance, are increasingly delivered in a fashion that requires more responsibility and effort from users. This study shows that such demands elicit a selection of users. Professionals dealing with co-produced services should be aware that when they choose clients they are likely to leave out vulnerable individuals. In particular, when intrinsic motivation is an important selection criterion, those who have low levels of trust and perceived control will not be involved. Consequently, seemingly inclusive strategies could in fact lead to exclusion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-21 12:29:06','2016-11-21 15:52:10','','Waiting'),(2668,'The random effects in multilevel models: getting them wrong and getting them right','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Many surveys of respondents from multiple countries or subnational regions have now been fielded on multiple occasions. Social scientists are regularly using multilevel models to analyse the data generated by such surveys, investigating variation across both space and time. We show, however, that such models are usually specified erroneously. They typically omit one or more relevant random effects, thereby ignoring important clustering in the data, which leads to downward biases in the standard errors. These biases occur even if the fixed effects are specified correctly; if the fixed effects are incorrect, erroneous specification of the random effects worsens biases in the coefficients. We illustrate these problems using Monte Carlo simulations and two empirical examples. Our recommendation to researchers fitting multilevel models to comparative longitudinal survey data is to include random effects at all potentially relevant levels, thereby avoiding any mismatch between the random and fixed parts of their models.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-21 12:44:56','2016-11-21 15:50:47','','Waiting'),(2669,'Social Capital and the Family: Evidence that Strong Family Ties Cultivate Civic Virtues','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'I establish a positive relationship between family ties and civic virtues, as captured by disapproval of tax and benefit cheating, corruption and a range of other dimensions of exploiting others for personal gain. I find that family ties are a complement to social capital, using within-country evidence from 83 nations and data on second-generation immigrants in 29 countries. Strong families cultivate Universalist values and produce more civic and altruistic individuals. The results provide a constructive role for families in promoting family values, which challenge an ‘amoral familism’. Moreover, strong families are complementary with more developed and democratic institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-21 12:50:45','2016-11-21 15:59:06','','Waiting'),(2670,'Church Attendance and Religious Change in Italy, 1968–2010: A Multilevel Analysis of Pooled Datasets','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The debate over religious change in Italy is far from having reached unanimous conclusions: some scholars point to an unbroken trend toward a decrease of religiosity, while others highlight the signs of a religious revival, especially in younger generations. Besides difficulties with definitions, different conclusions are also due to a lack of information over a sufficiently long period of time. This problem is tackled here by developing a pooled analysis of repeated cross-section surveys that span over four decades. Using six different studies, the article analyzes the secularization trend in Italy on the basis of church attendance that, despite well-founded criticism, continues to be a crucial indicator of this phenomenon. The results, estimated using multilevel models, show that the trend of attendance at Mass in Italy has decreased since the 1960s until today, despite a period of stability at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. The overall trend looks like a “recumbent S” trend (decrease up to the 1970s, stability in the 1980s, decrease afterwards). Thus, the claims of a religious revival in Italy are not supported by our results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-21 13:12:20','2016-11-21 16:05:43','','Waiting'),(2671,'You can\'t always get what you want: actual and preferred ages of retirement in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the European Social Survey fielded in 2010/11, this study presents new evidence on retirement preferences in Europe. It investigates retirees\' preferred and actual ages of retirement, focusing on the retirement window 1995–2011. Moreover, it reports on the prevalence of mismatch in the form of involuntary retirement (retiring earlier than preferred) and involuntary work (retiring later than preferred). The study identifies substantial shares of retirees who are affected by a mismatch between their preferred and actual ages of retirement. In the majority of the countries analysed, at least 30 per cent of retirees would have preferred to continue working past the age at which they retired, while in a number of countries sizeable shares of retirees report involuntary work. The risk factors for involuntary retirement include the experience of late-career job loss, unemployment, job exits for health reasons and, in the case of women, working in higher-status occupations. The risk factors for involuntary work include fatherhood and, in the case of women, part-time work. As a result of rising actual ages of retirement, the risk of involuntary retirement has decreased for more recent retirement cohorts, while due to pension reforms that have tightened eligibility rules for early retirement, men\'s risk of involuntary work has increased. However, involuntary retirement is still more prevalent than involuntary work.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-21 14:10:19','2016-11-21 16:17:39','','Waiting'),(2672,'A web survey analysis of subjective well-being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the role of work conditions and job characteristics with respect to three subjective well-being (SWB) indicators: life satisfaction, job satisfaction and satisfaction with work-life balance. From a methodological point of view, the paper shows how social sciences can benefit from the use of voluntary web survey data.\nDesign/methodology/approach: The paper makes use of a large sample of individual data obtained from voluntary web surveys collected as part of the WageIndicator project. The sample includes extensive information on the quality of working conditions together with different well-being indicators. The propensity score adjustment weights are used to improve the sample performance.\nFindings: The results shed light on the importance of certain job characteristics not only in determining job satisfaction, but also in other SWB domains. The findings support the theory of spillover perspectives, according to which satisfaction in one domain affects other domains.\nResearch limitations/implications: As a voluntary web-survey, WageIndicator is affected by selection bias. The validity of the sample can be improved by weighting, but this adjustment should be made and tested on a country-by-country basis.\nOriginality/value: The paper provides analysis of the quality of a web survey not commonly used in happiness research. The subsequent presentation of the effects of working conditions on several satisfaction domains represents a contribution to the literature.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-22 09:46:33','2016-11-22 09:57:01','','Waiting'),(2673,'Left–right ideology as a dimension of identification and of competition','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is some controversy about the dimensionality of the left– right (LR) distinction. Some authors argue for unidimensionality (LR structured by socio-economic issues). Other authors concede that socio-economic issues are of fundamental importance in shaping the LR divide, but nevertheless argue for multidimensionality. Considering these controversies, we define our two major goals: to test the dimensionality of LR voting alignments among the mass public in 21 countries at the individual level, and to test the differentiation of the dimensionality of the LR divide as a ‘dimension of identification’ and as a ‘dimension of competition’. Our main findings are as follows. First, as ‘dimension of identification’, LR voting has a multidimensional character: it is anchored in multiple sets of values orientations, both economic and non-economic. Second, the same cannot be said when we discuss it as a ‘dimension of political competition’: LR party-system polarization only has a significant and positive impact on left–right value voting for socio-economic values.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-22 09:50:09','2016-11-22 11:39:48','','Waiting'),(2674,'Can Civic Education Make a Difference for Democracy? Hungary and Poland Compared','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Civic education can have a significant impact on democracy. This article offers evidence for this assertion by comparing the effects of the widely different choices made in the early 1990s by two post-communist countries: Poland and Hungary. Initially, the effects of civic education were confined to teenagers; later, as generational replacement started to have an effect, one can see an impact on the politics of the two countries. The success of civic education in Poland and its failure in Hungary is illustrated by the differences in young people\'s voting patterns: throughout the last decade, the vote of Polish youth has consistently been less authoritarian than the vote of older Poles, unlike in Hungary, where the pattern is reversed. Ultimately, these developments likely had an impact on democracy: one sees democratic progress in Poland and democratic regression in Hungary.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-22 09:54:08','2016-11-22 11:45:45','','Waiting'),(2675,'Within- and Between-Country Value Diversity in Europe: A Typological Approach','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The within-country and between-country heterogeneity of populations has been largely studied apart from each other. This article analyses simultaneously these two parts of value heterogeneity of populations using a typological approach. Using data from the European Social Survey, populations of 29 European countries are classified based on their values that were measured with Schwartz’s Portrait Values Questionnaire. Latent class analysis resulted in five European value classes. All the countries studied are internally diverse in their value class composition, and most of them have a non-zero probability to have members of all the five value classes. Nordic and Western European countries surpass Mediterranean and Post-Communist Europe in the probability of a class that combines the strongest preferences for Openness over Conservation and for Self-Transcendence over Self-Enhancement. It is concluded that a typological approach provides a new look at within- and between-country value differences, making empirical comparisons holistic and more parsimonious.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-22 10:25:52','2016-11-22 11:51:26','','Waiting'),(2676,'Anti-immigration attitudes in different welfare states: Do types of labor market policies matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research sheds light onto the effects of welfare policies on anti-immigration attitudes by focusing on qualitative differences in these policies over time. Previous studies provide little evidence that welfare policies affect levels of anti-immigration attitudes because they view the welfare state in an overly abstract manner in relation to attitudes toward immigration. From this viewpoint, this research focuses on differences in a specific aspect of welfare policies, i.e. labor market policies, according to level and type of activation. By analyzing cross-national data over time, we determine that labor market policies in the form of activation policies indeed affect attitudes toward immigration. We also show that the effects vary across different types of labor market policies and depend on individual levels of socioeconomic vulnerability. Thus, this article provides a first step to rethinking how we conceptualize the welfare state in relation to anti-immigrant attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-22 10:39:08','2016-11-22 12:05:18','','Waiting'),(2677,'Incorporating \'class\' into work–family arrangements: Insights from and for Three Worlds','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In response to feminist critics, Esping-Andersen (1999) added family to the state–market nexus by examining the degree of familialism across regimes. In the absence of the state de-familializing care, however, it is difficult to predict work–family arrangements without reference to the overall level of inequality and a family’s social location within it. Thus, levels of familialism interact with levels of economic inequality. I build on existing categorizations of how two-parent families combine work and care in European countries by adding an explicit consideration of how these patterns vary within countries by education. I utilize hierarchical clustering with data for 16 countries (2004–2010) from the Luxembourg Income Study and the European Social Survey. In some respects, refining country averages by education lends greater support to the tenets of Three Worlds, but also reveals a Southern European pattern distinguished by inequality in work–family arrangements more characteristic of liberal regimes. Findings also illustrate how countries that polarize between dual full-time and male breadwinner families largely polarize by education.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-22 11:29:45','2016-11-22 12:13:31','','Waiting'),(2678,'By the Markets, of the Markets, for the Markets? Technocratic Decision Making and the Hollowing Out of Democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The global financial crisis of 2007 turned into a sovereign debt crisis that placed the economies within the EU in jeopardy. Despite hastily decided rescue packages, bailouts and far-reaching reforms of economic governance in the EU the situation still looks grim in some Southern member states. In the course of these rescue attempts technocratic decision making at the European level and within the most crisis-ridden countries became more influential. Instead of rethinking the economic system, political accountability shifted from citizens to markets in order to ‘fix the system’. The knowledge base informing political decision making remained largely intact, allowing a dominant, international advocacy coalition to impose reforms deemed ‘necessary’. The price to pay is a decline in trust in elected representatives and the threat to fall back behind even Schumpeterian-style democracies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-22 12:00:51','2016-11-22 12:19:03','','Waiting'),(2679,'Do the citizens of Europe trust their police?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: The maintenance of public order and the control of crime are clearly amongst the primary objectives of global law enforcement agencies. An important antecedent to this is the consideration of public trust in their police force. The purpose of this paper is to utilise data from the fifth round European Social Survey (ESS), to investigate how public social indicators may be highlight the level of trust in a country’s police force.\nDesign/methodology/approach: The results from the ESS are analysed using fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA), multiply conjunctional causal configurations of the considered social indicators are then established and analysed.\nFindings: A consequence of using fsQCA, asymmetric causal configurations are identified for the relative high and low limiting levels of trust towards the police in the considered countries. The results offer novel insights into the relationship between social indicators and police trust, as well as expositing a nascent technique (fsQCA) that may offer future potential in this area.\nOriginality/value: This paper introduces a nascent technique (fsQCA) to analyse a major European data set relating to citizens perceptions of the police. The findings might prove useful for policing organisations as they develop strategies to maintain/improve the level of trust and confidence of citizens in the policing services they provide.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-22 13:04:51','2016-11-22 16:49:19','','Waiting'),(2680,'Crisis Politics in Europe: Why Austerity Is Easier to Implement in Some Countries Than in Others','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'When countries face balance-of-payments crises, their policy responses vary widely. This article argues that the choice between the two main options of internal adjustment (i.e., austerity and structural reforms) and external adjustment (i.e., exchange-rate devaluation) depends on how costly each of these strategies is for a country overall. Although the choice of adjustment strategy is thus structurally determined, the level of political conflict associated with crisis management depends on both the national vulnerability profile and partisan interests. Moreover, irrespective of the adjustment strategy, all governments design the specific reforms in ways that shelter their own voters. Empirically, this article uses qualitative case studies and survey data to examine the significant variation in crisis responses, crisis politics, and distributive outcomes of the 2008-2010 global financial crisis in eight Eastern European countries. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the Eastern European experience for crisis politics in the Eurozone crisis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-23 08:25:45','2016-11-24 11:07:50','','Waiting'),(2681,'Why ban Batasuna? Terrorism, political parties and democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article addresses the question: under what conditions do democracies ban political parties? It does so by testing three hypotheses generated by a disparate literature on party bans in a ‘most likely case’, namely, the proscription of radical Basque nationalist parties Herri Batasuna, Euskal Herritarrok and Batasuna in 2003. These parties were banned for their integration in a terrorist network led by Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA). The hypotheses are that democracies ban anti-system parties if (i) anti-system parties do not unambiguously eschew violence; (ii) alternatives to proscription are not effective; and (iii) relevant office holders have reason to believe they will not be disadvantaged in their pursuit of office or votes for supporting the ban. Case study findings confirm the hypotheses other than that on violence, given that ETA’s political wing escaped proscription for around two decades before it was banned. Explaining this finding – or addressing the question of why the parties were not banned until 2003 – the article develops two further hypotheses, namely, that democracies ban anti-system parties if (iv) the parties have been ‘securitized’ as an existential threat to the state or democratic community and (v) proscription is the preference of all veto players.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-23 08:42:26','2016-11-24 11:11:53','','Waiting'),(2682,'Religiosity Moderates the Relationship between Income Inequality and Life Satisfaction across the Globe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper reports two studies that sought to examine whether religiosity moderates the relationship between income inequality and life satisfaction. Practice-based and belief-based aspects of religion were both included in the analyses. Using multi-level analyses on 85 nations across the world (N = 217,591) and 27 European nations (N = 49,763), we found evidence in support of our hypothesis that religiosity mitigates the negative influence of income inequality on life satisfaction. Our results also indicate that it is religious belief, not religious practice, that functions as a buffer in the relationship between income inequality and life satisfaction. The importance and implications of the results are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-23 09:07:47','2016-11-24 11:16:38','','Waiting'),(2683,'Personal values and political activism: A cross-national study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from 28 countries in four continents, the present research addresses the question of how basic values may account for political activism. Study 1 (N = 35,116) analyses data from representative samples in 20 countries that responded to the 21-item version of the Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ-21) in the European Social Survey. Study 2 (N = 7,773) analyses data from adult samples in six of the same countries (Finland, Germany, Greece, Israel, Poland, and United Kingdom) and eight other countries (Australia, Brazil, Chile, Italy, Slovakia, Turkey, Ukraine, and United States) that completed the full 40-item PVQ. Across both studies, political activism relates positively to self-transcendence and openness to change values, especially to universalism and autonomy of thought, a subtype of self-direction. Political activism relates negatively to conservation values, especially to conformity and personal security. National differences in the strength of the associations between individual values and political activism are linked to level of democratization.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-23 09:13:39','2016-11-29 10:55:19','','Waiting'),(2684,'Neo-Nazism in an Established Democracy: The Persistence of Golden Dawn in Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The literature predicts that extremist right-wing parties like the Greek Golden Dawn (GD) are doomed to stay in the margins of electoral competition, scaring away voters with their authoritarian views and violent tactics. Defying scholarly expectations and despite the criminal prosecution of its leadership, GD increased its electoral strength in the May 2014 European elections. The article contrasts the neo-Nazi GD with Western European radical right parties and examines the factors that facilitated the persistence of such an extreme political party in an established European democracy. It shows how GD managed to capitalise on the de-legitimation of Greek political institutions and, through its organisational activity, present itself as a socially legitimate anti-system alternative.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-23 09:26:20','2016-11-29 11:04:01','','Waiting'),(2685,'The (Re) genesis of Values: Examining the Importance of Values for Action','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Dual-process models of culture and action posit that fast, automatic cognitive processes largely drive human action, with conscious processes playing a much smaller role than was previously supposed. These models have done much to advance our understanding of behavior, but they focus on generic processes rather than specific cultural content. As useful as this has been, it tells us little about which forms of culture matter for action. Drawing on a cross-disciplinary set of theory and evidence, I argue that values are tied to many forms of behavior, across both contexts and cultures, and they operate in ways consistent with dual-process models. I illustrate the plausibility of these claims using data from the second wave of the European Social Survey, as well as real-time decision data from a large, online survey. I show that values predict self-reported behaviors in a variety of substantive domains and across 25 nations, and they operate using automatic cognitive processes. These findings suggest that values merit renewed theoretical and empirical attention.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-23 10:13:50','2016-11-29 11:24:16','','Waiting'),(2686,'Assortative Mating and the Reversal of Gender Inequality in Education in Europe: An Agent-Based Model','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While men have always received more education than women in the past, this gender imbalance in education has turned around in large parts of the world. In many countries, women now excel men in terms of participation and success in higher education. This implies that, for the first time in history, there are more highly educated women than men reaching the reproductive ages and looking for a partner. We develop an agent-based computational model that explicates the mechanisms that may have linked the reversal of gender inequality in education with observed changes in educational assortative mating. Our model builds on the notion that individuals search for spouses in a marriage market and evaluate potential candidates based on preferences. Based on insights from earlier research, we assume that men and women prefer partners with similar educational attainment and high earnings prospects, that women tend to prefer men who are somewhat older than themselves, and that men prefer women who are in their mid-twenties. We also incorporate the insight that the educational system structures meeting opportunities on the marriage market. We assess the explanatory power of our model with systematic computational experiments, in which we simulate marriage market dynamics in 12 European countries among individuals born between 1921 and 2012. In these experiments, we make use of realistic agent populations in terms of educational attainment and earnings prospects and validate model outcomes with data from the European Social Survey. We demonstrate that the observed changes in educational assortative mating can be explained without any change in male or female preferences. We argue that our model provides a useful computational laboratory to explore and quantify the implications of scenarios for the future.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-23 10:24:24','2016-11-29 11:38:14','','Waiting'),(2687,'The effect of perceived cultural and material threats on ethnic preferences in immigration attitudes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper shows that cultural and material threats exist side by side, serving different psychological functions, and that they manifest in differential attitudes towards immigrants from different ethnic or racial origins. While culturally threatened individuals prefer immigrants akin to themselves, as opposed to those from different races and cultures, the materially threatened prefer immigrants who are different from themselves who can be expected not to compete for the same resources. We test our hypotheses using multilevel structural equation modelling, based on data from twenty countries in the 2002 wave of the European Social Survey. The disaggregation of these two types of perceived threat reveals responsiveness to the race of immigrants that is otherwise masked by pooling the two threat dimensions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-23 10:33:09','2016-11-29 11:46:17','','Waiting'),(2688,'Coalitional affiliation as a missing link between ethnic polarization and well-being: An empirical test from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Many studies converge in suggesting (a) that ethnic and racial minorities fare worse than host populations in reported well-being and objective measures of health and (b) that ethnic/racial diversity has a negative impact on various measures of social trust and well-being, including in the host or majority population. However, there is much uncertainty about the processes that connect diversity variables with personal outcomes. In this paper, we are particularly interested in different levels of coalitional affiliation, which refers to people’s social allegiances that guide their expectations of social support, in-group strength and cohesion. We operationalize coalitional affiliation as the extent to which people rely on a homogeneous social network, and we measure it with indicators of friendships across ethnic boundaries and frequency of contact with friends. Using multi-level models and data from the European Social Survey (Round 1, 2002–2003) for 19 countries, we demonstrate that coalitional affiliation provides an empirically reliable, as well as theoretically coherent, explanation for various effects of ethnic/racial diversity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-23 13:38:43','2016-11-29 11:54:42','','Waiting'),(2689,'Investigating the Macro Determinants of Self-Rated Health and Well-Being Using the European Social Survey: Methodological Innovations across Countries and Time','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'At present, there is a debate over the relative importance and contribution of household income to well-being, and the link between economic growth, welfare, and well-being is not fully understood. We sought to examine how changes in contextual and individual income (spanning the Great Recession) are associated with changes in self-reported well-being in the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002–2011. A multivariate multilevel analysis was performed on 237,253 individuals nested within 128 country cohorts covering 30 countries. In this article, we focus specifically on the analysis and some of the methodological challenges and issues faced when making international comparisons across nations and time.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-11-23 13:44:11','2016-11-29 11:59:39','','Waiting'),(2690,'The comparability of the universalism value over time and across countries in the European Social Survey: Exact versus approximate measurement invariance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the last decades, large international datasets such as the European Social Survey (ESS), the European Value Study (EVS) and the World Value Survey (WVS) have been collected to compare value means over multiple time points and across many countries. Yet analyzing comparative survey data requires the fulfillment of specific assumptions, i.e., that these values are comparable over time and across countries. Given the large number of groups that can be compared in repeated cross-national datasets, establishing measurement invariance has been, however, considered unrealistic. Indeed, studies which did assess it often failed to establish higher levels of invariance such as scalar invariance. In this paper we first introduce the newly developed approximate approach based on Bayesian structural equation modeling (BSEM) to assess cross-group invariance over countries and time points and contrast the findings with the results from the traditional exact measurement invariance test. BSEM examines whether measurement parameters are approximately (rather than exactly) invariant. We apply BSEM to a subset of items measuring the universalism value from the Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ) in the ESS. The invariance of this value is tested simultaneously across 15 ESS countries over six ESS rounds with 173,071 respondents and 90 groups in total. Whereas, the use of the traditional approach only legitimates the comparison of latent means of 37 groups, the Bayesian procedure allows the latent mean comparison of 73 groups. Thus, our empirical application demonstrates for the first time the BSEM test procedure on a particularly large set of groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-01 09:23:58','2016-12-02 14:34:51','','Waiting'),(2691,'Analyzing European Social Survey data using symbolic data methods and Syrokko software','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper presents an application of Symbolic Data Analysis (SDA) with SYR software of Syrokko company to the fifth round of the European Social Survey (ESS) carried out among European inhabitants. In this study, we are not interested in studying the people themselves but by the comparison of different European countries, or different regions of Europe (Western Europe, Eastern, Nothern, Southern), or some groups of inhabitants by age, gender, region, etc. Here, we study, however, the 52 European countries by age groups. We describe each of them by all the results of its inhabitants using symbolic data. Symbolic Data Analysis (SDA) is proving so useful to aggregate up micro data (at the level of the inhabitants) to higher level units called concepts (the countries or European regions, for instance), using symbolic barchart or interval-valued variables. Using this aggregation we lose less information than occurs in classic analysis because symbolic data allow keeping the variation within the concepts. It allows keeping the variation of the results at the level of the inhabitants when they are aggregated up to their country. Hence, this could be called as “smart aggregation”.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-01 09:47:07','2016-12-02 14:39:30','','Waiting'),(2692,'Shifting and Persistent Human Resources’ Positional/Motivational Profiles in the Context of the Latest Economic Crisis: The Cases of Germany, The Netherlands, Spain and Portugal','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The latest financial and ensuing economic crisis has created successive shock waves in the eurozone countries. Their capacity to deal effectively with the impact of the crisis depends not only on reforms introduced as a response to the need for improved competitiveness but also on how the world of work would react to them. This reaction, whether it is dynamic and change-oriented or passive and backwards-looking, is assumed to be mediated by various dispositional and positional dimensions related to both motivational values, such as self-directedness and conformity and work-related realities, such as organizational and job characteristics. This paper explores the interplay between motivational and work-related dimensions for people in employment in Germany, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain. For this purpose, the European Social Survey datasets for the 2008 and 2012 rounds are analyzed using multidimensional techniques. The aim is to reveal and discuss dominant profiles and possible shifts between the year 2008, when the crisis began, and four years later, when its impact has been strongly felt, particularly in the last two countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-01 09:55:19','2016-12-02 14:49:13','','Waiting'),(2693,'The Effect of Global Financial Crisis on Subjective Well-being and Work Conditions of the Public and Private Sector Employees','Pasaulinės finansų krizės poveikis viešojo ir privačiojo sektoriaus darbuotojų subjektyvioms gyvenimo ir darbo sąlygoms',32,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyzes the effect of global financial crisis on subjective well-being and work conditions of the public and private sector employees. The study is based on the analysis of data of the 4th, 5th and 6th waves of the European Social Survey wherein populations of the majority of European countries (including Lithuania) were asked different questions about their life and work conditions. The empirical analysis is focused on the changes of subjective well-being and work conditions of the public and private sector employees during the global financial crisis. Analysis of the survey data showed that, overall, the global financial crisis seems to have an effect on the general cognitive and emotional subjective well-being. However, it had little or no effect at all on evaluations of health and material (financial) status. In Lithuania, unlike elsewhere in Europe, evaluations of material (financial) status showed considerable variation during the period of crisis. The study also revealed that employees of the private sector in Europe to a larger extent experienced changes of working conditions during the global financial crisis. In this regard, the case of Lithuania was again distinctive as a much larger share of Lithuanian respondents declared that they experienced wage cuts during the period of crisis, and it was a little more characteristic for the public sector.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.15.3.16615','vaidas.morkevicius@ktu.lt','2016-12-01 10:53:17','2016-12-02 14:56:17','','Waiting'),(2694,'The Role of Industry in the Prevalence of Overeducation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper performs a detailed study on the interaction between industry and the risk of overeducation using European Social Survey Round 5 data on 27 countries. Administrative and accommodation industries have the largest overeducation levels. When macro-level variables are included in the overeducation model, finance and public administration join these industries in being significantly more open to overeducation than manufacturing. Construction is the only industry with significantly lower overeducation risk than manufacturing. The exposure to overeducation in different industries reflects clear consequences of traditional association of men and women with different industries. Men are more overeducated in administrative services, accommodation and public administration, while women in finance, professional and scientific activities and administrative activities. Countries fall into one of three groups by the pattern of relationship between overeducation and the share of occupations from ISCO major groups 4–9: (1) industries form two clusters: low overeducation–low share of below-tertiary occupations and high overeducation–high share of below-tertiary occupations, (2) industries form a continuous cloud along a positively-sloped line, and (3) industries appear along a horizontal line, suggesting no relationship between the two variables. Of all individual-level variables, only tenure has strong influence on overeducation risk in most industries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-01 13:49:06','2016-12-02 15:03:45','','Waiting'),(2695,'Crisis, Class, and Social Policy: Public Opinion and Inequality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines the impact of class position on social policy preferences after the 2008 financial crisis. In the wake of the crisis, a strong surge in unemployment coincided with increased budgetary constraints in numerous European countries. The frequent result has been restrictions on benefit access for those in need, often couched in rhetoric concerning the deservingness of recipients. At the same time, these reforms have taken place during a period in which increasing attention has been given to one’s location in the income distribution – whether through reference to inequality per se (especially vis-à-vis the top percentile) or “the squeezed middle”. While numerous scholars have investigated the broader impact of the crisis on social policy preferences, this article will examine opinion trends in Europe across class groups and income deciles with an eye to the structure of inequality. In particular, we will: (1) explore the nature of the attitudinal gradient across the income deciles; (2) disaggregate these trends across welfare state types to investigate the relationship of programme structure to predominant class attitudes; and (3) highlight the impact of the structure of inequality on class preferences within these institutional contexts. Using data from the European Social Survey, our principal focus is on attitudes toward inequality, progressive taxation, and the benefits and drawbacks of the welfare state more broadly. The goal here is to investigate the impact of both social programme design and the structure of inequality on the interplay between attitudes and class position.\nPaper',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-02 09:01:22','2016-12-02 15:18:25','','Waiting'),(2696,'Support for Redistribution and Immigration in Advanced Industrialised Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Immigration has increased rapidly in most advanced industrialised societies and it has become a salient issue for politics. Studies in Political Economy have examined the political consequences of immigration, most notably by investigating its effect on support for redistribution. These studies often rely on a unidimensional concept of redistribution defined as the preferred amount of redistribution. This paper argues that the full effect of immigration can only be captured by distinguishing two dimensions of redistribution: welfare state generosity and welfare state inclusiveness. While the economic consequences of immigration should influence the first dimension, the cultural consequences should affect the second dimension. The paper also examines the relationship between redistribution and immigration preferences. This relationship matters because voters can respond to the threat of immigration with different policy strategies. The paper argues that the relationship between these preferences varies systematically according to skill level. The empirical analysis tests these claims in a pooled cross-sectional analysis of seventeen West-European countries using data from the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2012. The findings have implications for two important puzzles in Political Economy. They help explain why rising levels of income inequality have not led to an increased demand for redistribution. They also shed light on why large portions of the working class have switched their vote from the left to the right, seemingly voting against their material self-interest. By connecting the economic and cultural effects of immigration, this paper aims to advance our understanding of the politics of redistribution and the politics of immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-02 09:16:00','2016-12-02 15:21:22','','Waiting'),(2697,'Religion and Higher Education Achievement in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although religion has historically been a structuring dimension of higher education systems in Europe, very little research interrogates the contemporary link between religion and higher education. But why should that be done? Building from the European Social Survey data, we show that it helps understanding the roles played by higher education in a given society. Furthermore, it grasps religious belongings as a potential indicator of inequalities, along with ethnic and socio-economic background. It thus underlines the cognitive dimension of inequalities, and calls for a broader taking into account of individual belongings in their analysis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-02 10:01:46','2016-12-02 15:25:52','','Waiting'),(2698,'Utilizing the Study of the Social-Economic Factors Influence on the Contemporary Bulgarian Human Values by the Use of IBM SPSS Amos Software','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study of the Bulgarian human values main drivers requires the usage of latent variables in order to represent the hidden \" forces \" that constitute these complex structures. When the standard statistical techniques cannot provide the adequate tools for that kind of study we need to use advanced methods such as structural equation modeling (SEM). Because of the demanding nature of the latter it is obvious that specialized software should be applied in order to solve the estimation procedure issues. One of the state-of-the-art solutions for the SEM application is the IBM SPSS Amos software package.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-02 11:41:07','2016-12-02 15:27:10','','Waiting'),(2699,'Measuring the effect of ethnic and non-ethnic discrimination on Europeans\' self-rated health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives: The study of perceived discrimination based on race and ethnic traits belongs to a long-held tradition in this field, but recent studies have found that non-ethnic discrimination based on factors such as gender, disability or age is also a crucial predictor of health outcomes.\nMethods: Using data from the European Social Survey (2010), and applying Boolean Factor Analysis and Ordered Logistic Regression models, this study is aimed to compare how ethnic and non-ethnic types of discrimination might affect self-rated health in the European context.\nResults: We found that non-ethnic types of discrimination produce stronger differences on health outcomes. This result indicates that the probabilities of presenting a poor state of health are significantly higher when individuals feel they are being discriminated against for social or demographic conditions (gender, age, sexuality or disability) rather than for ethnic reasons (nationality, race, ethnicity, language or religiosity).\nConclusions: This study offers a clear comparison of health inequalities based on ethnic and non-ethnic types of discrimination in the European context, overcoming analytical based on binary indicators and simple measures of discrimination.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-02 12:02:32','2016-12-02 15:32:57','','Waiting'),(2700,'Social protection as a mechanism for reducing educational inequalities in mental health among the working-age population: cross-national analysis before and …','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Political decisions, including the generosity of welfare resources, can have implications for population health and health equity, especially in times of economic crises. Greater welfare generosity is hypothesised to relate to better mental health, especially among more disadvantaged groups. Whether socioeconomic inequalities in mental health have widened in response to declining welfare spending is not well known. This study first explores whether overall mental health and educational inequalities in mental health changed following the economic crisis. Second, it examines social protection expenditure as a mechanism for improving population mental health and reducing educational inequalities in mental health.\nMethods: Individual-level data (N = 49,211, aged 25 to 64 years) were taken from the 2006 and 2012 waves of the European Social Survey, a cross-sectional survey which uses random probability methods. Country-level (N = 20) social protection spending (including unemployment, disability, families, housing and social exclusion) measured in Purchasing Power Standards per inhabitant were extracted from Eurostat and adjusted for need using the inverse of the employment rate. Mental health was assessed using the Centre of Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D 8). Data were analysed using random-slope multilevel linear models in Stata MP/12.1. Potential confounders were controlled for (such as age, immigrant status and Gross Domestic Product) and models were stratified by gender. Slope indices of inequality (SIIs) were calculated and the interaction with survey year was tested. Cross-level interactions between social protection spending and education were explored.\nResults: Mean depressive symptoms declined in 2012 among men (b = –0.21, 95% CI:–0.31 to –0.12) and women (b =  –0.34, 95% CI: –0.44 to –0.24). Higher education was associated with fewer depressive symptoms among both men (SII = –1.71, 95% CI: –2.20 to –1.23) and women (SII = –2.50, 95% CI: –3.04 to –1.97). Among men, educational inequalities in depressive symptoms widened in 2012 (p = 0.048 for interaction with year), with no change observed among women. Sensitivity analyses restricting the sample to those aged 25 to 59 years revealed this result was confined to men aged 25 to 64 years. In both 2006 and 2012, expenditure on social protection was unrelated to mental health. Greater spending on social protection was associated with narrower educational inequalities in depressive symptoms in both years and among both genders.\nConclusion: Increased welfare generosity was related to narrower educational inequalities in depressive symptoms. Austerity measures have the potential to widen inequalities and exacerbate  depression among more disadvantaged groups. The main limitation of the study was its cross-sectional design.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-02 12:31:16','2016-12-02 15:39:27','','Waiting'),(2701,'Wish You Were Here? Quasi-Experimental Evidence on the Effect of Education on Attitude toward Immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We use European Social Survey and Labour Force Survey data to estimate the causal effect of education on European natives\' opinion toward immigration exploiting reforms in compulsory education in Europe in the 1960s through the 1990s. Our findings show that higher education leads to a more positive attitude toward immigrants. We also investigate the mechanisms behind the effect of education on attitudes by evaluating both economic and non-economic channels. We find that higher education places individuals in occupations that are less exposed to the negative externalities of migration, although not in sectors/occupations where the share of migrants is necessarily smaller, suggesting that migrants and low-educated natives are complementary rather than substitutes in the labour market. In addition, education alters values and the cognitive assessment of the role of immigration in host societies, with a positive effect on tolerance of diversity and a positive effect on the assessment of immigration\'s role in host countries. Our findings suggest that education as a policy instrument can increase social cohesion in societies that are subject to large immigration flows.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-02 12:43:52','2016-12-02 15:47:18','','Waiting'),(2702,'Willingness to Cooperate with the Police in Four Central European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social order and security depend on mutual cooperation between the police and the public. Since the majority of crime is not detected by the police itself, informal control is needed to ensure order in society. This article aims to describe the circumstances under which people´s willingness to cooperate with the police is enhanced. Recent studies show that public compliance and cooperation with authorities who carry out criminal proceedings are linked with the extent to which people perceive these authorities as trustworthy and legitimate. Importantly, trust in police procedural fairness leads to the perception that institutions of justice are legitimate, which in turn enhances people´s willingness to cooperate with them in order to fight crime and disorder. This normative perspective is supported in many European countries. However, evidence exists that instrumental judgements, which focus on one´s self-interest and on outcomes of the justice system, could also be important in some countries. Drawing on procedural justice theory, we examine the importance of normative and instrumental factors in eliciting people´s readiness to help the police fight crime in four Central European countries: the Czech Republic, the Slovak Republic, Hungary, and Poland. While the procedural justice pattern, i.e. the normative perspective, holds well in the Czech Republic and Hungary, in other analysed countries trust in police effectiveness or fear of crime, i.e. instrumental judgements, are relevant too.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-02 12:52:46','2016-12-02 15:51:28','','Waiting'),(2703,'Social mobility and health in European countries: Does welfare regime type matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Health inequalities pose an important public health challenge in European countries, for which increased social mobility has been suggested as a cause. We sought to describe how the relationship between health inequalities and social mobility varies among welfare regime types in the European region. Data from six rounds of the European Social Survey was analyzed using multilevel statistical techniques, stratified by welfare regime type, including 237,535 individuals from 136 countries. Social mobility among individuals was defined according to the discrepancy between parental and offspring educational attainment. For each welfare regime type, the association between social mobility and self-rated health was examined using odds ratios and risk differences, controlling for parental education. Upwardly mobile individuals had between 23 and 44% lower odds of reporting bad or very bad self-rated health when compared to those who remained stable. On an absolute scale, former USSR countries showed the biggest and only significant differences for upward movement, while Scandinavian countries showed the smallest. Downward social mobility tended to be associated with worse health, but the results were less consistent. Upward social mobility is associated with worse health in all European welfare regime types. However, in Scandinavian countries the association of upward mobility was smaller, suggesting that the Nordic model is more effective in mitigating the impact of social mobility on health and/or of health on mobility.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-05 08:43:46','2016-12-05 10:26:22','','Waiting'),(2704,'Educational Inequalities in Self-Rated Health: Whether Post-Socialist Estonia and Russia Are Performing Better Than \'Scandinavian\' Finland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Aim: The aim of the study is to analyse relationship between self-rated health (SRH) and education in post-socialist countries (Estonia and Russia) and in Finland, a Scandinavian country.\nMethods: Data from the 5th wave of the European Social Survey (ESS) carried out in 2010 were used. In particular, we used a sub-sample of the 25-69 years old. Two-step analysis was carried out: descriptive overview of relationship between SRH and education to assess the knowledge-related impact of education on SRH in pooled model for all three countries; and logistic regression analysis to evaluate separate models in each country.\nResults: The prevalence of at-least-good health was the highest in Finland, Estonia occupied the second position and Russia the third. Knowledge-related educational inequalities were lower in Russia compared to Finland, while they were of similar magnitude in Estonia and Finland.\nConclusions: Our expectations that knowledge-based inequalities are lower in post-socialist countries compared to a Scandinavian country turn to be true in case of Russia, not Estonia. Possible reasons for the expectations might be a lack of attention paid to educational inequalities in terms of access to social resources, competitiveness in the labour market and to what extent education provide a tool against uncertainty (preventing work- and unemployment-related stress). Series of comparative studies revealing links between certain institutional packages and (socio-economic and knowledge-related) educational inequalities seem to be of special relevance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-05 08:54:51','2016-12-05 10:36:21','','Waiting'),(2705,'Measuring Happiness and Overall Life Satisfaction: A Danish Survey Experiment on the Impact of Language and Translation Problems','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper addresses language and translation problems in the most typical measures of happiness and overall life satisfaction in international surveys using an experimental design. In the experiment, randomly selected groups of Danish university students answered questionnaires in English and Danish, respectively. We found significant differences in the answers on both indices. As such, it was confirmed that the term “happy” is not the same in English and Danish. In Danish the word is similar to the German word “glücklich” which seems to refer to something stronger than just being “happy”. Perhaps more surprisingly, we also found a significant difference between the answers on “overall life satisfaction”, indicating that the answers given in Danish are too high as compared to the English ones. The differences are large enough to argue that such simple tests should be conducted before ranking countries in terms of these two well-established indices of subjective well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-05 09:47:02','2016-12-05 10:46:54','','Waiting'),(2706,'Religion and Value Orientations in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Sociological literature on Europe often claims a close relationship between religion and values on the one hand and shared values and social cohesion on the other: This article empirically tests the first half of this equation. On the basis of the European Social Survey 2004 comprising of the Schwartz’ Human Value Scale, we analyse if value orientations of religious people differ from those preferred by non-religious people and if such patterns are stable across Europe. We find that religious people in Europe differ from non-religious people in being more conservative and perceiving rules and customs as very important in their lives. We use different indicators for individual religiousness in order to test their different impacts on individual value formation. Despite popular expectations, we were able to establish that value orientations are less influenced by theological knowledge than practicing religion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-05 09:52:17','2016-12-05 10:52:53','','Waiting'),(2707,'The Future of Social Policy in Europe: An Analysis of Attitudes toward Social Welfare','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One of the tasks of social policy is to support economic development. Governments invest in social policy to protect citizens from social risks (for instance, in the labor market). In this sense, economic policy and social policy are strongly linked. The different choices governments have with respect to social policy lead to variations in welfare states. Typically, scholars have divided welfare states into three groups: social democratic, liberal, and continental countries. This study examines citizens’ attitudes toward social policy in 23 European countries, and especially within the three groups of welfare states. Attitudes toward social welfare are divided into two parts: respondents’ opinions regarding national policy and their attitudes toward poverty. The study focuses on the connections between the type of welfare state and its citizens’ attitudes toward social policy. The study also examines whether so-called situational factors (e.g., the level of income inequality, social expenditure, and social insurance) influence the social welfare attitudes of citizens. The data, which were gathered in 2012, are based on the European Social Survey’s (N = 43,897) sixth round. The results show that the situational factors have an important role, especially in how citizens evaluate national social policy. However, simultaneous analyses of all the situational factors and social welfare attitudes suggest that the situational factors have only an indirect influence on attitudes toward poverty, such that respondents’ opinions of national policy have a mediating role. In this sense, the results support a weak interpretation of the influence of situational factors on attitudes toward social welfare. Furthermore, the results show that attitudes toward social welfare are connected to the types of the welfare states, in this analysis, especially in the Nordic (particularly Finland, Norway, and Sweden) and liberal countries (particularly Great Britain and Ireland). In these countries, unlike others, respondents’ opinions regarding national policy and attitudes toward poverty are positively related. However, according to a more detailed analysis, the Nordic and liberal countries can be separated from each other. The group of continental countries was excluded from the final analysis because it seemed not to be a coherent group, as the original welfare-state typology indicated.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-05 10:04:44','2016-12-05 11:15:09','','Waiting'),(2708,'Design and Development of the Income Measures in the European Social Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In social surveys \"total net household income\" is an indicator of the respondent\'s socio-economic status. It describes the economic situation of household members and their positions in an income distribution. It is used as an explanatory variable in mobility studies and as a social-demographic background item in inequality research. This paper shows the impact of questionnaire design on measurements of \"total net household income\" in social surveys. In particular we illustrate how the measurement quality of the income variable depends on the data sources about the national income distributions used to design the answer categories offered to the respondent. Beginning with the fourth round of European Social Survey fielded in 2008 and the following years, the income categories for the question about the \"total net household income\" amount are built on national income distribution of households resident in the country under study. The response categories of the modified ESS questionnaires have been based on deciles of the actual household income distribution in the country in question. The central organizers of European Social Survey (ESS) instruct the national questionnaire designers to define the income brackets for the answer categories using the deciles of the most reliable national income data source. Analyzing the ESS data from 2008, 2010 and 2012, we found in some countries remarkable divergences from the expected 10% frequencies in each category. In this article we argue that the quality of this new income measure depends on the quality of the reference statistics from which the national household income ranges are derived. The quality of the responses to the survey question about the \"total net household income\", and finally the quality of the obtained survey measure, depends on the quality of the reference statistics from which the household income categories for the answers is derived. These reference data must cover all types of the household\'s income from all household members and optimally represent the national distribution of household income across the survey universe. That means first that all possible payments accruing to a household and all its members in a given country must be reported in references, and second that all households in the survey\'s universe must be represented in the statistics used to detect the answer categories. Then the income brackets for the response categories can be calculated using the 10% percentiles from the income distribution in the reference data. Relevance, accuracy, timeliness, comparability, coherence, accessibility and clarity are quality domains of official statistics used as reference data for the survey measurement. We conclude that the central coordinators of the ESS define and communicate minimum threshold values for quality domains of the reference data. The national coordinators should report deviations. This would give the users of ESS data an insight into the quality of the income measurement.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-05 10:14:12','2016-12-05 11:23:27','','Waiting'),(2709,'Harmonization Still Failing? Inconsistency of Education Variables in Cross-National Public Opinion Surveys','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During recent decades, cross-national comparative research in public opinion has grown tremendously, both in quantity and quality. Through the increased availability of various types of international public opinion survey data, many research questions can today be tackled from a comparative point of view. This allows researchers to test the generality of hypotheses, as well as contextual effects that may explain why countries differ the way they do (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The credibility of comparative studies, however, hinges on the cross-national comparability of the data they are based on. This is a matter of continuous debate among comparative survey researchers and methodologists (e.g., Heath, Martin, & Spreckelsen, 2009; Hoffmeyer-Zlotnik & Warner, 2014). Consistency across data sources is a necessary condition of comparability. If data are not coded consistently across time points and surveys, they are not comparable across countries. Consistency across data sources is important because it allows researchers to compare results from different studies and pool different data sources for analysis. The aim of this study is to evaluate the consistency of four cross-national public opinion survey data sets for a large number of European countries. We chose the variable highest level of education for this purpose. This measure is of special interest for two reasons: Firstly, it is one of the most widely used variables in public opinion research (see Smith, 1995) because it is a \"core\" variable reflecting socialization, social stratification, and individual life chances. From numerous studies we know that, across countries, educational attainment substantially correlates with attitudes, beliefs, values, and behaviors (e.g., Bekhuis, Lubbers, & Verkuyten, 2014; Kalmijn, 2003;  countries and studies (see Braun & Müller, 1997; Kerckhoff & Dylan, 1999; Schneider, 2009; Schröder & Ganzeboom, 2013).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-05 11:00:01','2016-12-05 11:38:47','','Waiting'),(2710,'Well-being and environmental quality: Does pollution affect life satisfaction?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: We aimed to explore the effect of ambient air pollution on individual persons’ levels of subjective well-being. Our research question was: to what extent is an individual’s life satisfaction shaped by exposure to PM10?\nMethods: We used regression models to analyse data on subjective well-being indicators from the last two waves of the European social survey (ESS) and detailed information on local levels of the air pollutant PM10.\nResults: An increase in PM10 annual concentrations by 1 µg/m3 was associated with a significant reduction in life satisfaction of .017 points on the ESS 10-point life satisfaction scale.\nConclusions: Our findings suggest that even in cases of relatively low levels of PM10 air pollution (mean annual concentration of 8.3 ± 3.9 µg/m3), in addition to the effects on physical health, exposure negatively affects subjective assessments of well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-05 11:09:13','2016-12-05 11:48:24','','Waiting'),(2711,'Methodological Problems of Quantitative Comparative Social Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The comparison between different countries and cultures constitutes the most important methodological tool of sociology and the social sciences. With the establishment of regular worldwide social surveys in the 1980s, international comparative research has accomplished a fundamental empirical and methodological breakthrough. The easy accessibility of these international comparative survey data and packages of statistical data analysis, however, may distract from some crucial questions: Can we use such methods anywhere around the world? Is the meaning of translations of concepts into different languages equivalent? Which methods are the most appropriate when analyzing these data? Are nation states the adequate units for comparative analyses? Shall we use all available countries or select a few? This introduction addresses these questions and also offers an overview of the contributions in this special issue on the use of quantitative methods in international comparative research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-05 11:26:50','2016-12-05 11:52:27','','Waiting'),(2712,'Neo-Marxian social class inequalities in the mental well-being of employed men and women: The role of European welfare regimes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The relation between “neo-Marxian” social class (NMSC) and health in the working population has received considerable attention in public health research. However, less is known about the distribution of mental well-being according to NMSC in a European context. The objectives of this study are (i) to analyse the association of mental well-being and NMSC among employees in Europe (using a welfare regime typology), (ii) to investigate whether the relation between NMSC and mental well-being is the same in women compared to men within each welfare regime, and (iii) to examine within each welfare regime the role of the gender division of labour and job quality as potential mediating factors in explaining this association.\n\nData from the European Social Survey Round 5 (2010) were analysed. Mental well-being was assessed by the WHO Well-being Index. Social class was measured through E.O. Wright\'s social class scheme. Models separated by sex were generated using Poisson regression with a robust error variance. The associations were presented as prevalence ratios with 95% confidence intervals.\n\nWomen reported NMSC differences in mental well-being in State corporatist/family support and Southern welfare regimes. Men reported NMSC differences in mental well-being in all but the Basic security/market-oriented welfare regimes. Gender inequalities were more marked and widespread in Basic security/market-oriented welfare regimes. In all welfare regimes job quality (partly) explained NMSC inequalities in mental well-being for men, the role of the gender division of labour was unclear.\n\nThis study showed that the relationship between NMSC and mental well-being among employees differs by gender and welfare regimes. It confirms the importance of NMSC and welfare regimes to explain gender and social class inequalities in mental well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-05 12:04:10','2016-12-05 13:29:16','','Waiting'),(2713,'More knowledge and research concerning the health of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender individuals is needed','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Reduction of health disparities is a fundamental goal of public health research and practice. During the past several years, public health policy and research have begun to address the substantial health disparities that exist between sexual minority [lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB)] and gender minority [transgender (T)], as compared with heterosexual, individuals.1 Today many governmental public health agencies call for policy and intervention programmes addressing specific needs of LGBT individuals, and call for increased funding of research examining health disparities based on sexual orientation and gender identity, and its determinants. Still, the public health consequences of discrimination towards LGBT individuals have only recently been a topic of investigation. Current research, although still limited, points to a much higher prevalence of certain health conditions among LGB people relative to heterosexuals.1,2 A meta-analysis found that sexual minorities are two-and-a-half times more likely to have a lifetime history of mental disorder compared with heterosexuals.3 With the noteworthy exception of HIV/AIDS, much less is known about sexual orientation disparities in physical health, but a number of recent studies have shown poorer physical health outcomes among LGB individuals relative to heterosexuals, including poorer self-reported general health, cardiovascular disease, asthma, and some types of cancers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-06 08:59:18','2016-12-06 13:52:04','','Waiting'),(2714,'Intergenerational educational mobility in Greece: Transitions and social distances','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present paper explores the patterns of intergenerational educational mobility in Greece and their changes for different birth cohorts. Additionally, we investigate the transmission of educational attainments from both father and mother through generations over time, based on data drawn from the European Social Survey. The purpose is to determine the relationship between the individual’s and the parents’ probability distributions and to trace the transitions of individuals between educational categories. Our analysis provides Markov transition probability matrices and the absolute and relative mobility rates. Moreover, complementary analyses to these traditional methodologies are provided using distance and similarity measures.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-06 12:02:07','2016-12-06 14:10:44','','Waiting'),(2715,'Prevalence of physical activity in European adults - Compliance with the World Health Organization\'s physical activity guidelines','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Adults are recommended to engage in at least 150 min/week of moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (PA).\nPurpose: This study aimed to examine the level of compliance with PA recommendations among European adults.\nMethods: Using data from European Social Survey round 6, PA self-report data was collected from 52,936 European adults from 29 countries in 2012. Meeting PA guidelines was assessed using World Health Organization criteria.\nResults: 61.47% (60.77% male, 62.05% female) of European adults reported to be engaged in moderate to vigorous PA at least 30 min on 5 or more days per week. The likelihood of achieving the PA recommended levels was higher among respondents older than 18–24. For those aged 45–64 years the likelihood increased 65% (OR = 1.65, 95% CI: 1.51–1.82, p < 0.001) and 112% (OR = 2.12, 95% CI: 1.94–2.32, p < 0.001) for males and females, respectively. Those who were high school graduates were more likely to report achieving the recommended PA levels than those with less than high school education (males: OR = 1.19, 95% CI: 1.12–1.27, p < 0.001; females: OR = 1.13, 95% CI: 1.06–1.20, p < 0.001).\nConclusion: Although about 60% of European adults reported achieving the recommended levels of PA, there is much room for improvement among European adults, particularly among relatively inactive subgroups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-06 13:49:10','2016-12-06 14:43:32','','Waiting'),(2716,'Inclusiveness as Construction of Open Identity: How Social Relationships Affect Attitudes Towards Immigrants in European Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Studies of individual and group-level sources of prejudice have contributed to today’s greater understanding of the emergence of prejudice and discriminatory attitudes towards immigrants. Yet, scholars have claimed that future research should investigate institutional and socio-political macro-level factors affecting individuals’ attitudes towards outsiders (Ceobanu and Escandell in Ann Rev Sociol 36:309–328, 2010). To contribute to filling this knowledge gap, this article goes across levels of analysis and theories to provide insights about group-level sources influencing attitudes towards immigrants. These sources are taken into account as both institutional and social factors involved in processes of national identity constructions. To this purpose, this work combines Blumer’s perspective (Pac Sociol Rev 1:3–7, 1958) with both the distinction Weber (Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Tübingen, Mohr, 1922) made between open and closed social relationships and some other theoretical contributions that emerged in the field. The findings of a multilevel analysis confirm that, whereby inclusive socio-political factors are involved in the processes of countries’ identity constructions, individuals show more positive attitudes towards immigrants. In addition, in inclusive countries, a society’s high regard for its own traditions and customs influences individual members to appreciate other cultures and show positive dispositions towards outsiders.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-07 09:18:29','2016-12-07 10:20:43','','Waiting'),(2717,'Social Capital and Self-Rated Health among Ageing People in Urban and Rural Locations in Finland and in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main interest in this chapter concerns the associations between social capital and self-rated health in different living environments (urban, suburban and rural) among ageing people aged 65–84 years. Two social capital components used were a cognitive dimension (trust) and a structural dimension (social participation and voluntary work). The results are based on data from the nationwide survey from Finland (The Health Behaviour and Health among the Finnish Elderly) and the fourth wave of the European Social Survey. The findings show that high trust indicated better self-rated health in Finland, particularly among rural residents. High social participation indicated better self-rated health in all three areas. Without area selection, high social participation and high trust was associated with good self-rated health. Area differences were not found in self-rated health. Among older Europeans, voluntary work and high trust indicated better self-rated health consistently, regardless of the living area. As a whole, those living in urban areas were less healthy, suggesting health challenges related to urban contexts. Enhancing trust, but also voluntary work particularly among the urban Europeans may significantly contribute to social capital and may have health promotion effects. Thus, investing in a trustful environment and influencing social participation can play a significant part in health promotion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-07 09:29:24','2016-12-07 10:43:26','','Waiting'),(2718,'Power Sharing and Political Dissatisfaction: A Multilevel Analysis of the Link Between Power-Sharing Institutions and Kinds of Political Dissatisfaction in 24 European Democracies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Institutional engineering offers a solution to the increasing political dissatisfaction in several representative democracies, since studies suggest that introducing elements of institutional power sharing may decrease negative attitudes. However, it may be important to distinguish different mixes of political attitudes since these can have different implications for the functioning of democracy. This article therefore examines the link between horizontal and vertical institutional power sharing and four citizen profiles differing on the extent of political support and subjective political empowerment. The data come from the fourth round of the European Social Survey [ESS (2008) European Social Survey Round 4 Data. Data File Edition 4 (Norway: Norwegian Social Science Data Services)] and comprise 39,376 respondents from 24 democracies. The links between institutional power sharing and kinds of political dissatisfaction are examined with multinomial logistic regression analysis to examine the connections between horizontal and vertical power sharing and different attitudinal profiles to establish the possibilities for institutional engineering. The results suggest that horizontal power sharing is connected to a higher extent of satisfied citizens, but also certain kinds of dissatisfaction. Furthermore, vertical power sharing is connected to a lower probability of satisfied citizens. The effects of power sharing are therefore more intricate than what has previously been assumed when taking into account the multidimensional nature of political attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-07 09:57:13','2016-12-07 10:49:31','','Waiting'),(2719,'Who benefits? Welfare chauvinism and national stereotypes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cross-border welfare rights for citizens of European Union member states are intensely contested, yet there is limited research into voter opposition to such rights, sometimes denoted ‘welfare chauvinism’. We highlight an overlooked aspect in scholarly work: the role of stereotypes about beneficiaries of cross-border welfare. We present results from an original large-scale survey experiment (N=2525) among Swedish voters, randomizing exposure to cues about recipients\' country of origin and family size. Consistent with a model emphasizing the role of stereotypes, respondents react to cues about recipient identity. These effects are strongest among respondents high in ethnic prejudice and economic conservatism. The findings imply that stereotypes about who benefits from cross-border welfare rights condition public support for those rights.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-07 10:52:06','2016-12-07 13:53:46','','Waiting'),(2720,'Innovation and competitiveness: Culture as a long-term strategic instrument during the European Great Recession','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study promotes the role of culture as a long-term strategic instrument for innovation and competitiveness capacities, using data on European Union countries. The recent Great Recession (2008–2013) serves as a case study of macroconditions\' broad differences. A priori, economies where effects from the Great Recession are greater should display deteriorated innovation capacity and competitiveness performance, more than in countries where effects are less severe. The empirical evidence derived by this study, however, does not support this hypothesis. Culture affects innovation and competitiveness capacities, and thus growth prospects, irrespective of prevailing macroconditions. Social learning and organizational structure exemplify culture\'s influence. A society that has or is developing a pro-innovation culture can perform better in the future, despite adverse macroconditions. In contrast, an anti-innovation culture hinders innovation and competitiveness, even if policymakers improve macroconditions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-07 11:48:50','2016-12-07 13:59:04','','Waiting'),(2721,'Civil society since the 1980s on the territory of Slovenia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, we will analyse the key characteristics of the developments of civil society in the context of Slovenia’s transition to democracy, its progress in nation-building and its European integration. Our main thesis in this chapter is that Slovenia’s experience in the context of the latest wave of democratisation is idiosyncratic, and that this is due to a combination of the following: the gradual development of an oppositional civil society; the transformation of the old political elite; the period of economic and political liberalisation in the 1980s; the fact that Slovenia’s ethnic unification acquired an element of ‘defensive’ nationalism; and its peaceful transition via democratic elections that gave representation to both the political opposition (Demos, which won the parliamentary elections in 1990) and to the successor of the reformed League of Communists of Slovenia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-07 14:09:15','2016-12-08 10:48:49','','Waiting'),(2722,'The Moderating Effects of National Age Stereotyping on the Relationships between Job Satisfaction and its Determinants: A Study of Older Workers across 26 Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research explores how national age stereotypes impact older workers\' job-related perceptions by examining probability based samples across 26 countries taken from the European Social Survey. Multilevel data analysis was undertaken. Results show that, at the individual level, both extrinsic rewards and intrinsic rewards directly impact older workers\' job satisfaction. At the country level, significant variations are found in the relationships between job satisfaction and related rewards for older workers across the 26 countries. Society\'s stereotypical views towards older people explained some of these cross-country variations. This study contributes to extant literature by explicating the process by which society\'s age stereotypes and the meta-stereotypes held by older workers affect how these workers make sense and take meaning out of their job-related circumstances leading to enhanced or diminished job satisfaction. Implications highlight the need for management to be vigilant in identifying and dealing with age stereotypes in the workplace. Furthermore, managers need to be more aware of the potential harmful consequences arising from negative meta-stereotypes and should implement strategies to tackle workplace stereotypes that would lead to negative meta-stereotypes held by older workers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-08 10:15:05','2016-12-08 13:27:44','','Waiting'),(2723,'Explaining the Religion Gap in Support for Radical Right Parties in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Across Europe populist radical right (PRR) parties advertise themselves as defenders of Christian identity and values, but they do not seem to strongly attract religious Christian voters. This article tests a general framework for understanding this religion gap in 13 countries. Findings extend earlier research on religiosity and radical right attitudes, provide insight on East-West differences in the PRR phenomenon, and lend conditional support to the notion of a “vaccine effect” suggested by prior research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-08 10:33:19','2016-12-08 13:33:21','','Waiting'),(2724,'Card Payments in Poland: Determinants and Prospects','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper examines Poland’s card payment market. It analyzes the determinants of card transactions and makes projections for the development of this market from 2015 to 2017. Studies point to a strong relationship between the development of cashless transactions and the rate of economic growth recorded by countries, the authors say. The article seeks to identify the key factors driving the card payment market, such as the number and value of card transactions, the number of cards held by individuals, and the number of electronic-funds-transfer-at-point-of-sale (EFTPOS) terminals. The authors build models based on panel data from European Union countries from 2000-2012. They use Blundell and Bond’s system-GMM estimator to treat the results in terms of causality rather than coexistence of the obtained effects. The role of trust in society and GDP growth are found to be important determinants of the development of the cashless transactions market. The authors’ projections suggest that Poland’s cashless transactions market will develop rapidly in the years ahead even if economic growth is slower than projected.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-08 10:40:36','2016-12-08 13:41:25','','Waiting'),(2725,'Basic Personal Values, the Country\'s Crime Rate and the Fear of Crime','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main aim of this study was to investigate the relations between basic personal values, drawn on Schwartz’s value theory, and the expression of the individual fear of crime by analysing the moderating role of contextual cues (i.e., crime rates). We performed a multinational, multilevel study using the 2008 European Social Survey dataset (N = 53,692, nested in 27 European countries). The fear of crime, which is a generalised insecurity about personal safety, showed a positive association with conservation (i.e., tradition, conformity and security) and a negative association with openness to change (i.e., hedonism, stimulation and self-direction) and self-transcendence values (i.e., benevolence and universalism). With the exception of self-transcendence, all the associations between basic values and the fear of crime were amplified by the country’s crime rate: the higher the crime rate, the stronger the relation between values and the fear of crime. The implications and limitations of these results and possible further research directions are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-08 10:56:30','2016-12-08 13:57:18','','Waiting'),(2726,'Is it All about the Economy? Government Fractionalization, Economic Performance and Satisfaction with Democracy across Europe, 2002- 13','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While previous research has generally shown that economic performance is an important predictor of satisfaction with democracy, differences between political systems on the majoritarian-consensual dimension have not been as marked as expected. What has been neglected in previous studies is how the interaction between economic performance and type of power-sharing arrangement co-produce democratic satisfaction. This study uses multiple rounds of data from the European Social Survey between 2002 and 2013 involving 31 countries. The results show that short-term changes in economic performance and government fractionalization interactively increase or decrease levels of political support. The effect of economic performance on satisfaction with democracy becomes weaker the more fractionalized a government is. Satisfaction with how democracy works in a country remains relatively high in systems with fractionalized coalition governments when the economy is performing poorly. But when the economy performs extraordinarily well, satisfaction with democracy is even higher in countries with a dominant party in charge of government power.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-08 11:23:00','2016-12-08 14:03:56','','Waiting'),(2727,'The Impact of Economic Dualisation on Party Competition in Contemporary Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The demise of traditional established parties and the rise of new issues (often stemming from the New Left and the new populist right) indicate that new parties try to mobilize outsiders against the established parties. Will they be successful in the long run and replace the current established parties in parliament and government? This paper seeks to analyse the degree to which the insider-outsider divide impacts on the structure of party competition in Europe after 2002. It will be argued that, although an insider-outsider divide does exist, it has had a moderate effect on party competition. The reasons are that the group of outsiders is smaller than is often assumed and this group is hard to mobilise due to non-voting behaviour and indistinct policy preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-08 12:01:52','2016-12-09 10:45:13','','Waiting'),(2728,'Value Orientations in Preschool Children – An Exploratory Study via Verbal Self-Reports','Wertorientierungen bei Kindern  im Vorschulalter - Eine explorative Studie mittels eines verbalen Selbstauskunftsverfahrens',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'During the last decade the focus of empirical research on value orientation has been extended to childhood. However, current research investigates schoolchildren as the youngest informants. Nevertheless, findings from developmental psychology suggest that even younger children could already hold value orientations. The article investigates, if preschool children already show consistent structures of value orientation. The inquiry was conducted via self-reports, the exploratory analysis includes multidimensional scaling and exploratory factor analysis. The findings are compared with the findings from structural analysis for adolescents and adults. For the children a two-dimensional structuring of values into individualistic and collectivistic is found. This structure and the differences to the value structure of adolescents and adults are discussed against a developmental psychological background.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vogelbacher@uni-mannheim.de','2016-12-08 12:02:21','2016-12-09 10:54:47','','Waiting'),(2729,'Populist radical right parties mobilizing \'the people\'? The role of populist radical right success in voter turnout','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The increasing popularity of European populist radical right parties (PRRs) has often been argued as either a corrective or threat to democracy. In this study, we provide empirical scrutiny to these opposing claims and investigate the impact of successful PRRs on levels of voter turnout. We argue that the emergence of successful PRRs may either foster voter turnout, because they are passionate mobilizers that fulfill a watchdog function and re-introduce electoral competition; or inhibit voter turnout, because they introduce a more negative, hardened tone to politics that further triggers distrust towards politics, politicians and democracy. To investigate these possibilities, we examine whether various societal groups are affected by the emergence of successful PRRs. Using the six available waves of the European Social Survey for the period 2002–2012, we apply hierarchical fixed effect models to test the (de)mobilization potential of PRRs in 19 Western and 14 Eastern European countries. Our results suggest that the emergence of successful PRRs lowers the voting propensity of Eastern European citizens – in particular the young and those with positive attitudes towards immigrants. Whereas in Western Europe, the emergence of successful PRRs increases the propensity to go to the polls among higher educated, more politically interested citizens. The East European results are consistent with theories that those most likely to be affected by the negative campaigning of PRRs – those that oppose PRR ideology and those less politically experienced – will be less likely to turnout in response to the emergence of a successful PRR. The Western European results are consistent with theories that it is those who strongly oppose PRRs that will be motivated to turnout as a result of the emergence of a successful PRR.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-08 12:07:47','2016-12-09 11:05:49','','Waiting'),(2730,'Institutions, culture and migrants\' preference for state-provided welfare. Longitudinal evidence from Germany ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the difference-in-differences estimator and data provided by the German Socio-Economic Panel, this article explores migrants’ preferences for state-provided welfare. The study finds evidence that over time, the preferences of immigrants and natives become more similar. We interpret this finding as evidence that the culture of home countries does not have a time-invariant effect, and that immigrants’ welfare preferences are subject to a socializing effect of the host countries’ welfare regime.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-08 12:22:08','2016-12-09 11:10:31','','Waiting'),(2731,'The Poorer You Are, the More You Trust? The Effect of Inequality and Income on Institutional Trust in East-Central Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Compared to Western Europe, the new democracies of East-Central Europe (ECE) demonstrate substantially lower levels of institutional trust. Because trust in state institutions is an indicator of the public approval and legitimacy of a political system, low trust levels are a cause for concern. The paper addresses a particular aspect of this broad issue by focusing on how country-level wealth and inequality and individual-level economic situation and sociotropic evaluations affect institutional trust in ECE in comparison with Western Europe. A multi-level analysis performed on the 2010 European Social Survey dataset reveals that substantial differences exist between the two sides of the continent. While sociotropic measures show a uniformly strong, positive association with institutional trust, the marginal effect of relative income is positive in Western but negative in East-Central Europe. Moreover, although social inequality is inversely related to institutional trust, four ECE countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia), where relatively low inequality is accompanied by low levels of institutional trust, deviate from the general trend. The paper suggests that the causes of these differences may be attributed to the interplay between specific characteristics of ECE political economies and the strongly egalitarian attitudes of East-Central European citizens.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Medve-Balint.Gergo@tk.mta.hu','2016-12-08 14:02:01','2016-12-09 11:58:09','','Waiting'),(2732,'Associations between physical activity and self-rated wellbeing in European adults: A population-based, cross-sectional study','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although self-rated wellbeing is an indicator of health status, it has been receiving little attention; its relationship with physical activity among adults remains inconclusive. The purpose of this study was to analyse the relationship between physical activity and several dimensions of self-rated wellbeing in European adults. This cross-sectional study was based on data from the European Social Survey round 6, 2012, comprising 40600 European adults (18418 men, 22186 women) from 27 countries, with mean age 42.1±13.3. Meeting physical activity guidelines was assessed using World Health Organization criteria. Six dimensions of the self-rated wellbeing were assessed (evaluative wellbeing, emotional wellbeing, functioning, vitality, community wellbeing, supportive wellbeing). Men and women who attained physical activity recommended levels had better evaluative wellbeing (men, p=0.009; women, p<0.001), emotional wellbeing (men, p<0.001; women, p<0.001), functioning (men, p<0.001; women, p<0.001), vitality (men, p<0.001; women, p<0.001), supportive relationships (men, p<0.001; women, p<0.001), and wellbeing total score (men, p<0.001; women, p<0.001). Physical activity frequency was linearly associated with self-rated wellbeing in the 6 dimensions as well as the wellbeing total score (p<0.001). Attaining recommended physical activity levels is related to better self-rated wellbeing, and more frequent physical activity is linearly associated with better self-rated wellbeing in its 6 dimensions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','amarques@fmh.ulisboa.pt','2016-12-08 14:02:56','2016-12-09 12:14:53','','Waiting'),(2733,'European adults’ physical activity socio-demographic correlates: a cross-sectional study from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: From a public health perspective, the study of socio-demographic factors related to physical activity is important in order to identify subgroups for intervention programs. \nObjective: This study aimed to identify the prevalence of, and the socio-demographic correlates related to, the achievement of recommended physical activity levels. \nMethods: Using data from the European Social Survey round 6, physical activity and socio-demographic characteristics were collected, in 2012, from 39278 European adults (18272 men, 21006 women), aged 18-65 years, from 28 countries. The question of meeting physical activity guidelines was assessed using World Health Organization criteria. \nResults: 64.50% (63.36% men, 66.49% women) attained physical activity recommended levels. The likelihood of attaining physical activity recommendations was higher in the 55-64 years age group (men: OR=1.22, p<0.05; women: OR=1.66, p<0.001), among those who had secondary education (men: OR=1.28, p<0.01; women: OR=1.26, p<0.05), among those who lived in rural areas (men: OR=1.20, p<0.001; women: OR=1.10, p<0.05), and among those who had three or more people living at home (men: OR=1.40, p<0.001; women: OR=1.43, p<0.001). On the other hand, attaining physical activity recommendations was negatively associated with being unemployed (men: OR=0.70, p<0.001; women: OR=0.87, p<0.05), being a student (OR=0.56, p<0.001; women: OR=0.64, p<0.01), being a retired person (men: OR=0.86, p<0.05) and with having a higher household income (OR=0.80, p<0.001; women: OR=0.81, p<0.01). \nConclusions: This research helped clarify that, as the promotion of physical activity is critical to sustain health and prevent disease, socio-demographic factors are important to consider when planning the increase of physical activity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','amarques@fmh.ulisboa.pt','2016-12-08 14:08:10','2016-12-09 13:39:09','','Waiting'),(2734,'Religiosity and corporate financial reporting: evidence from a European country','Religiosity and corporate financial reporting: evidence from a European country',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using a sample of Portuguese firms, I examine the association between religiosity and financial reporting quality. The results suggest that firms headquartered in areas with strong religious adherence, higher levels of (aggregate) religiosity, and in the core area of the Portuguese religious cult (the district where the Fátima Sanctuary is located) generally experience lower incidence of earnings management. The evidence on religious adherence holds separately for Catholic affiliation, and the results are not driven by firms headquartered in rural areas. I also conclude that religiosity, together with other forms of external monitoring, represents a mechanism for reducing aggressive accounting practices. I confirm that the evidence on the positive association between religiosity and financial reporting quality previously gathered from a primarily Protestant country (US) and from a Buddhist and Taoist country (China), holds in the Latin Europe, which is dominated by the Catholic denomination and has a lower intensity of religiosity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','taniab@eeg.uminho.pt','2016-12-08 15:15:07','2016-12-09 13:59:49','','Waiting'),(2735,'The Subjective Well-Being of Working Women in Europe','The Subjective Well-Being of Working Women in Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter we study the subjective well-being of women, focusing on working women in Europe, carrying out a comparative analysis of their socioemotional well-being in different employment situations. In addition to understanding women’s objective conditions of existence, it is also necessary to understand how they feel about, perceive and evaluate their own lives. Although it has been widely demonstrated that there is a correlation between objective and subjective well-being, we also know that the relationship between living conditions and the way in which individuals subjectively experience those conditions is complex and at times paradoxical.\nTherefore, we will analyse the impact of different employment situations on the subjectively experienced well-being of European working women. Through this analysis we intend to provide answers to the following questions: Is the subjec- tive well-being of women with paid employment greater, less than, or equal to that of women who are not economically active? To what extent does subjective well-being decline when working women lose their employment? How does job insecurity affect the subjective well-being of working women? Who enjoys a higher level of subjective well-being, working women or housewives? Are there differences in subjective well-being between women who work for a wage and those who are self-employed?\nTo respond to these and other questions, we have carried out an empirical analysis using data from a special module on Personal and Social Well-Being, introduced by Huppert and her collaborators in the third wave of the European Social Survey in 2006. To carry out these analysis, we have used the Socioemotional Well-Being Index (SEWBI), a multi-dimensional model of happiness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ebericat@us.es','2016-12-08 20:50:17','2016-12-09 14:07:25','','Waiting'),(2736,'Perceived in-group discrimination by first and second generation immigrants from different countries of origin in 27 EU member-states','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses perceived in-group discrimination of 29,189 first and second generation immigrant respondents from 201 different countries of origin currently living in one of 27 EU countries. In addition to testing effects of individual factors, the article estimates the effects of macro-characteristics of both origin and destination countries and community variables. The migration history of these groups is relevant for perceived discrimination: immigrants with citizenship, who speak the majority language at home and have at least one native parent perceive less in-group discrimination, whereas religious respondents, especially from religions that differ more in comparison to the majority, perceive more in-group discrimination. Furthermore, macrocharacteristics of the country of origin are most important in explaining differences between European countries. Immigrants from socio-economically more developed countries with higher living standards – and for that reason more comparable to the native population – are less likely to perceive in-group discrimination.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','stefanieandre@gmail.com','2016-12-09 08:16:05','2016-12-09 14:25:28','','Waiting'),(2737,'Home ownership and support for government redistribution','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, we investigate the relationship between home ownership and support for redistribution in 24 European countries, integrating research on housing regimes and welfare attitudes. We improve upon earlier research by taking into account withingroup heterogeneity of owners and tenants, by elaborating on social mechanisms (selfinterest and socio-spatial segregation), by researching a wide range of European (instead of Anglo-Saxon) countries and by recognizing differences in the meaning of tenure and home ownership across countries. We find that, while home owners are less supportive of redistribution,the effect of home ownership varies with age and income position. We furthermore find that housing regime characteristics matter, as owners and tenants have different welfare attitudes in different contexts. In settings where home ownership has become more financialized, support for redistribution is smaller, and more so among home owners. On the other hand, in settings where outright home ownership fills gaps in welfare provision, both owners and tenants prefer more redistribution.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','stefanieandre@gmail.com','2016-12-09 08:19:42','2016-12-09 14:43:24','','Waiting'),(2738,'Secularising selfhood: what can polling data on the personal saliency of religion tell us about the scale and chronology of secularisation in modern Britain?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Sample surveys on the personal saliency of religion provide an additional lens on the scale and chronology of secularisation in Britain from the 1960s to the present. Six self-rating measures have been derived from both non-recurrent and serial surveys: religiosity (binary questions), religiosity (non-binary questions), spirituality versus religiosity, importance of religion, importance of God, and difference made by religion. The methodological advantages and disadvantages of such sources are explored. Descriptive and tabulated results suggest the very religious have never numbered more than 10% and the tipping-point for the majority of Britons self-identifying as non-religious came in the 1990s, with religious decline quickening after the Millennium. Saliency of religion indicators present one of the bleaker pictures of the extent of secularisation, worse than affiliation or belief in God data, with self-assessed non-religiosity in Britain higher than in most other Western European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-09 08:52:56','2016-12-09 14:46:58','','Waiting'),(2739,'Does the Value Circle Exist Within Persons or Only Across Persons?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study tests whether the Schwartz (1992) value circle exists within individuals, not only across individuals, thereby providing evidence for the within-person rationale underlying the value circle. We analyze responses from five samples (a representative sample in Britain, a general population sample in the United States, and university students in Britain and Iran) varying in value measures of the Schwartz value theory (SVS, PVQ40, PVQ21). An unfolding model is used to map each person\'s value profile into a two-dimensional space representing both persons and values. In all samples, clear value circles were found, with values ordered around the circle largely according to the theory. The model also represents most individuals well. The value circle exists within individuals, providing strong support for the underlying within-person rationale for the Schwartz (1992) value theory. The unfolding analysis allows identifying which persons fit the model less well and in which way, identifying how meaningful subgroups differ in their value profiles, and testing whether meaningful subgroups have different value structures. The model opens up many new possibilities for research linking values to other variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-09 09:13:58','2016-12-09 14:52:45','','Waiting'),(2740,'Untying Conceptual Knots: The Analytical Limits of the Concepts of De-Standardisation and Reflexivity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In some of the sociological production of recent decades, the popularity of individualisation theories has resulted in conceptually undifferentiated notions in the analysis of social change. De-standardisation, de-institutionalisation and pluralisation, on the one hand, and reflexivity, agency and action, on the other, are concepts that are frequently used interchangeably, self-evidently and without differentiation. In the social science literature, they often assume the almost incontestable status of a premise, instead of that of an object or empirical hypothesis. Rebutting this approach, in this article, the hypothesis that the process of de-standardising the life course as a growing mass phenomenon has little empirical evidence to support it, is postulated and confirmed. The exercise of reflexivity as an exclusively contemporary practice, mobilised homogeneously by all social groups is also questioned. On the basis of European and Portuguese samples, both statistical and content analyses of biographical sequences and narratives are employed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-09 09:26:07','2016-12-09 14:57:07','','Waiting'),(2741,'Mapping Patterns of Well-Being and Quality of Life in Extended Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper, we have applied a powerful clustering procedure (the twostep cluster analysis or BIRCH algorithm) to a set of non-monetary indicators of well-being and quality of life taken from the first four waves of the European Social Survey. By employing this technique, we have identified nine clusters of people characterized by different forms of well-being and quality of life, while preserving as much as possible the multidimensional information contained in the preselected indicators. We then analyzed the distribution of the clusters among the various European countries, finding significant differences among the groups of Nordic countries, Continental European countries, Mediterranean European countries and Eastern European countries in the chances of belonging to the nine forms of wellbeing and quality of life previously identified. On average, citizens of the Nordic countries, but also those of Switzerland and Luxembourg, have a higher chance of belonging to cumulative clusters of well-being than countries in Continental Europe and Eastern Europe. In very concise terms, the former appear to be somewhat protected from the risk of incurring the more severe forms of material deprivation,distrust of others and of institutions, poor health and relational isolation. In contrast,Eastern Europeans are characterized by particularly pronounced levels of deprivation across multiple dimensions.\nKeywords Well-being, Quality',NULL,NULL,NULL,'added by Swiss NC','jenny.assi@supsi.ch','2016-12-09 09:57:44','2016-12-09 15:05:29','','Waiting'),(2742,'The End of Secularisation through Demography? Projections of Spanish Religiosity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article presents the first projection, to our knowledge, of the intensity of religiosity in a population, which has a strong bearing on the critical question of the religious future of Europe. Spain has, in recent decades, simultaneously experienced rapid religious decline and marked demographic change through high immigration and declining fertility. To investigate future trends, we carry out population projections by religion and religiosity to the year 2050. We find that both fertility and immigration increase the share of the highly religious, as the more religious tend to have more children and immigrants tend to be more religious than non-immigrants. The non-religious population grows because people switch from religion to no-religion and because they are younger. Our findings suggest that in the longer term (2050), there may be growth in the no-religion population, a decline in the share of highly religious Christians, and moderate development of low religious Christians. The Muslim population would substantially increase, unless there is an end to migration and fertility differentials.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-09 10:45:51','2016-12-09 15:41:30','','Waiting'),(2743,'The Effects of the Direction of Rating Scales on Survey Responses in a Telephone Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Rating scales are used extensively in surveys. One design feature of a rating scale that remains understudied is its direction. A rating scale can run from zero to 10, or from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree.” It can also run from 10 to zero, or “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” For rating scales with the same number of scale points, the same numerical and verbal labels, the key research question is whether varying the direction of the scale would affect survey responses, and if yes, in what way. Drawing on data from an experiment that varies the direction of an 11-point end-labeled unipolar scale, we find that the direction of the rating scale significantly affects respondents’ ratings of countries that received high ratings. Specifically, ratings for those countries are higher when the scale starts with a high number than when the scale begins with a low number. We also find evidence indicating that the scale-direction effects are due to respondents’ use of anchoring-and-adjustment heuristics instead of satisficing. Implications of these results are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-09 10:51:12','2016-12-09 15:45:24','','Waiting'),(2744,'Trading Off Welfare and Immigration in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this paper, we explore the trade-off Europe faces when choosing between immigration from poor countries and welfare spending. Using data from the European Social Survey on sixteen countries from 2002 - 2012, we document that voter preferences shifted in favor of redistribution but polarized over low-skill immigration. Notably, there is a sharp increase in the share of individuals supporting the welfare state but heavily opposing immigration. In order to provide an economic explanation for these phenomena, we present a model where support for both immigration and redistributive policies are potentially motivated by altruism. Using this model, we show how rising unemployment rates, shares of foreign-born citizens and aggregate education can explain observed shifts in policy preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'added by Swiss NC','ole-petter.hansen@nhh.no','2016-12-09 11:53:26','2016-12-09 16:05:13','','Waiting'),(2745,'Globalization and the Demand-Side of Politics: How Globalization Shapes Labor Market Risk Perceptions and Policy Preferences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Does globalization affect the demand-side of politics, and if so, how? This paper builds on new developments in trade theory to argue that globalization matters, but that its effects on individuals’ perceptions of labor market risk and policy preferences are more heterogenous than previous research has acknowledged. Globalization exposure increases risk perceptions and demands for social protection among low-skilled individuals, but decreases them among high-skilled individuals. This conditional effect is observationally distinct from classic trade models as well as arguments that deindustrialization or ideology predominantly drive such perceptions and preferences. Analyzing cross-national survey data from 16 European countries and focusing both on trade and offshoring, the empirical analyses support the prediction that exposure to globalization affects high- and low-skilled individuals differently, leading to variation in labor market risk perceptions and policy preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-09 13:45:48','2016-12-09 16:10:02','','Waiting'),(2746,'Europeans\' work and life – out of balance? An empirical test of assumptions from the “acceleration debate”','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Advanced modernity is regarded as an era of time obsession and people in modernized societies seem to live harried lives. Leading time sociologists like Hartmut Rosa adopt a modernization–critical stance and ascribe an accelerated pace of life and frequent time scarcity to socioeconomic and technological advancement. According to these protagonists of the “acceleration debate,” time becomes increasingly precious due to severely changed conditions of work and private life. Against this background it can be assumed that many people may suffer from an unsatisfactory work–life balance. This study uses individual-level data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey (fielded in 2010/11) as well as suitable country-level data capturing key features of advanced modernity to empirically test assumptions arising from the “acceleration debate.” Results from multilevel analyses of 23 European countries provide some confirmation of these assumptions. While most macro indicators for 2010 reflecting a certain stage of development are uninfluential, a country\'s degree of globalization matters, and moreover growth rates of crucial macro indicators signaling paces of development exert an impact on people\'s work–life balance in the assumed direction: In countries with accelerations in terms of economic development, coverage of households with internet access and numbers of new cars working people show a significantly greater inclination toward an unsatisfactory work–life balance. Aside from results at the country-level individual-level determinants and group-specific differences of work–life balance under different conditions of advanced modernity are presented. This study\'s two main findings—(1) paces of development matter more than stages of development and (2) assumptions arising from the “acceleration debate” receive some empirical support—are thoroughly reflected on and discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-09 13:51:29','2016-12-09 16:13:25','','Waiting'),(2747,'Democratic Innovations in Deliberative Systems – The Case of the Estonian Citizens\' Assembly Process','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With the proliferation and application of democratic innovations around the world, the empirical study of deliberative and participatory processes has shifted from small-scale environments and experiments to real-life political processes on a large scale. With this shift, there is also a need to explore new theoretical approaches in order to understand current developments. Instead of analyzing democratic innovations in isolation, the recent ‘systemic turn’ in the field encourages us to broaden our perspective and evaluate democratic innovations as complementary parts of a political system.\nThis paper will draw upon a qualitative case study, based on interview and supported by survey data, of the ‘Estonian Citizens’ Assembly Process’ (ECA), in order to operationalize the systemic approach to deliberative democracy and illustrate how this can be applied to an analysis of democratic innovations.\nThe ECA spanned more than a year (November 2012 to April 2014) and covered three political arenas: the public sphere, democratic innovations and representative institutions. The systemic analysis highlights the deliberative strengths and weaknesses of arenas and institutions, and illuminates how various arenas and democratic innovations did and did not complement one another in the creation of a deliberative process. The systemic analysis offers two possible interpretations of the ECA. The more affirmative interpretation is it constituted a deliberative system, as it did perform the three main functions fulfilled by different arenas and institutions. The more critical interpretation is that the ECA partly failed to be a deliberative system, due to social domination and decoupling of institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-09 13:57:29','2016-12-09 16:16:28','','Waiting'),(2748,'Contextualizing Intergroup Contact: Do Political Party Cues Enhance Contact Effects?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines intergroup contact effects in different political contexts. We expand on previous efforts of social psychologists by incorporating the messages of political parties as a contextual trigger of group membership awareness in contact situations. We argue that the focus among political parties on us-them categorizations heightens the awareness of group memberships. This focus in turn enhances the positive intergroup contact effect by stimulating majority members to perceive contacted persons as prototypical outgroup members. A multilevel analysis of 22 countries and almost 37,000 individuals confirms that the ability of intergroup contact to reduce antiforeigner sentiment increases when political parties focus intensively on immigration issues and cultural differences. Specifically, both workplace contact and interethnic friendship become more effective in reducing antiforeigner sentiment when intergroup relations are politicized. These findings demonstrate the need for widening the scope of the intergroup contact theory in order to cover macro-political conditions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-09 14:12:46','2016-12-09 16:19:32','','Waiting'),(2749,'Generation 55plus: Quality of life and planning for future','Generation 55plus: Lebensqualität und Zukunftsplanung',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The demographic change is connected with a considerable social, cultural and economic change. Within this context the project \"active aging\" has been founded as a communal network. By this project a survey has been conducted in 6 regions of Germany with a sample of more than 10.000 people 55 and older. The research tries to answer two questions: Under what conditions is \"active aging\" possible? What are the uncertainties and insecurities with which older people are confronted? In the survey several questions and items from the ESS have been used in order to have the possibility to make comparisons with a representative survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','baldo.blinkert@soziologie.uni-freiburg.de','2016-12-10 15:56:47','2016-12-12 10:20:04','','Waiting'),(2750,'\'Shades of Grey\' - About mixed-origin Jews in Israel','\'Shades of Grey\' - About mixed-origin Jews in Israel',21,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ever since Israel’s establishment, and the encounter between Jewish immigrants from different ethnic backgrounds (North Africa and Asia on the one hand America and Europe on the other) the subject of inter-ethnic disparity has occupied a significant place in Israeli sociology. Parallel to other changes and developments, began the trend of inter-ethnic marriages - a process which created a group of Jews with mixed ancestry.  Very few studies have dealt with this social group, which, in the near future, is expected to become the largest group in Israeli Jewish society.\nThe current study has the following aims: 1) to estimate the number of Jews with mixed ancestry in Israeli society 2) to characterize mixed marriages in terms of their coherence to theories related to inter-ethnic marriages (exchange theory, universalism, and selective assimilation) 3) to examine the social standing of mixed-marriage offspring using socio-economic indicators 4) to examine the ethnic identity of the mixed group in comparison with Ashkenazi and Mizrachi groups 5) to examine variation within the mixed group, comparing groups divided according to parent’s ancestry (i.e. A Mizrachi vs. Ashkenazi father).  6) Finally, we will conclude by estimating the amount of mixed offspring in Israel—as a percentage of Jewish births in Israel—in the coming generation.  \nThe analysis in this study is based on the seventh round of the European Social Survey in Israel. The survey\'s data was gathered in 2015. At our request, the survey included questions about grandparents’ origins, on both sides—in order to more precisely identify the origins of the interviewees. \nAccording to the study, mixed offspring constitute 17% of Jewish society in Israel (22% of Jews born in Israel). An examination of the education level of mixed couples, bares notable similarity to exchange theory and universalism.  Mizrachim who marry Ashkenazim tend to be more educated than their counterparts who marry other Mizrachim. Similarly, the educational level among mixed couples is generally higher, notably in groups in which the father is Ashkenazi and the Mother Mizrachit.  In terms of socio-economic factors, the most interesting finding in the study is the great diversity within the mixed group.  Members of the mixed group with an Ashkenazi father were, in terms of most indicators, equivalent to the Ashkenazi group. By contrast, members of the mixed group with a Mizrachi father were situated on a spectrum between Ashkenazim and Mizrachim.  That being said, when studying subjective identity, mixed offspring were more likely to identify as Mizrachi—even in the group with Ashkenazi fathers, and even when they most likely bear an Ashkenazi surname. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ramiav@gmail.com','2016-12-11 08:12:01','2016-12-12 10:33:41','','Waiting'),(2751,'Pushed out prematurely? Comparing objectively forced exits and subjective assessments of involuntary retirement across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Given the efforts in raising the statutory pension age in an aging Europe, this cross-national analysis investigates constrained retirement from a comparative perspective. Based on a conceptualization of retirement transitions as a multi-faceted phenomenon, the study distinguishes objective (external) constraints and the subjective self-assessment of involuntary retirement. Exploiting two survey items from the fifth round of the European Social Survey (ESS Round 5, 2010/2011), we examine which workers were objectively forced to retire due to economic or health reasons as well as which workers subjectively evaluate their retirement as involuntary as they would have wished to work longer. Using multilevel modeling, the study investigates the impact of national context conditions on both the individual risk to be objectively forced to terminate work and the subjective perception of retirement as occurring too early. We analyze institutional factors such as statutory pension ages and pension generosity, but also explore the role of structural factors such as unemployment and health. At the individual level, the empirical analysis reveals that objectively forced exits and subjective involuntariness do not always overlap. Ojectively forced exits are more readily explained by socio-economic characteristics like social class and unemployment experience. At the macro level, there are considerable cross-national variations that cannot be explained by compositional factors only. Relevant predictors of international differences in constrained retriement include early retirement options, statutory pension conditions, unemployment rates, labor market regulation and life expectancy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 09:07:29','2016-12-12 10:36:58','','Waiting'),(2752,'Structural Data on Immigration or Immigration Perceptions? What Accounts for the Electoral Success of the Radical Right in Europe?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Targeting immigrants as a threat to employment, security and cultural cohesion, the radical right has averaged 10 percent of the vote in elections. What drives this vote? Are voters affected by the numbers of foreign-born individuals in a geographical region, by negative perceptions about immigrants, or both? In this article, I entertain the possibility that it is not the number of foreigners but citizens’ perceptions about immigrants that explain individuals’ tendencies to vote for the radical right. To test this stipulation, I combine European Social Survey (ESS) data on individual perceptions of immigrants for more than 25,000 individuals with macro-level data on the actual percentage of foreign-born citizens across 200 European regions. Using a bivariate and multivariate framework, I highlight that it is only the individual perceptions of immigration indicator, and not the number of foreign-born citizens, that is positively related to higher support for radical right-wing parties.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 09:22:31','2016-12-12 10:40:31','','Waiting'),(2753,'What mothers want: The impact of structural and cultural factors on mothers\' preferred working hours in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study investigates how social policies, gender norms, and the national working time regime shape mothers’ preferred working hours. Using data from the European Social Survey (ESS) for 15 countries across Western Europe, the study reveals that generous public child care and cultural support for gender equality are associated with smaller gaps in the preferred working hours between mothers and childless women. High levels of financial support for families, in contrast, predict larger gaps in preferred working hours. The analysis also indicates that a low prevalence of non-standard work and high levels of work-time flexibility reduce the differences in preferred employment hours between mothers and non-mothers. Individual characteristics such as education, gender ideology, and the partners’ socioeconomic status greatly impact women\'s preferred employment hours; however, they do not modify the effect of motherhood. This study concludes that the impact of parenthood on women\'s employment hours is highly contingent upon various institutional and cultural factors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 10:09:10','2016-12-12 10:47:32','','Waiting'),(2754,'Rethinking inequalities in access to tertiary diplomas in Europe','Repenser les inégalités d\'accès aux diplômes du tertiaire en Europe ? Prolégomènes à partir de l\'Enquête Sociale Européenne',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since the beginning of the 2000s, European governing institutions promote the development of indicators comprehending social diversity as potential tools to fight inequalities and discriminations. Building on an analysis of the European Social Survey database, this article analyses several indicators that are often ignored (ethnicity, religion, feeling of belonging to a discriminated group) in access to tertiary education degrees, questions their relevance and interrogates the societal dynamics they underline.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'added by Swiss NC','Gaele.Goastellec@unil.ch','2016-12-12 10:34:55','2016-12-12 10:51:24','','Waiting'),(2755,'Party Discourse and Prejudiced Attitudes toward Migrants in Western Europe at the Beginning of the 2000s','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Building on framing research and on cognitive dissonance theory, the paper examines the differentiated moderating effect of party discourse on prejudiced attitudes against immigrants. Using ESS 2002 data, the study finds that individuals who are positively oriented toward immigrants become more so when confronted with party discourses with anti-immigrant tones. This effect is, however, visible only when it comes to acceptance in one\'s private sphere, that is, acceptance of inter-ethnic marriage. The study also found some evidence that friendship with immigrants is not strong enough to impede natives to accept the idea of deporting unemployed immigrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 10:49:11','2016-12-12 11:03:58','','Waiting'),(2756,'The evolution of inequalities in access of tertiary diplomas in Switzerland: what are the determinants?','L’évolution des inégalités d’accès au diplômes du tertiaire en Suisse: quels principes explicatifs?',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cela fait des années que les inégalités d’accès au secteur tertiaire A et leurs causes font l’objet de discussions et ce, aussi bien en Suisse que dans l’ensemble de l’Europe. L’enquête bisannuelle European Social Survey (ESS) à laquelle plus de 20 pays ont participé en 2014 est un instrument unique qui permet d’étudier les inégalités dans l’accès à l’éducation sur le plan international. Les trois cohortes suisses sur lesquelles se sont penchés les deux auteurs de la présente étude comprennent les années de naissance 1930–1949 (N1 = 2642), 1950–1964 (N2 = 2504) et 1965–1979 (N3 = 2444). En supposant que la plupart des étudiants reçoivent leur diplôme de fin d’études lorsqu’ils ont entre 20 et 30 ans, les facteurs favorisant ou compromettant l’obtention d’un diplôme universitaire sont étudiés pour les périodes de 1949 à 1979, de 1970 à 1994 et de 1985 à 2009. Faute de place, seuls quelques résultats peuvent être présentés dans le présent article.\n\nTandis que dans la génération N1 près de 31% des hommes et 12% des femmes sont titulaires d’un diplôme universitaire, ces taux ont grimpé pour atteindre respectivement près de 40 et 28% dans la génération N3. Les chances relatives des femmes de décrocher un diplôme universitaire ont certes plus que doublé entre la première et la dernière cohorte, mais elles sont encore deux fois plus faibles que celles des hommes. Pour les Suisses (hommes et femmes confondus) dont les parents ne possèdent qu’un diplôme de niveau 0 à 2 selon la CITE, les chances relatives d’obtenir un diplôme universitaire sont faibles par rapport aux autres pays du monde. La Suisse se situe en bas du classement, avec l’Autriche et l’Allemagne, ce qui est sans doute également dû au fait que dans ces trois pays, la formation professionnelle occupe une place importante. Les auteurs concluent que l’accès à l’université en Suisse dépend plus fortement et de manière plus variée de facteurs sociaux que dans de nombreux autres pays d’Europe',NULL,NULL,NULL,'added by Swiss NC','Gaele.Goastellec@unil.ch','2016-12-12 10:56:04','2016-12-12 10:56:05','','Waiting'),(2757,'Economic Crisis and Levels of Political Participation in Europe (2002–2010): The Role of Resources and Grievances','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the effect of the recent economic crisis on political participation levels in Europe. As the civic voluntarism model and grievances theory predict different effects of economic downturn on political participation, the crisis provides a unique context to evaluate the explanatory power of these two theories. It is found that, when investigating a period of eight years (2002–2010), economic growth is positively associated with non-institutionalised political participation, which is in line with the civic voluntarism model. However, when focusing on the changes in political participation that occurred between 2008 and 2010 it is found that rising unemployment is associated with rising levels of non-institutionalised political participation, suggesting that grievance theory is especially useful in exceptionally negative conditions as suddenly imposed grievances can lead to various forms of protest behaviour. The article argues that these shock experiences can lead to momentary peak periods of mobilisation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 11:13:54','2016-12-12 11:48:34','','Waiting'),(2758,'Subjective Well-Being and the Welfare State: Giving a Fish or Teaching to Fish?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'To what extent can social policies influence how individuals experience spells of unemployment? Conventional hypotheses posit that more generous unemployment insurance schemes might increase the subjective well-being of the unemployed, but the empirical literature fails to convincingly confirm (or reject) this proposition. This paper contends that a theoretical preoccupation with the overall generosity of social policies obscures more than it reveals about the mechanisms through which the state can shape how individuals experience spells of unemployment. Social support regimes for the unemployed typically include some combination of active and passive labor market measures. Passive measures provide recipients with various forms of income support during unemployment spells, while active measures help individuals find new and better jobs by improving their overall employability. Several factors—the decreasing marginal utility of income, hedonic adaptation to material conditions, and the substantial non-pecuniary costs associated with unemployment—suggest that investments in active labor market measures will yield relatively greater gains in subjective well-being among the unemployed. These intuitions are confirmed in an analysis of data from three rounds of the European Social Survey (2002–2007) using a combination of fixed-effects and random-effects modeling techniques. While the overall generosity of public expenditures on labor market policy exerts no significant effect on the life satisfaction of the unemployed, the analysis supports the notion that active labor market measures are more effective in promoting life satisfaction among the unemployed than passive measures.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 11:32:19','2016-12-12 12:00:44','','Waiting'),(2759,'Contact in context: does intergroup contact function (better) in high-threat contexts?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Are interpersonal contacts effective in reducing group threat and prejudice in all contexts? Studies have found that the contact effect is stronger in regions and countries where large immigrant populations contribute to high levels of contextual group threat This paper tests the robustness of the observed positive association between contextual-level group threat and contact effects by identifying three methodological reasons for why the association might be spurious: (1) a potential omitted variable bias; (2) a potential self-selection effect; and (3) a potential ceiling effect. Using the 2002 European Social Survey, we find that the positive association is indeed robust. We interpret this as evidence that contact effects are strongest in those European contexts where the need for improved intergroup relations between immigrants and natives is most dire.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 12:01:08','2016-12-12 12:05:20','','Waiting'),(2760,'Union membership in Ireland since 2003','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the Quarterly National Household Survey supplemented with some data from the European Social Survey we document a steady decline in union density in Ireland since 2003. While the great recession appeared to halt the decline this was temporary and density has continued to decline, indeed when changes in composition of worker and job attributes are accounted for there is a steady decline throughout the period. The analysis suggests that changes in the composition of job and worker characteristics during the deep recession between 2008 and 2011 served to offset the underlying decline in density. We also look respectively at the contributions of flows of workers into and out of union/non-union employment to the change in density. While the bulk of transitions into and out of union employment are associated with job changes, in fact the inflows and outflows cancel out for this category. The bulk of the change in membership came from changes in the net flow of workers who stayed in the same job into and out of union employment. We show that union members were much less likely to exit employment throughout the period compared to non-members. We present suggestive evidence from the European Social Survey that there is a substantial free rider effect associated with working in establishments where unions have influence without being a member. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of the possible implications of declining membership for labour market outcomes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 12:13:02','2016-12-16 10:00:29','','Waiting'),(2761,'The Silver Surfer: Trends of Internet Usage in the Over 65 and the Potential Health Benefits','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Internet provides medical information and interventions with promising benefits. This cross-sectional study explores trends in Internet use among the elderly in Ireland from 2002 to 2010 and considers possible implications for health benefit. Data were analysed on 1606 Irish individuals. Internet use in Ireland is increasing at similar rates to the rest of Europe; the percentage of over-65s using the Internet in Ireland nearly trebled from 2002 to 2010, from  26(8.3%) to 92(24.1%) (p<0.001). Subgroups of this population displayed significantly higher rates of Internet usage; namely those with a better education, living with a partner, males and urban dwellers. Of those with good subjective general health, 230 (21%) had internet access, versus 36 (7.1%) with poor health. Web-based interventions targeting the elderly should become more available. These could be particularly useful in populations with limited access to transport and mobility.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 12:36:35','2016-12-16 10:12:54','','Waiting'),(2762,'The Association Between Life Satisfaction and Self-Reported Health Status in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous research has shown that life satisfaction (LS) and self-reported health status are strongly related to each other. However, it is not clear whether this association holds across different nations or whether certain country-level indicators significantly affect this association. The study was based on nationally representative samples of 32 countries from the first six rounds of the European Social Survey (N?=?291?686). Results from hierarchical multilevel modelling indicated that there was a positive association between LS and self-reported health status across countries, but this association was slightly stronger in countries where governments spent less on the health care of their residents. Self-reported health ratings were also more strongly tied to LS judgements in countries where variability in LS ratings was larger. These results suggest that, especially in less wealthy European countries, policies should target reducing overall social inequality and the negative impact of governments\' underinvestment in health care on LS. Copyright © 2015 European Association of Personality Psychology',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 12:50:24','2016-12-16 10:23:52','','Waiting'),(2763,'Unemployed and alone? Unemployment and social participation in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between unemployment and social participation and aim to identify the role of national policies and attitudes as possible mediators.\nDesign/methodology/approach: The authors use the 2006 EU-SILC module on social participation – a data set that provides rich information on social participation for 22/23 EU countries. They adopt a two-step multi-level design, allowing them to directly examine the impact of national policies and norms on individual outcome.\nFindings: The paper reveals clear evidence that the unemployed have lower levels of social participation than the employed across a range of indicators. The paper also reveals that macro-level variables significantly affect the extent of these differentials in social participation. For instance, the authors found that societies that expose the unemployed to poverty risk have a larger social participation gap between the employed and the unemployed.\nOriginality/value: While the negative association between unemployment and social participation has been established in prior work, the study is the first one to employ a “large N” comparison and to use a multi-level design to statistically test the degree to which macro-level variables mediate the negative relationship between unemployment and social participation. The analyses were able to show that societal context can significantly alleviate the negative implications of unemployment for social participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-12 13:22:38','2016-12-16 11:06:26','','Waiting'),(2764,'Normative Climates of Parenthood across Europe: Judging Voluntary Childlessness and Working Parents','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Past research on gender role attitudes has often focused on individual- rather than country-level explanations. Drawing on European Social Survey data from 21 countries, we examine the effect of societal normative climates (i.e., shared perceptions of others’ attitudes) on personal attitudes towards two non-traditional gender roles: Voluntary childlessness and working full-time while children are young. To detect potential gender differences, we analyse disapproval of men and women separately. Findings reveal that there are strong differences in normative climates across countries, and that people generally perceive more disapproval of women than of men for both behaviours. Most importantly, in countries where a higher share of respondents perceives disapproval of these behaviours, respondents themselves disapprove more strongly—even if they do not believe that others disapprove, and even after controlling for other relevant individual- and country-level characteristics. What is more, the independent effect of normative climate explains most of the differences between countries. This robust finding demonstrates the power of country-level normative climates in explaining individuals’ attitudes and between-country differences in attitudes toward gender roles.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-13 10:15:19','2016-12-16 11:30:25','','Waiting'),(2765,'Democratic Protest in the European Countries: Value Motivations and Societal Context','Демократический протест в странах Eвропы: ценностные мотивации и социетальные условия',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article discusses the motivation of citizens of European countries to participate in a democratic, non-violent protest. It presents an analysis of values, stimulating protest activity, and the conditions for their actualization in societal contexts that characterize the level of economic development of these countries, their political openness and culture.  Empirical data from the European Social Survey 2012-2013 - representative surveys in 27 countries - and information about these countries of the World Bank were analyzed by statistical methods of two-level modeling.  Results of the study show that the motivation to participate in the protest is not only connected with the values, suggesting the expansion of freedom and equality of opportunities, but also with altruistic aspirations - the human desire to understand other people and help those in need.  The best explanation of protest activity can be obtained by combining of these orientations in the syndrome of postmodern values.  With the growth of the individual\'s commitment to these values the probability of participation in the actions of direct pressure on the authorities increased significantly.  The impact of values on political behavior is different in the European countries and depends on societal context.  A key contextual factor is the structure of political opportunities - openness of the political system in the country. It is linked to the value motivation of protest with the negative quadratic function - in the form of an inverted U.  Value motivation appears less clear in slightly and fully open political systems than in the half-open democratic regimes, not fully consistent with the principles of liberal democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2016-12-13 10:48:42','2016-12-16 11:33:29','','Waiting'),(2766,'The Achilles\' heel of welfare state legitimacy: perceptions of overuse and underuse of social benefits in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'When analysing the legitimacy of the welfare state, perceptions of the overuse and underuse of welfare are of great importance. Previous literature suggests that many people perceive overuse (misuse or fraud), and there is evidence that people also perceive underuse (non-take-up) of welfare benefits. Perceptions of overuse have therefore been called ‘the Achilles’ heel of welfare state legitimacy\'. We analyse data from the European Social Survey for 25 countries and investigate the occurrence and the individual and contextual determinants of overuse and underuse perceptions. We find that both overuse and underuse perceptions are prevalent in all European countries. However, whereas overuse perceptions are more related to ideology, collective images of welfare recipients and selective welfare regimes, underuse perceptions are more shaped by self-interest and the levels of unemployment and social spending in a country. Instead of one Achilles\' heel, welfare state legitimacy seems to have two weak spots.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-13 12:01:46','2016-12-16 11:45:51','','Waiting'),(2767,'Labour Protection and Informal Work: A Cross-National Analysis of European Countries, 2004–2012','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Informal work, defined as work that is undertaken without a formal contract, lowers productivity, reduces government tax revenue and hampers economic growth. Thus, reducing informal work is a recognised policy objective in developed and developing countries. Social and economic policy in Europe shifted markedly in recent years, particularly after the emergence of the Global Financial Crisis in 2008. Most reforms involved decreasing the generosity of unemployment benefit schemes and reducing the regulation of employment protection. We argue that, while these reforms may have contributed to reducing unemployment, they might also have had negative consequences, such as the increase of informal work. To test this, we use cross-national European Social Survey data for 2004–2012 augmented with external macro-level variables, and pooled and pseudo-panel regression models. Key findings indicate that labour protection is effective in reducing the prevalence of informal work amongst employees.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-13 12:37:08','2016-12-16 11:56:16','','Waiting'),(2768,'Male Breadwinning Revisited: How Specialisation, Gender Role Attitudes and Work Characteristics Affect Overwork and Underwork in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We examine how male breadwinning and fatherhood relate to men’s overwork and underwork in western Europe. Male breadwinners should be less likely to experience overwork than other men, particularly when they have children, if specialization suits them. However, multinomial regression analysis of the European Social Survey (ESS) (n=4658) challenges this position: male breadwinners, with and without children, want to work fewer hours reinforcing a downside of specialization. The work characteristics associated with being a breadwinner mediate its effects. In particular being a manager and supervising others are associated with overwork, while weekend work and worrying about finances are associated with underwork. Work-life interference has a significant impact on overwork and mediates the effect of being a breadwinner, but it has an effect that is over and beyond the separate effects of work characteristics and family structure.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-13 13:13:10','2016-12-16 12:05:52','','Waiting'),(2769,'Media Exposure and Health in Europe: Mediators and Moderators of Media Systems','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examined media exposure as an explanatory factor for individual and cross-national differences in self-assessed general health. In studying media exposure, traditional media (television, radio, and newspapers) and contemporary media (internet) were separately considered. Aside from hypotheses about the relation between media exposure and general health, we also tested hypotheses regarding the mediating role of social isolation and mean world syndrome as well as the moderating role of different media systems across countries. Therefore, we used European Social Survey 2010, covering 25 European countries (n = 36,692). The results of our multilevel regression analyses indicated that exposure to television was negatively related to general health, whereas exposure to radio and newspapers were positively related to health. For contemporary media, findings indicated consistent positive relations between internet exposure and health across. Furthermore, limited support was found for the mediating role of social isolation and the mean world syndrome in the link between media exposure and health. Across media systems, findings for the relations between exposure to the various types of media and health proved to be robust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-13 13:31:34','2016-12-16 12:21:23','','Waiting'),(2770,'The Demography of Grandparenthood: An International Profile','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This comparative study addressed three open questions about the demography of grandparenthood in contemporary societies: First, at what age do people become grandparents? Second, how is grandparenthood sequenced with other transitions in later life? Third, how long is the grandparent life stage? To answer these questions, we analyzed retrospective data from the United States (NSFH) and 24 European countries (GGS, ESS, DEAS). Using survival methods, we estimated (1) age at grandparenthood; (2) demographic overlap with parenting, worker, and filial roles; and (3) expected length of the grandparent life stage. Three central findings emerged from the analysis: First, the timing of grandparenthood varies strongly across countries. Cross-national differences in the median age at grandparenthood are larger than in age at parenthood, age at retirement, and life expectancy. Compared to the United States (49 years among women, 52 years among men), grandparenthood in Eastern Europe occurs up to three years earlier in life; in Western Europe, up to eight years later. Second, cross-national variation in the life-course context of grandparenthood is less pronounced. In all countries, grandparenthood overlaps rarely with active parenting but frequently with worker and filial roles. Third, the length of the grandparent life stage is more strongly influenced by the timing of fertility than by the timing of mortality. The longest years of life shared with grandchildren (35 years) are expected among grandmothers in East Germany and the United States; the shortest (21 years) among grandfathers in West Germany and Spain.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-14 11:02:59','2016-12-16 12:35:50','','Waiting'),(2771,'What makes education positional? Institutions, overeducation and the competition for jobs','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We compare three theoretical models for the relationship between schooling and labor market outcomes. On the one hand, the job competition model, which views education as a positional good with relative value on the labor market; on the other hand, the human capital and the social closure models, which view the value of education as absolute but differ in their expectations about returns to years of education above what required for the job. We analyze European countries using data from the European Social Survey (2010), and investigate the incidence of overeducation and the returns to years of overeducation in order to distinguish between the three theoretical models. We then relate these theoretical perspectives to institutions of the education system and of labor market coordination. Our empirical results indicate that education is more likely to function as a positional good in countries with weakly developed vocational education systems, where individuals have an incentive to acquire higher levels of education in order to stay ahead of the labor queue. However, no convincing support was found for the relationship we hypothesized between wage coordination and returns to years of overeducation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-14 13:38:52','2016-12-16 12:41:15','','Waiting'),(2772,'Does Commercialized Political Coverage Undermine Political Trust?: Evidence Across European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Media commercialization has long been suspected of exerting a negative influence upon political culture. The news media\'s interest in intrigues, personal details, and scandals rather than political issues in order to capture audience attention is regarded by many as a prime source of political cynicism. This article scrutinizes this claim by examining whether a commercialized media environment correlates with lower levels of citizen political trust across countries. Integrating cross-national survey data with country-level measures of commercialized political coverage, the findings indicate that, across 33 European countries, a negative link exists between media commercialization and political trust. Replication of the analysis with a separate cross-national survey across 28 countries demonstrated the robustness of the findings. These support the claim that media commercialization undermines political trust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-14 13:43:26','2016-12-16 12:45:56','','Waiting'),(2773,'Dual Allegiances? Immigrants\' Attitudes toward Immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article develops a model of immigrants’ attitudes towards immigration. We focus on two competing motivations to explain these attitudes: while kinship, solidarity, and shared experiences with other immigrants should lead to more favorable attitudes towards immigration, formal integration into a new society may create a new allegiance to the host country that produces more critical views toward immigration. Using the European Social Survey (ESS) 1–5 data collected 2002–11 in 18 West European democracies, coarsened exact matching (CEM), and multilevel estimation techniques, our analyses reveal that foreigners support immigration more than natives. However, newcomers who have acquired citizenship in their host countries are more skeptical about the consequences of immigration and admitting new arrivals than noncitizen immigrants. This negative relationship between citizenship and support for immigration is particularly pronounced among those who are dissatisfied with their host country’s macroeconomy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-14 13:50:31','2016-12-16 12:53:25','','Waiting'),(2774,'Determinants of Temporary Employment in Poland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the study I exploit European Social Survey Round 5 data to identify the determinants of temporary employment in Poland. As in this country the share of employees working under contracts of limited duration is the highest among all European Union member states, identifying the determinants of temporary employment is important not only for individuals but also for the policy-makers. The results of the analysis are supplemented with an investigation of the determinants of temporary employment for people younger than 30 years old as this phenomenon is commonly associated with young employees.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-15 09:48:30','2016-12-16 13:03:41','','Waiting'),(2775,'Accountability from the perspective of the forum: citizens\' attitudes towards accountability in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this article is to analyse citizens’ attitudes towards governmental accountability in 24 European countries and to examine the influence of contextual and individual factors on perceptions of accountability. Using as a dataset the 2012 European Social Survey, the results show that citizens respond positively when the media provides reliable information on which to judge the government, when individuals perceive that governments perform well, when individuals live in more extensive and generous welfare states and when they live in countries where the rule of law is firmly established. In addition, the findings also provide evidence that compared to politically left-wing citizens, right-wing supporters have, on average, a higher perception of governmental accountability. In particular, the findings show strong positive evaluations of right-wing governments by right-wing voters in comparison with left-wing governments by left-wing voters.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-15 09:55:33','2016-12-16 13:08:08','','Waiting'),(2776,'Regional quality of living in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article sets out the conceptual framework and results of Regional Quality of Living indicators that were developed in order to benchmark European NUTS2 regions. Nine non-business-related indicators are constructed to support the goal of policy makers to improve the attractiveness of regions and cities for people or companies to settle in, and by doing so create economic growth. Each of the constructed indicators represents a pillar of the Quality of Living. The highest indicator scores are found for regions within Switzerland, Sweden, Norway and the Netherlands. Some countries show a wide divergence between regional scores. The southern regions of Italy and Spain, for example, have significantly lower scores than those in the north. In addition, capital city regions have better RQI scores. A positive correlation was found between the average RQI scores and both GDP per capita and weighted population density. Compared to GDP per capita, weighted population density has a modest influence on the RQI score. The European regions are divided into 11 clusters, based upon GDP per capita and weighted population density in order to benchmark a region with its peers.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-15 10:14:17','2016-12-16 13:11:32','','Waiting'),(2777,'Social Capital and Generosity A Multilevel Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although much is known about the individual-level predictors of volunteering, charitable giving, and informal helping, less is known about how the characteristics of communities shape generosity. In this article, we assess the predicted effects of both individual- and contextual-level social capital (social networks and generalized trust) on three forms of generous behavior using the European Social Survey, which provides complete data on over 30,000 respondents in 160 regions in 19 countries. The results suggest that regional-level trust is associated with more volunteering and donating to charities. In addition, regional-level social capital (the combination of trust and social ties) predicts greater volunteering. The relationship between contextual-level social capital and informal helping is weaker.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-15 10:31:16','2016-12-16 13:14:26','','Waiting'),(2778,'\'Loud and proud\': youth and the politics of silencing','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article considers negative or critical views towards democracy and politics among young people, including supporters of ultra-patriotic or populist radical right movements, in the UK, eastern Germany and Russia. These countries represent a range of political heritages and current constitutions of democracy but, in all three contexts, it is suggested, young people experience some degree of the closing down of ‘legitimate’ political discourse as a result of the social distance between ‘politicians’ and ‘people like us’ and the legal and cultural circumscriptions on ‘acceptable’ issues for discussion. The article draws on survey data, semi-structured interviews and ethnographic case studies from the MYPLACE project to show variation between young people in these three countries in their experience of formal politics as a ‘politics of silencing’. Moreover, the article explores the relationship between perceived ‘silencing’, the expression of dissatisfaction with democracy and receptivity to populist radical right ideology.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-15 11:52:37','2016-12-16 13:19:27','','Waiting'),(2779,'Interpersonal trust and welfare state support','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The economic importance of the welfare state has increased strongly over time, which has generated a vast academic literature studying the determinants of (preferences towards) redistribution. This article argues that citizens\' trust in their fellow citizens can play a central role for welfare state support, because it buttresses the belief that others will not use the welfare system inappropriately. Using the fourth wave of the European Social Survey, we confirm a strong positive association between interpersonal trust and welfare state support (controlling for institutional trust). We also show that: i) this link is driven at least in part by the mechanism discussed above; ii) causality runs from interpersonal trust to welfare state support (using a sub-sample of second generation immigrants); and iii) the effect of interpersonal trust appears conditional on the perceived quality of a country\'s institutions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-15 11:59:00','2016-12-16 15:12:24','','Waiting'),(2780,'Attitudes Towards Immigrants, Immigration Policies and Labour Market Outcomes: Comparing Croatia with Hungary and Slovenia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper provides comparative evidence on attitudes towards immigrants, their labour market outcomes and policies in Croatia and two neighbouring countries – Slovenia and Hungary. Three different data sources have been used: the European Social Survey, an ad-hoc Labour Force Survey module for the year 2014, and the MIPEX index. Although immigrants have a disadvantaged position on the Croatian labour market, most analysed indicators do not imply that they are in a worse position than in other European economies. Migrant integration policies related to the labour market are assessed as being relatively favourable for Croatia. Judging by the comparable indicators for the native population in Croatia, immigrants’ adverse labour market outcomes seem to be more related to the unfavourable general economic situation, and particularly by the deep and long recession.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vbotric@eizg.hr','2016-12-15 12:55:53','2016-12-16 15:17:11','','Waiting'),(2781,'Employment Resilience in Europe and the 2008 Economic Crisis: Insights from Micro-Level Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Employment resilience in Europe and the 2008 economic crisis: insights from micro-level data, Regional Studies. This paper analyses employment resilience to the 2008 economic crisis using individual-level data from the European Social Survey (ESS) combined with NUTS-1 regional economic statistics. It models employment outcomes for individuals for 2002–08 and generates counterfactual outcomes for 2010 for individual-level employment assuming there is no recession. A resilience index, based on the difference between employment outcomes assuming actual economic conditions and a no recession counterfactual, is generated. Resilience varies substantially and is higher in German and French regions than in peripheral regions. Highly educated individuals, middle-aged individuals, unionized workers and men are more resilient.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-15 13:50:38','2016-12-16 15:22:26','','Waiting'),(2782,'Is solidarity less important and less functional in egalitarian contexts?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Solidarity refers to a willingness to contribute to the welfare of other people. This study builds on the idea that not only the value of solidarity (i.e. whether people find solidarity important) but also the function of solidarity (i.e. whether solidarity results in reputational gains) can differ across societies. According to the literature, egalitarian contexts can either have a normative effect by promoting the value of solidarity and increasing the reputational gains of solidarity, or they can have a crowding-out effect by diminishing the value of solidarity and weakening the reputational gains resulting from solidarity. The current study investigates these conflicting ideas using individual-level data (N = 195,024) from the European Social Survey (ESS), which combines six waves of cross-sectional studies collected in 28 countries from 2002 to 2012. The results show that both the value of solidarity and the function of solidarity are weaker in egalitarian contexts, supporting the crowding-out hypothesis. In inegalitarian contexts individual solidarity is more valued and it serves more as a function for promoting higher reputational gains as compared to egalitarian contexts. The combination of between- and within-country over-time empirical evidence adds to the strength of these findings.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 09:16:56','2016-12-19 09:42:22','','Waiting'),(2783,'Has Migration Been Beneficial for Migrants and Their Children?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study compares the social mobility and status attainment of first- and second-generation Turks in nine Western European countries with those of Western European natives and with those of Turks in Turkey. It shows that the children of low-class migrants are more likely to acquire a higher education than their counterparts in Turkey, making them more educationally mobile. Moreover, they successfully convert this education in the Western European labor market, and are upwardly mobile relative to the first generation. When comparing labor market outcomes of second generations relative to Turks in Turkey, however, the results show that the same level of education leads to a higher occupation in Turkey. The implications of these findings are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 09:29:27','2016-12-19 10:01:54','','Waiting'),(2784,'Factors affecting trust in police in Turkey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Law enforcement administrators generally evaluate their performance using statistics related to crime control. These statistics are important indicators for measuring performance, but it is also crucial to measure of public opinions toward the police. This study examines the determinants of public trust in the police. Using data from the European Social Survey (ESS) Round 4, for the analysis, a total sample of 2,416 persons is selected from respondents from Turkey. The study provides a snapshot of citizens’ perceptions toward law enforcement. Overall, the results of this study regarding the demographic variables, including age, gender, marital status, and education, were consistent with previous research and proved to be significantly related to trust in the police. Surprisingly, perceived victimization failed to show a significant relationship. However, important predictors included perceived fear of crime and trust in the political system, which had significant impacts on public trust in the police. Especially, fear of crime was a significant predictor of satisfaction with police. Effective crime control and lowering crime rates are considered the core functions of law enforcement by citizens. Therefore, perceived effectiveness in fighting crime can lower individual fear of crime and thus increase satisfaction with law enforcement.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 10:00:27','2016-12-19 10:34:01','','Waiting'),(2785,'How Welfare-State Regimes Shape Subjective Well-Being Across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Welfare-state regimes achieve different outcomes in dealing with social inequalities. For example, the social democratic or Scandinavian welfare-state regime is often considered as the most egalitarian with a high social transfer rate and a comparably low level of income inequality. While most research on welfare-state regimes focuses on objective indicators of quality of life and inequalities, we are interested in how citizens actually evaluate their lives, using subjective well-being (SWB) as an indicator. The paper deals with two research questions: (1) How does the welfare-state regime affect subjective well-being, and (2) does the welfare-state regime influence the effect of status on SWB? Status is an essential first-order goal to produce subjective well-being according to the social production theory of Lindenberg and colleagues (Ormel et al. 1999), but is also linked to many other instrumental goals such as comfort and stimulation. The study carries out a multilevel analysis using pooled European Social Survey data from the years 2002–2012, covering more than 30 European countries. While we first look at how status drives SWB levels in different welfare-state regimes as classified by Esping-Andersen 1990, 1999), our focus is mainly on cross-level interactions between welfare-state regime type and the relationship between status and SWB. Our results provide evidence that social-democratic welfare-state regimes not only provide for living standards that are associated with the highest SWB levels, but also compensate best for status differences in SWB compared to other welfare-state regimes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 10:23:38','2016-12-19 10:38:27','','Waiting'),(2786,'The (non) particularities of West European radical left party supporters: comparing left party families','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'So far little has been done to explore similarities and differences between radical left parties and other traditionally perceived party families of the left at the societal level. A noticeable gap thus remains in the study of the European radical left: whether and in what ways social divides form the basis of radical left party support. Using data from the fourth round of the European Social Survey (2008), for five West European countries, we investigate radical left party supporters’ socio-demographic and attitudinal characteristics, juxtaposing them with those of social democratic party supporters and green party supporters. Our approach departs from related studies by distinguishing three cognitional operations within the economic left-right axis, that are based on the distinction between ideals and their effects on reality; and by testing for intra-left divides revolving around trust. Based on insights from cleavage research, we devise a number of hypotheses, most of which test positively. Our findings suggest left party families across Western Europe do reflect certain lines of division in society, albeit with qualifications. While structural divides are not found to be significant, there appears to be correspondence between political and attitudinal divides on a three-dimensional space. These concern the cognitive divisions within the economic left-right axis, issues of political trust, and attitudes towards the environment. Our findings have conceptual and empirical implications both for the left and for investigations into cleavage politics.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 10:29:35','2016-12-19 10:43:24','','Waiting'),(2787,'Foundations of subjective well-being in turbulent times: A comparison of four European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between the individual and aggregate level foundations of subjective well-being (SWB). In particular, the authors focus on the institutional differences between the welfare states as possible explanatory sources of SWB.\nDesign/methodology/approach: The data come from the Finnish, British, German and Greek sections of the European Social Survey Round 5, 2010 (n=10,046). The methods consist of multilevel and linear regression models.\nFindings: The results indicate that the effects of many background variables are somewhat constant in the selected countries, even though the countries are different from each other in terms of their institutional characteristics. SWB can be explained relatively well by individuals’ social networks, health and socio-demographic factors. However, the detected cross-country differences also point to the fact that the institutional differences among the countries have significance in this instance.\nResearch limitations/implications: The research approach was built on cross-sectional data on Finland, Germany, the UK, and Greece only. While these countries represent different types of European societies it is not possible to make broader conclusions on the variation caused by societal or cultural factors in the global sense.\nSocial implications: The findings are significant regarding the current economic situation in many European countries.\nOriginality/value: Previous studies have addressed the direct effects of the background factors in contemporary Europe. Beyond these determinants also lies the possible impact of institutional and cultural factors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 10:37:13','2016-12-19 10:56:58','','Waiting'),(2788,'The Rise of the Far Right in Debtor and Creditor European Countries: The Case of European Parliament Elections','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While the 2014 European Parliament elections were marked by the rise of parties on the far right-wing, the different patterns of support that we observe across Europe and across time are not directly related to the economic crisis. Indeed, economic hardship seems neither sufficient nor necessary for the rise of such parties to occur. Using the cross-national results for the 2004, 2009 and 2014 EP elections in order to capture time and country variations, we posit that the economy affects the rise of far right-wing parties in more complex ways. Specifically, we compare the experience of high-debt countries (the ‘debtors’) and the others (the ‘creditors’) and explore the relationship between far right-wing party success on the one hand, and unemployment, inequality, immigration, globalisation and the welfare state on the other. Our discussion suggests there might be a trade-off between budgetary stability and far right-wing party support, but the choice between Charybdis and Scylla may be avoided if policy-makers carefully choose which policies should bear the brunt of the fiscal adjustment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 11:03:32','2016-12-19 11:58:59','','Waiting'),(2789,'How Can Mainstream Parties Prevent Niche Party Success? Center-Right Parties and the Immigration Issue','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The individual and systemic determinants of radical right voting in Europe have been thoroughly analyzed in past research. Surprisingly, these studies have largely ignored the conditions under which moderate parties can limit the success of radical actors from a spatial perspective. This article shows that center-right parties can more successfully compete on the immigration issue when the issue space is one-dimensional and when immigration party positions are correlated with broader economic and cultural dimensions of competition. My findings highlight the critical role of economic dimensions of competition, which are usually neglected when explaining radical right success and failure',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 11:09:11','2016-12-19 12:11:51','','Waiting'),(2790,'Understanding the Effects of Crime on Women: Fear and Well-Being in the Context of Diverse Relationships','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The risk-fear paradox, whereby people who experience the least criminal victimisation report the greatest fear of crime, has been established in the extant literature. That this paradox is gendered, notably that women report greater fear yet are less likely to experience crime, has also been consistently identified. However, there remains a largely unanswered call to explore further the distinctive experiences of women and men. There are likely to be substantial within-group differences as well as between-group differences in experiences of crime and reported fear of crime. For instance, women may experience fear differently by relationship type. Specifically, women in non-traditional families, notably same-sex couples and single, divorced and widowed women may be more fearful. Therefore, for women, the risk-fear paradox may not function equivalently across relationship types. What is more, the impact of experiencing crime may have broader effects on women’s well-being, with those in families with complex needs shouldering a greater burden. We apply 2012 European Social Survey data to investigate reports of experiencing crime, feeling unsafe and anxious and sleeping restlessly for a sample of European women (n = 28,768). Our results demonstrate that single, separated and divorced women are more likely to experience crime than married women. Divorced and widowed women, as well as those who experience crime, are more likely to report feeling unsafe. Single women, compared to married women, who experience crime are more likely to feel anxious and sleep restlessly. Our results indicate that crime has differential effects on women by relationship type particularly regarding well-being. These findings offer important nuance to the experiences of women.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 11:22:04','2016-12-19 12:44:20','','Waiting'),(2791,'Different patterns for different conditions: The influence of personal characteristics on attitudes towards medicine use','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: Using data from the European Social Survey, the purpose of this paper is to examine the individual-level determinants of the attitudes toward the use of medicines to treat common conditions such as hair loss and weight gain.\nDesign/methodology/approach: The authors estimate ordered logit models in which the five conditions inquired about in the survey are the dependent variables.\nFindings: The variation in the average approval scores for medicine use implies differing degrees of medicalization for the five conditions inquired about in the survey, and the associations observed in the multivariate analysis reveal that part of the subjectivity in attitudes can be attributed to basic personal characteristics, namely age, gender, and education. Self-evaluations of general health, happiness, religiosity, and political ideology are also found to influence people’s attitudes in predictable ways.\nResearch limitations/implications: The examinations point to the shortcomings of the available data sets in sorting out the roles of different factors – such as the presence of effective treatments without side effects – in reaching the observed attitudes for medicine use.\nSocial implications: The empirical findings suggest that the overuse of medicines can become a more serious problem in the near future in aging European societies.\nOriginality/value: The authors demonstrate that higher approval scores among younger and more educated people on the whole and among women with respect to hair loss suggest that more medicalized attitudes are not necessarily found among groups the most likely to have the condition in question, but those who find it the most difficult to imagine themselves being in that situation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 11:33:19','2016-12-19 12:51:08','','Waiting'),(2792,'Women\'s working hours: the interplay between gender role attitudes, motherhood, and public childcare support in 23 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to show how the interplay between individual women’s gender role attitudes, having young children at home, as well as the country-context characterized by gender egalitarianism and public childcare support, relates to women’s working hours in 23 European countries.\nDesign/methodology/approach: This study presents results of multilevel regression analyses of data from the European Social Survey (Round 2). These micro-level data on 23 European countries were combined with country-level measures on gender traditionalism and childcare expenditure.\nFindings: The authors found that the negative association between having young children at home and women’s working hours is stronger for women with traditional gender role attitudes compared to women with egalitarian attitudes. The gap in working hours between women with and without young children at home was smaller in countries in which the population holds egalitarian gender role attitudes and in countries with extensive public childcare support. Furthermore, it was found that the gap in employment hours between mothers with traditional or egalitarian attitudes was largest in countries with limited public childcare support.\nSocial implications: Policy makers should take note that women’s employment decisions are not dependent on human capital and household-composition factors alone, but that gender role attitudes matter as well. The authors could not find evidence of the inequality in employment between women with different gender role attitudes being exacerbated in association with childcare support.\nOriginality/value: The originality of this study lies in the combined (rather than separate) analysis of how countries’ social policies (childcare services) and countries’ attitudes (gender traditionalism) interact with individual gender role attitudes to shape cross-national variation in women’s working hours.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 11:46:33','2016-12-19 12:55:47','','Waiting'),(2793,'Re-assessing self-interest theory: Can intergroup contact constrain self-interested reactions?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article expands previous research on self-interested reactions and intergroup contact by showing that (1) intergroup contact constrains the impact of personal economic vulnerability on perceived out-group threat, (2) personal economic vulnerability has no influence on perceived out-group threat when contact is most intense, and (3) the ability of intergroup contact to reduce perceived out-group threat is strongest among the most economically vulnerable. These findings were generated by a fixed-effects regression of 21 countries and almost 34,000 respondents sampled in the European Social Survey (2002–2003). More generally, our findings suggest that self-interested reactions can be overpowered by the cognitive and affective components of intergroup contact. The concluding section expands on the theoretical implications of the results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 11:55:27','2016-12-19 14:42:38','','Waiting'),(2794,'Rural–Urban Living and Level of Economic Development as Factors in Subjective Well-Being','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses the combined effect on subjective well-being of rural versus urban environments and a country’s level of economic development. There is a great deal of controversy regarding the subjective well-being of people in different places. Fischer’s works report greater happiness among village inhabitants than among urban residents. However, in ‘Urbanism as a way of life’, Wirth demonstrates the attractiveness of the urban environment in contributing to subjective well-being. Our data set includes 29 countries participating in the 2012 ESS. The results confirm the hypothesis that in wealthier countries, rural living standards are high enough to create a higher level of subjective well-being; while in less developed countries the rural environment cannot compete with urban resources for creating subjective well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 12:01:16','2016-12-19 15:22:08','','Waiting'),(2795,'Can informal economic activities be explained by social and institutional factors? A comparative analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Empirical literature on informal activities often builds on macro-economic country estimates, which impedes testing behavioural hypotheses. The European Social Survey (ESS), documenting self-reported tax evasion in 26 countries, allows us to test individual and institutional factors simultaneously. We model the effect of institutional and social capital factors affecting informal transactions. We predict that informality is fostered by social relations and trust, and curbed by institutional trust. Regulation and taxation fuel informal transactions, while effective enforcement inhibits them. These predictions are simultaneously tested with individual-level data from the ESS, complemented with country-level data on regulation, taxation levels and enforcement. Multilevel binary and multinomial logit, fixed effects, Markov chain Monte Carlo method and adaptive Gaussian quadrature regressions confirm the predictions regarding social capital, trust and tax burden. Contrary to much prior research, we find weak and inconsistent effects of regulation and enforcement, which may also be due to the limited variation of our country sample.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 12:09:25','2016-12-19 15:32:10','','Waiting'),(2796,'Why Does National Income Inequality Make Older People Ill?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Income inequality refers to the extent to which income is distributed in an uneven manner. It is associated with poorer health in the population. Prejudice and discrimination against lower status groups is more common in countries with high levels of income inequality, and such discrimination is a stressor that adversely affects psychological, physiological, and physical health. Many developed countries also have an aging population. An increase in inequality and life expectancy may mean that older people become especially vulnerable to the effects of discrimination. This study tested whether the experience of age discrimination may explain why older …',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 12:30:09','2016-12-19 15:41:28','','Waiting'),(2797,'Concerns about Violent Crime in France: Does Immigrant Status Make a Difference in Public Perceptions of Safety','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present analysis compares and contrasts groups of natives and immigrants in France in terms of their prior exposure to victimization and their perceived risk of violent victimization based on survey data collected in 2010 from a representative sample of French residents (N=1728). Results show no significant inter-group differences regarding victimization experience and fear of violent victimization. In both subsamples, direct or vicarious victimization, as well as distrust in people in general, are significantly and positively associated with higher levels of perceived unsafety. The inter-group differential effect of several fear-of-crime predictors is also observed and the implications of the findings are briefly discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-19 14:27:24','2016-12-19 15:50:35','','Waiting'),(2798,'Changes in Inequality and Generalized Trust in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper analyses the determinants of trust in a pool of 34 European countries over the period 2002–2012. We find that income inequality is negatively related with generalized trust when we analyze the pooled data of individuals with multilevel models, confirming a well-established result in the analysis of cross-country differences in trust. However, we are unable to find the same significant relationship when we estimate fixed effects models with a panel dataset composed by countries. It is plausible that unobserved effects may account for the significant and negative relationship between economic inequality and trust at the cross-sectional level. In contrast, in the fixed effects models, we find negative and significant effects of ethnic and linguistic fractionalization, discrimination (general or based on migrant status) and crime rates on trust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-20 12:47:07','2016-12-21 10:57:13','','Waiting'),(2799,'Quality of government, egalitarianism, and welfare state attitudes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main objective of this study is to examine the impact of the quality of government and egalitarian values on welfare state attitudes. Using data from the European Social Survey, we estimate models in which individuals\' attitudes towards the welfare state are explained by their socio-demographic characteristics, income, employment and health statuses, an indicator of egalitarian values, and country-level indicators of the quality of government. Our multilevel model estimates reveal that individual-level characteristics influence attitudes in predictable ways, but the impact of the quality of government and how it interacts with egalitarianism depends on the specific attitude being examined. While the impact of egalitarian values on the attitudes towards more taxation and social spending by the government is larger in higher-quality-of-government countries, the opposite is the case with regard to the provision of excessively redistributive policies that benefit certain groups. Our findings also point to the importance of the distinction between individuals\' perceived quality of government and expert-based country-level indicators of government quality. The two measures not only refer to different aspects of good governance, but they also give rise to different empirical methods that might yield different patterns.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-20 12:52:05','2016-12-21 11:16:28','','Waiting'),(2800,'Resources for Conducting Cross-National Survey Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cross-national survey research is a complex and challenging endeavor. Designing a reliable and valid comparative study is notably more difficult than constructing a single monolingual/monocultural survey. Besides the whole array of components that encompass total-survey error in one survey, there is a parallel set of comparison errors that apply in cross-national surveys. Likewise, comparative analysis is complicated by these comparison errors, and even well-conducted comparative surveys may produce erroneous results due to failing to achieve functional equivalence at the design, collection, and/or analysis stages. Even locating cross-national data for secondary analysis can be a challenge. This note describes some valuable resources, especially those available on the web, which can assist in conducting cross-national survey research.\n\nThe best overall resource for conducting cross-national survey research is the Cross-Cultural Survey Guidelines (CCSG, http://ccsg.isr.umich.edu/index.cfm). CCSG developed out of the International Workshop on Comparative Survey Design and Implementation (CSDI, http://www.csdiworkshop.org/). The website version has 16 comprehensive chapters plus a glossary:',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-20 12:59:37','2016-12-21 11:26:31','','Waiting'),(2801,'The \'dark side\'of social capital: trust and self-rated health in European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Generalized interpersonal trust (as an indicator of social capital) has been linked to health status at both the individual and ecological level. We sought to examine how changes in contextual and individual trust are associated with changes in self-rated health in the European Social Surveys 2002–12. Methods: A multilevel analysis using a variance components model was performed on 203 452 individuals nested within 145 country cohorts covering 35 countries. Conditional on sociodemographic covariates, we sought to examine the association between self-rated health and individual trust, country average trust and a cross-level interaction between the two. Results: Although individual trust perceptions were significantly correlated with self-rated health [OR = 0.95, 95% confidence interval (0.94–0.96)], country-level trust was not associated [OR = 1.12, 95% confidence interval (0.95–1.32)]. There was, however, a strong crosslevel interaction between contextual and individual trust (P < 0.001), such that individuals with high interpersonal trust reported better health in contexts in which other individuals expressed high average interpersonal trust. Conversely, low trust individuals reported worse health in high trust contexts. Conclusion: Our findings suggest that contexts with increasing average trust can be harmful for low trust individuals, which might reflect the negative impact that social capital can have in certain groups. These findings suggest that contextual trust has a complex role in explaining health inequalities and individual self-rated health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-20 13:08:37','2016-12-21 11:39:41','','Waiting'),(2802,'Immigrants’ Attitudes towards Welfare Redistribution. An Exploration of Role of Government Preferences among Immigrants and Natives across 18 European Welfare States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An oft-heard concern about the sustainability of the welfare state is that generous social welfare provisions serve as an important pull factor in immigrants’ consideration of their preferred country of destination. With their accumulated social risks, immigrants are averagely more likely to claim welfare benefits, suggesting that generous provisions reinforce migration flows, and that migrants benefit more from welfare than they contribute to it. Yet, little is known about what immigrants actually think about government support to ensure a reasonable standard of living. To study immigrants’ ideas about the welfare state, we analyse the 2008 ‘Welfare Attitudes’ module of the European Social Survey. Our analysis shows that, although immigrants have somewhat stronger pro-welfare opinions than non-immigrants, these are largely explained by their more disadvantaged position in society and their more depressed opinions of the social malaise taking place in their receptive society. Furthermore, much to our surprise, we find that immigrants’ views on welfare closely follow those of the non-migrant population of the country they are living in, suggesting strong social integration at the opinion level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-20 13:22:12','2016-12-21 11:52:29','','Waiting'),(2803,'GDP and life satisfaction in European countries – focus on transition','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article contributes to the debate about the impact of the transition on subjective well-being. After reviewing the relevant literature the authors draw on the surveys of the European Values Study of 1991, 1999 and 2008 to describe the trends in life satisfaction in 13 Western and 11 Eastern countries. The analysis finds that life satisfaction levels in transition countries have come to approach those in the West: the ‘rather unhappy’ 1990s were followed by the ‘rather happy’ 2000s. The strengthening correlation between life satisfaction and GDP reflects this process of convergence. The characteristics of respondents, however, are more important than the national GDP, and a regression of life satisfaction with basic demographic and stratification variables shows their reinforcing effect, especially in Eastern countries. The findings of other surveys reporting on developments of attitudes since 2008 vary but are far from proving a uniform negative impact of economic recession on life satisfaction.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-21 09:33:55','2016-12-21 11:56:28','','Waiting'),(2804,'The Role of Education in the Middle Class Perspective: The Bulgarian Case','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main idea of the article is to show the importance of education as a factor in identifying the middle class.The basic issues of the present paper are: 1) Prosperity in society depends on the increased share of the middle class in social context. 2) Education is a prerequisite for individual and social mobility and well-being. 3) Education involved in the reproduction of the middle class. The people with middle class status are involved in various structures of society and they have reached prestigious positions respectively which in turn affect the extent of their inclusion in society. Middle class representatives have complete and successful career realization, and they are significantly more influential from a social point of view in comparison to other individuals who are less integrated and less successful following the public indicators of personal success: education, income, prestige and power. The paper is primarily based on the results obtained through the European Social Survey (ESS) under the 2006, 2009 and 2013 carried out in Bulgaria. Findings of the present article are that quality education is not only a function of effort, ambition and persistence, but also of parental involvement, culture capital and family background. Educational achievements are stimulus for middle class expansion because they present investment in social contacts and competition on the labor market. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-21 11:22:22','2016-12-21 12:04:36','','Waiting'),(2805,'Social Participation and Health among Ageing People in East-Central Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this study we examined the health of the ageing population of East-Central Europe. Data derived from the 6th round of the European Social Survey. The aim of our research was to examine the most important factors that determine ageing people’s health status. We paid particular attention to the social ties of our target group.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-21 13:58:41','2016-12-21 16:03:31','','Waiting'),(2806,'Human Values and Welfare State Support in Europe: An East–West Divide?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study uses comparative data from the European Social Survey to investigate the influence of self-transcendence and conservation values on public support for the welfare state. The results firstly show that these value dimensions are strongly related to welfare state support in the majority of the countries investigated. The main contribution of this study, however, is that it evidences striking differences between countries regarding which values drive welfare attitudes, and the strength of the association between values and attitudes. Moreover, we show that the between-country variation in value effects is systematically related to contextual factors. Self-transcendence values are found to be a strong predictor of welfare state support in countries with high levels of social expenditure. In the less generous welfare states of Eastern Europe, the effects of self-transcendence values are weaker or absent. In Eastern European countries, conservation rather than self-transcendence values drive attitudes to the welfare state. Outspoken cohort differences in value effects in Eastern European countries as well as persisting differences between East and West Germany confirm our interpretation that the particular Eastern European pattern can be ascribed to the unique experiences of ‘authoritarian egalitarianism’ under communism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-21 14:18:31','2016-12-21 16:35:06','','Waiting'),(2807,'Racial Preferences in Online Dating across European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Knowledge about how race governs partner selection has been predominantly studied in the United States, yet it is unclear whether these results can be generalized to nations with different racial and immigration patterns. Using a large-scale sample of online daters in nine European countries, we engage in the first cross-national analysis of race-related partner preferences and examine the link between contextual factors and ethnic selectivity. We provide a unique test of contact, conflict, and in-group identification theories. We show that individuals uniformly prefer to date same-race partners and that there is a hierarchy of preferences both among natives and minority groups. Notable country differences are also found. Europeans living in countries with a large foreign-born population have an increased preference for minority groups. The ethnically heterogeneous Swiss population displays the strongest preference for minorities, with the more homogenous Poland, Spain, and Italy, the least. Anti-immigrant attitudes are related to stronger in-group preferences among natives. Unexpectedly, non-Arabic minority daters belonging to large-size communities have strong preferences for Europeans. The results have implications for immigrant integration policies and demonstrate that Internet dating allows efficient selection by racial divisions, perpetuating country-specific racial inequalities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-21 14:25:59','2016-12-21 16:43:08','','Waiting'),(2808,'Bringing Affect Back in: Measuring and Comparing Subjective Well-Being Across Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In recent years, researchers and policymakers have paid increasing attention to cross-country comparisons of subjective well-being. Whereas classical theories of quality of life emphasize the central role of affective well-being (i.e., whether a person feels good or bad), previous comparative studies have focused almost exclusively on life satisfaction (i.e., cognitive evaluations of life). This study brings affect into the comparative study of subjective well-being, constructing a new measurement instrument that captures both the affective and cognitive dimensions of subjective well-being. Using European Social Survey data and multi-group confirmatory factor analysis, we estimate latent country means for the two dimensions and compare country rankings across the two measures. The results reveal important differences in country rankings depending on whether one focuses on affective well-being or life satisfaction. We identify crucial differences among top-ranking countries and, perhaps even more importantly, considerable differences in rankings among more moderately ranking countries. In a second step, we compare and evaluate the single-item measures commonly used in previous research with the results based on our new measures. We conclude by discussing our results in relation to previous studies, and in terms of their possible implications for future research and for policymakers bent on improving national levels of subjective well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-22 09:00:56','2016-12-22 17:17:04','','Waiting'),(2809,'Radicalized Europeans? The Values of Euromaidan Participants and Prospects for the Development of Society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on an original survey, the author examines the values of participants in the Euromaidan protest. He finds that the protestors’ values are much more comparable to those of the population of Western Europe and Scandinavia than to the general population of Ukraine. The protestors placed relatively high value on the common good and cared relatively little for personal achievement.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-22 09:47:53','2016-12-22 17:27:05','','Waiting'),(2810,'Anti-Immigrant Attitudes in a Developing Country: Turkey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The goal of this study is to explain what factors currently affect the anti-immigrant attitudes that prevail in Turkey. The study is the first study on anti immigrant attitudes in Turkey, considering national samples of two different years. It provides to compare the level of anti immigrant attitudes among Turkish people. The data is drawn from the 2002 and 2008 European Social Survey. Because Turkey has been a rapidly developing country, and has increased its involvement in the global economy over the years, this study compares the Turkish respondents’ anti-immigrant attitudes across two different time periods. In addition, trust in global institutions, media variables, economic variables, religiosity, and political orientation are used as independent variables. The results of OLS regression analyses reveal that global change over the years, trust in global institutions, TV viewing hours, internet use, and satisfaction with the national economy, and political orientation have a significant effect on anti-immigrant attitudes. On the other hand, it is observed that religion has no effect on anti-immigrant attitudes. In addition, comparing to Istanbul, Southeast region of Anatolia appeared as a significant predictor. This study also provides a framework for further studies, as this is the first study on this topic, representing the Turkish nation. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2016-12-22 10:49:57','2016-12-22 17:32:28','','Waiting'),(2811,'How Has the Crisis of 2008–09 Affected Subjective Well-Being? Evidence from 25 OECD Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper uses life satisfaction data of almost 140,000 individuals in 25 OECD countries to study how changes in the rates of GDP growth, unemployment, and inflation during the macroeconomic crisis of 2008–09 have affected subjective well-being. The relative contributions of the three macroeconomic variables to individuals’ life satisfaction are used to assess how each country performed on balance during the crisis. This approach follows a recent trend of using subjective well-being data for monitoring economic performance and for policy appraisal. We find that in the countries most strongly affected by the crisis, the effects on an average citizen\'s well-being may be of a similar magnitude as the effects of the most serious personal life events. The main driver of these effects is the drop in GDP, whose impact is aggravated by the increase of unemployment. Though the inflation rate went down in several of the countries, the effect was too weak to significantly reduce the negative effect of the changes in GDP and unemployment. The results show that GDP fluctuations are important drivers of subjective well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'added by Swiss NC','welsch@uni-oldenburg.de','2016-12-22 20:07:25','2016-12-23 09:35:10','','Waiting'),(2812,'Basic individual values: Sources and consequences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter presents the dominant theory of individual values in social psychology and sociology. Values are broad motivational goals that express what is important to people. The chapter identifies ten basic, motivationally distinct values that people in virtually all cultures implicitly recognize. It then presents the circular continuum that captures the relations of conflict and compatibility among these values and explicates the dynamics underlying this near-universal structure. Although the nature of values and their structure may be universal, individuals differ substantially in the importance they attribute to the values. The chapter presents mechanisms through which values influence decisions and behavior. It clarifies how trade-offs between relevant competing values underlie behavior and attitudes, often outside conscious awareness. It then illustrates how specific value priorities relate to numerous behaviors and attitudes. It concludes with an overview of the origins of individual differences in values and of value stability and change. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','shalom.schwartz@mail.huji.ac.il','2016-12-23 13:51:53','2016-12-28 10:24:57','','Waiting'),(2813,'Human values scale (ESS)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analysis of the structure, reliability and validity of the human values scale in the ESS',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','shalom.schwartz@mail.huji.ac.il','2016-12-23 14:04:39','2016-12-28 10:32:10','','Waiting'),(2814,'Youth and Expectations On Democracy In Spain: The Role Of Individual Human Values Structure Of Young People In Dimensions Of Democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Democracy is a form of social organization based on popular sovereignty. The rise of democracy has run in parallel to economic growth in society and this system of government has been increasingly adopted in other countries (Inglehart, 2005). The same concept has been defined over time in different ways according to their historical characteristics. According to Kluckhohn (1958), humans react to external stimuli as well as to their own interpretations of stimuli as per a cognitive framework defined by the culture in which the individual is inserted. This research is aimed at learning how values influence the concept that young Spaniards have of democracy and determine how these affect each dimension, factor or element in which the study of this type of social organization can be divided.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liberto.carratala@ua.es','2016-12-23 22:35:37','2016-12-28 10:42:01','','Waiting'),(2815,'Parent-child value similarity in families with young children: The predictive power of prosocial educational goals','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Value transmission from one generation to the next is a key issue in every society, but it is not clear which parents are the most successful in transmitting their values to their children. We propose parents’ prosocial educational goals as key predictors of parent– child value similarity and accordingly hypothesized that the more parents wanted their children to endorse values of self-transcendence (helping, supporting, and caring for others) and the less parents wanted their children to endorse the opposing values of selfenhancement(striving for power and achievement), the higher would be parent–child overall value similarity. Findings from two studies of families – Study 1: 261 Swiss families, children aged 7–9 years; Study 2: 157 German families, children aged 6–11 years – confirmed this hypothesis. The effect was even stronger after controlling for values that prevail in the Swiss and German society, respectively. We integrate evidence from this study of values in families with young children with existing findings from studies with adolescent and adult children, and we discuss potential pathways from parents’ educational goals to parent–child value similarity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a.doering@westminster.ac.uk','2016-12-28 20:45:41','2016-12-30 11:05:03','','Waiting'),(2816,'Values in families with young children: Insights from two cultural milieus in Germany','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Are children’s value priorities different from their parents’ generation? We present data from the youngest children’s sample that has been included in a comprehensive family study of values so far: Our study is based on self-reported values of 127 six- to eleven-year-old German children (M=7.89, SD=1.35) and their mothers and fathers. We further took into account two potentially interacting developmental variables that have been suggested in the literature: (a) family members’ gender and (b) cultural milieu (we looked specifically at families with Turkish immigration background and families without immigration background). While values of self-transcendence, self-enhancement and openness to change did not differ significantly between the two generations, children found conservation significantly more important than their parents. This contrasts with findings from previous studies with older participants. We discuss to what extent this effect may be unique to this developmental stage of middle childhood that had not been covered by previous research. Females valued conservation more than males, and conservation was more important in families with as compared to families without Turkish immigration background. There was neither a gender × generation nor a cultural milieu × generation interaction.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','a.doering@westminster.ac.uk','2016-12-28 20:56:50','2016-12-30 11:09:21','','Waiting'),(2817,'Institutional imbalance, integration into Non-economic institutions, and a marketized mentality in Europe: A multilevel, partial elaboration of Institutional Anomie Theory','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research builds upon prior efforts to transport insights from a macro-sociological theory of crime – Institutional Anomie Theory (IAT) – to enhance understanding of an important individual-level phenomenon in advanced capitalist societies – a “marketized mentality.” Such a mentality entails a strong commitment to the utilitarian, instrumental values of the market at the expense of more altruistic, expressive values. Drawing upon IAT, we hypothesize that at the individual-level, integration into selected non-economic institutions will inhibit the adoption of a marketized mentality, while at the macro-level, economically slanted imbalance in the institutional order will help account for cross-national variation in the degree to which individuals adopt such a mentality. In addition, we predict a cross-level statistical interaction: the buffering effects of integration into non-economic institutions at the individual level should be mitigated as institutional imbalance increases. These hypotheses are assessed in multilevel analyses with data from 25 European countries using the European Social Survey. The results are largely in accord with theoretical expectations, revealing how an institutional imbalance helps shape people´s value orientations by promoting marketized mentalities and by weakening the socialization effects of non-economic institutions. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ahoevermann@posteo.de','2017-01-04 14:23:05','2017-01-04 16:36:29','','Waiting'),(2818,'Network Society as a Missiological Opportunity. A Description','Võrguühiskond kui missioloogiline võimalus. Kirjeldav osa',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Manuel Castells defines network society as \"... a society where the key social structures and activities are organized around electronically processed information networks. So it\'s not just about networks or social networks, because social networks have been very old forms of social organization. It\'s about social networks which process and manage information and are using micro-electronic based technologies.\" This chapter describes the manifestations of network society in contemporary Estonia (compared to other European countries) and analyses the consequences on the practices of institutionalised religion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-01-09 10:56:34','2017-01-10 11:16:25','','Waiting'),(2819,'Psychological costs of currency transition: evidence from the euro adoption','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper assesses the perceived individual psychological costs of adhering to the Euro. We use the difference-in-differences approach (DD), comparing individual levels of satisfaction with the economy in Slovakia immediately before and after the introduction of the Euro, with similar individuals in neighboring Czech Republic, which did not adopt the Euro. Both countries were economically and politically integrated for decades, and display similar macroeconomic behavior before and after the currency change in Slovakia. What we assess is not the actual, economic, costs stemming from the Euro adoption, but the change in utility as perceived by the individuals. There is evidence of substantial psychological costs associated with currency transition, especially for the old, the unemployed, the poorly educated and households with children. Our results are robust to the use of alternative control groups and to estimation procedures using the DD matching approach. The significant perceived costs uncovered in this paper suggest policy-makers should not ignore them when considering a sweeping economic change such as the adoption of a new currency.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','popova@ios-regensburg.de','2017-01-10 13:36:15','2017-01-11 09:13:17','','Waiting'),(2820,'Decreasing Social Mobility? The Swiss Case in Western European Comparison','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Resent research on effects of social origin on class and education in 20th century Switzerland has not only demonstrated the persistence of these effects (Pfeffer, 2008; Falcon, 2012; Falcon, 2013) but some results suggest even increasing effects of social origin for the youngest cohorts (Jann and Combet, 2012; Jann and Seiler, 2014), especially on education (for a short overview, cf., Falcon and Joye, 2015). This empirical evidence directly contradict the modernization thesis which predicts constant reductions of effects of social origin over the course of processes which are summarized under the label of modernization (eg., Lipset and Zetterberg, 1959; Kerr, 1962; Blau and Duncan, 1967). The importance of these results from Switzerland is, however, difficult to assess, because, to my knowledge, occupational mobility in Switzerland has never and educational mobility has only once (Pfeffer, 2008) been studied comparatively. The two basic research questions of this paper are therefore: How do the effects of social origin on education and class found in Switzerland compare to those from other Western European countries? And: can the analyses in this paper confirm the increasing effects of social origin suggested by some results for the youngest birth-cohorts in Switzerland? Data and Methodological Approach: To investigate these questions, a harmonized dataset is used with data on nine countries: Switzerland (CH), Germany (DE), Denmark (DK), Spain (ES), France (FR), Great Britain (GB), Ireland (IE), Netherlands (NL), and Norway (NO). Data is drawn from the 2011 EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (Eurostat, 2015) which includes a module on intergenerational transmission of disadvantages, and from the rounds 4 7 of the European Social Survey (ESS, 2008; ESS, 2010; ESS, 2012; ESS, 2014). For 63 897 respondents aged 35 60 the necessary information on their own and theirs parents’ occupation and education is available. These observations are grouped into three birth cohorts (the year used as label in parentheses): 1950-59 (1955), 1960-69 (1965), and 1970-79 (1975). The two main dimensions used in the analyses are class and education. To avoid empty cells, both of them are measured with only three categories. For class, we collapse the original EGP-scheme (Erikson, Goldthorpe and Portocarero, 1983) into three classes: The service class (I & II) becomes the upper class, non-manual employees (III), self-employed (IVa,c) and skilled workers (V & VI) the middle class, and semi- and unskilled workers (VIIa) as well as farmers (IVc) and agricultural workers (VIIb) the lower class. In order to fully utilize the full richness of the data, homemaker is included as a forth class to the class-scheme of the mothers. Similarly, the ISCED categories for education have been collapsed into categories for low, intermediate, and tertiary education. The applied methodological approach to estimate the effects of social origin builds on an approach first used by Jann and Combet (2012) and evaluated and described in more detail by Jann and Seiler (2014). The basic idea is simple: If origin strongly affects destination, the knowledge of origin strongly improves the prediction of destination. In turn, the improvement of the prediction of destination by knowing both parents’ education or class, measured by the Proportional Reduction of Errors (PRE), can be seen as a measure for the effect of origin on class or education of the respondent. In practice, this involves three steps: predict destination using a model without origin, predict destination using a model with origin and assess the improvement of the prediction by calculating the PRE conditional on each country and birth cohort. Contrary to the procedure described by Jann and Seiler (2014), a GMM-estimator and not a bootstrap procedure is used in to obtain valid standard errors. Preliminary Results and Outlook: Figure 1 shows the estimated effect of social origin on class and education over the three birth cohorts, separately for men and women and for each of the nine countries. Additionally, each plot shows the estimated differences between the three birth cohorts. Estimates and differences whose spikes do not cross the zero-line can be said to be statistically significant different from zero. For class, the general picture depicts persistence of effect across birth cohorts. There are two exceptions: Effects of parents’ classes on German women’s class have risen significantly from the first to the later birth cohorts; the same is true for French men. Apart from that, no increasing (but also: no decreasing) effects of social origin on class can be found. The results are more diverse for effects of parents’ on respondent’s educational attainment. On the left side of the figure, we can see that effects of social origin are relatively high in Switzerland and Germany. Furthermore, the results show significantly increasing effects for German women and Swiss men. Rising effects of social origin can also be found for Danish women when we compare the youngest with the middle cohort. The opposite is only true for Norwegian women: Here, the effects decrease strongly and significantly from the first to the second before it insignificantly increases again. In summary, the present paper mainly draws a picture that is in line with the research on educational inequality and social mobility (cf., Breen and Jonsson, 2005). I.e., it depicts persisting effects of social origin. However, results deviating from this general picture do not exhibit decreasing effects of social origin, but increasing trends. The analyses presented in this paper support – at least for men – the findings from Switzerland suggesting increasing effects of social origin on educational attainment. They also show that this is not the normal case in Western European countries but that it is not the only exception either. Comparative research needs comparable data and comparable data always come to the prize that they are badly adapted to some local specificities. The present analyses should, therefore, be repeated with local data but comparable method. Comparable data are, on the other hand, the only way to see a specific result within a broader picture. And they can point to phenomena that need closer attainted – and increasing effects of social origin is definitely such a case.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'added by Swiss NC','simon.seiler@soz.unibe.ch','2017-01-13 14:32:30','2017-01-16 10:38:34','','Waiting'),(2821,'Perceived health status in a comparative perspective: Methodological limitations and policy implications for Israel','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: The perceived health status indicator included in the OECD Health Statistics suffers from severe methodological limitations related to data collection. Furthermore, this indicator is also included in the OECD\'s Better Life Index, thus distorting the total health score of some OECD countries, among them Israel. The purpose of this paper is to explore the erroneous use of OECD health data in Israel and to warn of its implications.\n\nMethods: Analysis of data from the OECD Health Database, Better Life Index and the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, review of media reports and governmental documents concerning health measures, conversations and correspondence held with officials in the relevant organizations.\n\nResults: OECD\'s perceived health status outcomes for Israel are biased upwards, resulting also in an upward bias of the Israeli overall health grade in the Better Life Index. This is due to the methodological differences between the OECD\'s standard survey questionnaire and the Israeli one. Yet, erroneous comparisons constantly appear in governmental documents and media reports, presenting health status in Israel in an excessive positive light.\n\nConclusions: Data from the OECD Health Statistics and the Better Life Index are reaching policy makers and the public in a manner that potentially distorts professional and political discourse on health. This may lead to a decrease in the resources allocated to health based on a flawed comparison. In the long run, and no less serious, the systematic imprecision may detract from the reliability of authority reports in the eyes of the public. Caution is essential in dealing with health indices and international comparisons. The OECD and relevant national agencies should invest greater efforts in the consolidation of definitions and methodologies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','barrylevi1@gmail.com','2017-01-22 10:38:38','2017-01-27 13:17:36','','Waiting'),(2822,'Values that underlie and undermine well-being: Variability across countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We examined relations of 10 personal values to life satisfaction (LS) and depressive affect (DEP) in representative samples from 32/25 countries (N=121,495). We tested hypotheses both for direct relations and cross-level moderation of relations by Cultural Egalitarianism. We based hypotheses on the growth vs. self-protection orientation and person- vs. social-focus motivations that underlie values. As predicted, openness to change values (growth/person) correlated positively with subjective well-being (SWB: higher LS, lower DEP) and conservation values (self-protection/social) correlated negatively with SWB. The combination of underlying motivations also explained more complex direct relations of self-transcendence and self-enhancement values with SWB. We combined an analysis of the environmental context in societies low vs. high in Cultural Egalitarianism with the implications of pursuing person- vs. social-focused values to predict how Cultural Egalitarianism moderates value-SWB relations. As predicted, under low vs. high Cultural Egalitarianism, (a) openness to change values related more positively to SWB, (b) conservation values more negatively, (c) self-enhancement values less negatively, and (d) self-transcendence values less positively. Culture moderated value-SWB relations more weakly for DEP than for LS. Culture moderated value-LS relations more strongly than the socio-economic context did. This study demonstrates how the cultural context shapes individual-level associations between values and SWB.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','shalom.schwartz@mail.huji.ac.il','2017-01-24 18:20:27','2017-01-27 13:20:25','','Waiting'),(2823,'Economic, Financial, and Political Crisis and Well-Being in the PIGS-Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The research question in this article is threefold: To which degree is the financial crisis of 2008 and the subsequent recession associated with reduced well-being among people in the four hardest affected EURO countries? Are individual factors associated with reduced well-being the same in these countries? and Are lower socioeconomic groups more severely hit than the better off?. Data before the crisis (ESS 2002-2014) are compared with data in 2013/2014 (EU-SILC [European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions] survey 2013) for Greece, Portugal, Ireland, and Spain. Finland is used as a reference category. Before control of individual characteristics, regressions demonstrate a small and mostly significant fall in average satisfaction with life in these countries, Portugal being an exception. According to the theory of capability and actual economic and political development, it was hypothesized that Greece—being the worst case in terms of economic development—may experience the greatest fall in life satisfaction. This hypothesis is not supported by the data. In fact, the strongest decline was found in Ireland. In particular, lack of political trust stands in Greece out as having an impact, while poor health is related to Ireland and unemployment to Portugal and Spain. Greatest socioeconomic inequality in life satisfaction was found in Portugal.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','knut.halvorsen@hioa.no','2017-01-26 13:03:05','2017-01-27 13:32:47','','Waiting'),(2824,'The Influence of Party Competition on Minority Politics: A Comparison of Latvia and Estonia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the research presented in this article is to highlight differences in inter-ethnic political relations on minority issues in Latvia and Estonia, and how the varied structures of their political party competitions have affected the ethno-political landscapes of the two countries. Though Estonia and Latvia had similar starting points with their respective minority questions, the political elites in both republics have demonstrated different responses to this issue, and inter-ethnic political relations in Latvia and Estonia have demonstrated divergent paths. While the citizenship and language laws of Latvia adopted or amended by majority parties are still restrictive, those of Estonia are relatively less so. The Russophone minorities in Latvia have intensified their support for ethnic parties, while in Estonia no ethnic party currently has any seats in the national parliament. Moreover, Russophone residents in Latvia organize political rallies or movements more often than in Estonia. The party systems of Latvia and Estonia are significantly important as an explanatory factor for this variance. Under the fragmented party system in Latvia, ethnic majorities’ political elites exploit ethnic issues to mobilize support from Latvian voters and to win popularity over political rivals. This has generated spiralling dynamics of restrictive policies and political protests by Russian-speakers. In contrast, Estonian political elites function under a relatively consolidated party system and, instead, seek to incorporate Russophone voters to win elections. This has resulted in relatively few protests by minorities and ethnic entrepreneurs failing to mobilize within the political sphere.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','stebuklas@toki.waseda.jp','2017-01-26 15:51:42','2017-01-27 14:36:14','','Waiting'),(2825,'Immigration or Welfare? The Progressive’s Dilemma Revisited','Immigration or Welfare? The Progressive’s Dilemma Revisited',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous cross-national research on the link between immigration and the welfare state has focused exclusively on the relationship between the size of a country’s foreign-born population and support for redistribution, neglecting that people vary in their responses to immigration. In this article, the authors revisit the progressive’s dilemma by testing its theoretical proposition—that immigration and welfare are incompatible—in two novel ways. First, the authors conduct an individual-level analysis that demonstrates that, for most Europeans, supporting both immigration and welfare is unlikely. Second, the authors assess whether country-level immigration is associated with the salience of different immigration-welfare attitudes but find little evidence that immigration measured at the country level produces the most exclusive attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Corresponding Author:\nMaureen A. Eger, Umeå University, Department of Sociology, 90187 Umeå, Sweden.\nEmail: maureen.eger@umu.se','maureen.eger@umu.se','2017-01-26 20:37:57','2017-01-27 14:50:04','','Waiting'),(2826,'A Tale of Two Surveys:  Using the European Social Survey and the European Working Conditions Survey to Predict Welfare Attitudes by Work Regime','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This research examines the possibility of using the European Working Conditions Survey (EWCS) in tandem with the European Social Survey (ESS) to assess how work regimes shape attitudes towards welfare in the EU-15.  The paper makes two major contributions. First, it assesses the value of the ESS 2004 and 2010 modules on work, through a comparison of the “workplace regimes” constructed from the data in these special questionnaire modules with those constructed from the more extensive data available in the EWCS of 2005 and 2010. Second, the paper takes advantage of the more extensive attitudinal variables in the ESS to examine the effect of working under a particular workplace regime on attitudes to government redistribution of income and provision of social insurance, protection and/or investment. It also suggests that further thought be given to the modules with which future ESS rounds of the work organisation module are combined.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Amy.Healy@mic.ul.ie','2017-01-30 20:10:01','2017-01-31 15:25:02','','Waiting'),(2827,'Poland - Europe. Findings from the European Social Survey 2002-2015.','Polska-Europa. Wyniki Europejskiego Sondażu Społecznego 2002-2015.',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book presents findings from the European Social Survey 2002-2015 with special focus on Polish results and longitudinal and cross-national comparisons. Chapters cover the following topics: legitimation and trust (Andrzej Rychard), marital homogamy (Henryk Domanski, Dariusz Przybysz, Artur Pokropek), opinions about reception of migrants and about migrants\' influence on the host society in multicultural and culturally homogeneous states (Katarzyna Andrejuk) insomnia problem (Antonina Ostrowska, Teresa Zmijewska-Jedrzejczyk), democratic engagement of xenophobes and the ethno-discriminated in Europe (Irina Tomescu-Dubrow, Kazimierz M. Slomczynski). It contains also: an introduction (Andrzej Rychard), information about European Social Survey (Pawel Sztabinski) and documentation by theme.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-02-01 13:29:11','2017-02-02 15:47:17','','Waiting'),(2828,'Causal conditions for loneliness: a set-theoretic analysis on an adult sample in the UK','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While age has been identified as a risk factor for loneliness, whether it is a necessary or suffcient condition for loneliness has never been examined. This is the first study that applies fuzzy-set QCA, a special type of set-theoretic method, to discover the necessary and sufficient causal conditions for loneliness, respectively, among adults in the UK, analysing the data collected from the UK sample of Round 6 of the European Social Survey (ESS, 2012, n = 2163). It firstly examines the configurations of five conditions: being female, old age, not living with spouse/partner, bad health, and not being frequently social with others. Gender was found neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for loneliness, and old age was close to being a necessary condition and became necessary when united with any of the other conditions; the configuration of not living with spouse/partner and not healthy and not frequently social with others is a sufficient condition. Robustness of results was tested with two different conditions (a limiting illness and a confidante), and a separate analysis on the absence of loneliness was conducted. The effect of the unbalanced distribution of cases across different values of the outcome was highlighted as a source of uncertainty, and the results on the absence of loneliness are different from those on its presence.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','keming.yang@durham.ac.uk','2017-02-19 18:51:47','2017-03-09 10:47:41','','Waiting'),(2829,'Immigration and the welfare state: A cross-regional analysis of European welfare attitudes','Immigration and the welfare state: A cross-regional analysis of European welfare attitudes',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A growing body of research connects diversity to anti-welfare attitudes and lower levels of social welfare expenditure, yet most evidence comes from analyses of US states or comparisons of the United States to Europe. Comparative analyses of European nation-states, however, yield little evidence that immigration – measured at the country-level – reduces support for national welfare state programs. This is not surprising, given that research suggests that the impact of diversity occurs at smaller, sub-national geographic units. Therefore, in this article, we test the hypothesis that immigration undermines welfare attitudes by assessing the impact of immigration measured at the regional-level on individual-level support for redistribution, a comprehensive welfare state, and immigrants’ social rights. To do this, we combine data from the European Social Survey with a unique regional dataset compiled from national censuses, Eurostat, and the European Election Database (13 countries, 114 regions, and 23,213 individuals). Utilizing multilevel modeling, we find a negative relationship between regional percent foreign-born and support for redistribution as well as between regional percent foreign-born and support for a comprehensive welfare state. Objective immigration, however, does not increase opposition to immigrants’ social rights (i.e. welfare chauvinism). We discuss the implications of these results and conclude that traditional welfare state attitudes and welfare chauvinism are distinct phenomena that should not be conflated in future research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','maureen.eger@umu.se','2017-03-02 15:59:43','2017-03-09 10:54:59','','Waiting'),(2830,'Does Contextual Change Affect Basic Human Values? A Dynamic Comparative Multilevel Analysis Across 32 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the relationship of stable contextual differences and contextual change with the endorsement of Schwartz’s (1992) two basic value dimensions—Openness-to-Change versus Conservation and Self-Enhancement versus Self-Transcendence. Using six waves of the European Social Survey, an extension of multilevel analysis is used which combines both a cross national comparative and a dynamic analysis of values. The hierarchical data structure and the covariates for value endorsement are defined at three distinct levels: a first level for individuals (with sociodemographic variables, such as age and gender), a second level for country-waves (with time-varying covariates), and a third level for country (with time-invariant covariates). The main aim is to determine if changes in contextual covariates over time are related to value differences between countries over and above contextual time-invariant covariates. High national wealth and low income inequality predicted high Self-Transcendence values and low Conservation values. Low national unemployment rates were associated with less conservatism. When entered simultaneously into the model, only time-invariant differences in gross domestic product (GDP) remained to be a significant predictor of Schwartz’s two basic value dimensions. Finally, we found that an increase in income inequality over time has a certain incremental effect on the endorsement of Conservation over Openness-to-Change values. There were no associations for changes in national wealth and unemployment rates, suggesting that for value endorsement, time-varying contextual effects are less important overall than time-invariant contextual effects.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','henrik.dobewall@helsinki.fi','2017-03-05 07:48:40','2017-03-09 11:00:06','','Waiting'),(2831,'Welfare State and Health Inequalities in Europe','Социальное государство и неравенства в здоровье в странах Европы',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article discusses the problem of social inequalities in health in Europe and the impact of welfare state on these inequalities.  The European social survey data for 27 countries (ESS 2012) and statistics for them (WB, WHO, ILO) were analyzed using two-level linear modeling (HLM).  The state of health of European citizens, as confirmed by this study, varies greatly – in terms of general well-being, and mental instability as well.  Distinct health differences are also found within ESS countries which are due to social divisions – the specific position of individuals in the demographic and status structures of societies and their different integration into social life.  The elderly, individuals with low status in society, those who are weakly involved in the social network and cannot rely on assistance and support from other people, are typically vulnerable and their health is not so good. The scope of such social differences was not the same in different parts of Europe. The problem of inequality was especially acute in countries with a relatively low level of economic development but also in rich societies, where health differences may even slightly expand, separating a thin layer of vulnerable citizens from many of their fellow citizens belonging to the middle or upper segments of the social structure. These contextual dependencies are formed in large part due to development - with the economic growth - of the welfare state. The increase in public expenditure on health and social protection contributes to national health and helps to mitigate some of the inequalities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2017-03-06 11:07:28','2017-03-09 11:06:06','','Waiting'),(2832,'Voting, Education, and the Great Gatsby Curve','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'High inequality goes hand in hand with low intergenerational earnings mobility across countries. Little is known about why the US is characterized by high inequality and low mobility, while the opposite tends to hold for Scandinavian countries. In an overlapping generations model, calibrated to the US, education policies are endogenized via probabilistic voting. By exploiting cross-country variation in the bias in voter turnout towards the educated and elderly, the model replicates the negative relation between inequality and public education expenditures and accounts for more than a quarter of the variation in inequality and mobility. For the US, I find that compulsory voting could foster mobility, whereas inequality would be hardly affected.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','cr542@cam.ac.uk','2017-03-17 12:10:12','2017-03-22 14:07:37','','Waiting'),(2833,'Diversity in Survey Questions on the Same Topic: Techniques for Improving Comparability','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book describes why conventional methods fall short to solve the comparability problem and introduces three successive innovations to overcome these shortcomings. Comparability of results from different surveys using different items for the same topic is greatly hampered by the differences in response scales used. This reduces our accumulation of knowledge and has challenged researchers in the field of survey research for long to develop appropriate methods to transform ratings on different scales to attain comparable results and to correct for effects of changes in measurements and other influencing factors. The three innovations described in this volume are applied to data on happiness and life satisfaction, show better comparability of the survey results concerning the perceptions and opinions of people over time and across nations and at an increased opportunity for meta-analysis on these results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','tineke.dejonge@gmail.com','2017-03-17 14:04:46','2017-03-22 14:16:08','','Waiting'),(2834,'The Power of Citizenship: How Immigrant Incorporation Affects Attitudes towards Social Benefits','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Natives in Europe are often opposed to immigrants receiving social services that previously have been reserved for citizens only, but as it turns out, so are a number of immigrants. This article argues that seemingly “welfare chauvinist” attitudes among immigrants are in fact an expression of incorporation as naturalized immigrants are more critical of unconditional benefits usage. Using survey data, we compare attitudes among natives, naturalized citizens, and foreign residents, and test competing explanations for welfare chauvinism. We find that naturalization is the strongest predictor of reservations towards benefit openness for immigrants among foreign-born individuals. This article contributes to contemporary studies on the importance of citizenship for community membership, welfare chauvinism in European societies, and the growing field of immigrant public opinion research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','melanie.kolbe@graduateinstitute.ch','2017-03-21 11:53:19','2017-03-22 14:22:24','','Waiting'),(2835,'The Equivalence of Attitude Scales in Comparative Survey','Srovnatelnost postojových škál v komparativním výzkumu.',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The development of comparative social surveys has been increasing in the last decades. Currently, it shows that their one of the most important quality aspects is data equivalence. Unfortunately, social scientists still analyse data without realising the levels of data comparability. This study introduces the issue of data equivalence in detail and outlines the portfolio of statistical techniques which are typically used for testing the level of scales comparability. In the second part of study structural modelling is introduced as more technically advanced method for the evaluation of social capital and political disaffection attitude scales equivalence. There are universal recommendations for substantive comparative work options suitable for dealing with these attitude scales suggested and instruction for own use of this technique is carried out as well.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petra.anyzova@gmail.com','2017-03-23 14:19:10','2017-03-30 14:37:22','','Waiting'),(2836,'Contemporary Czech Society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\nThis book uses a wide range of survey data (the Czech Household Panel Survey, ESS etc.) to present an interdisciplinary portrait of Czechs and their society. This book is unique in combing an erotetic methodology with a “concurrent triangulation design” (an influential form of mixed methods research) thereby allowing a comparison to be made between qualitative and quantitative studies of contemporary Czech society. Insights into contemporary Czech society are taken from economics, history, political science, psychology and sociology, thereby allowing this study to offer a broad ranging and rigorous study that contributes to international social science studies of European societies and their evolution.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jaroslava.pospisilova@soc.cas.cz','2017-03-23 14:31:19','2017-06-14 17:14:14','','Waiting'),(2837,'The Confrontation of Values in Late Modernity: The Czech Republic and Hlucín Region in the European Context','Konfrontace hodnot v pozdní modernitě: Česko a Hlučínsko v evropském kontextu',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The book by the author’s collective follows on from a monograph by H. Kubátová and collective entitled Intergenerational transformations in the way of life in the Hlucín Region [2015]. The goal of this sociological study has been to clarify the effects of modernisation and globalisation trends on the value orientation, standards and key aspects of the way of life which are often the subject of only theoretical considerations with a relatively weak link to the real processes of social change at various levels. This monograph documents the complicated nature and ambivalence of the modernisation processes using data from representative quantitative research carried out in the Czech Republic and in the Hlucín Region (2014) and furthermore using the data from two significant international surveys (the 2012 European Social Survey and the 2008 European Values Study). Of the many theoretical concepts which concern themselves with the area of values, we have used S. H. Schwartz’ theory of basic human values, which understands values as the motivational basis for people’s attitudes and actions. Placing the issue in a European context by means of quantitative research not only enables the supplementation of the knowledge gained using the qualitative method, but in particular enables us to more deeply comprehend the role of regional communities in the course of modernisation and globalisation trends. Thanks to a comparison of the value orientation, the social capital, the regional identity and other aspects of the lives of the inhabitants of the Hlucín Region and the Czech population at various levels (national, European, regional, historical, intergenerational and so on) realised with the use of modern analytical procedures (structural modelling, regressive analysis, cluster analysis and so on) it has been possible to penetrate into the deeper structures of the reproduction of the uniqueness of the contemporary Hlucín communality. This access to the measurement of values enables subsequent good predictions of the differences in important aspects of the way of life, which we have focussed on in the chapters on the family, religiosity, social identity and social capital. We have demonstrated the regional aspects of changes in values and the way of life using the results of more than two years of research into the local community in the Hlucín Region.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petra.anyzova@gmail.com','2017-03-23 14:36:03','2017-03-30 14:40:14','','Waiting'),(2838,'Why do we need family, work, and friends','Proč potřebujeme rodinu, práci a přátele',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The book explores the issues of happiness and life satisfaction in the contemporary Czech society. Chapters focus on the concept of happiness, work, money, family, and social capital.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dana.hamplova@soc.cas.cz','2017-03-23 16:23:17','2017-03-30 14:41:42','','Waiting'),(2839,'The Relationship Between Social Capital and Individualism–Collectivism in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of the present study was to examine the relationship between social capital and individualism–collectivism in a sample of 50,417 individuals from 29 European countries using data from the European Social Survey Round 6 (2012). Social capital was measured in terms of generalized social trust and informal social networks; individualism–collectivism was operationalized via Schwartz’s Openness to Change–Conservation value dimension. Results from a hierarchical linear modeling analysis showed that less than 10% of variance in social capital indicators was found between countries, meaning that the level of social capital varies more substantively between individuals than between the countries. Openness to Change had a weak but statistically significant and positive relationship both with the indices of Generalized Social Trust and Informal Social Networks, which remained significant even when individual age, gender, education level, and domicile were controlled for. In sum, our findings show that the positive relationship between social capital and individualism that has been found at the cultural level also holds at the individual level: people who emphasize independent thought, action, and readiness to change are also more willing to believe that most people can be trusted and are more engaged in informal social networks. The relationship is, nevertheless, very weak and the strength of the association varies significantly across different European countries. This variation, however, cannot be explained by country differences in level of democracy or human development and the country’s wealth moderates only the individual level relationship between Openness to Change and Informal Social Networks. Our findings suggest that sources of social capital at the individual level can be found in people’s immediate social surroundings, as well as their everyday social interactions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-03-28 15:04:04','2017-03-30 15:20:27','','Waiting'),(2840,'Secularization, Individualization or Market Model? Religiosity and its Explanatory Factors in a European Comparison','Säkularisierung, Individualisierung oder Marktmodell? Religiosität und ihre Erklärungsfaktoren im europäischen Vergleich',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The debates of the religious development in the last decades have uncovered the differences of the current theories of the sociology of religion. Most of them point out different explanations of the developments of religiosity and involvement in church in the unified Europe, often combined with a critique of the traditional dominant secularization theory. In the article on the hand, a quantitative analysis of the religious vitality in Europe, focused mainly on the macro-level, using a combination of a wide range of survey data, will be conducted. The results lead to the assumption, that the secularization theory should not be rejected too fast. But its general assumptions have to be framed in cultural context, to be useful for a continuing explanation of religious vitality in Europe. The cultural-historical influence of dominant religions, the political framework or results of political repression and processes of identity formation play important roles. Including these factors, it seems to be possible, to explain the differences in religious vitality in Europe. Especially, the conflicting effects of the framework of Eastern European religion are from special interest.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 09:55:48','2017-03-31 13:18:44','','Waiting'),(2841,'Democratic support and protest against infrastructure projects. The demonstrations against the expansion of Frankfurt Airport between NIMBY- and democracy protest','Infrastrukturproteste und Demokratieunterstützung. Die Demonstrationen gegen den Ausbau des Frankfurter Flughafens zwischen NIMBY- und Demokratieprotest',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Political protests against large-scale infrastructure projects in Germany always give rise to the question whether they can be considered a symptom for general dissatisfaction with representative politics. Drawing from a unique and original dataset, we analyze general attitudes and democratic support of protesters against the expansion of the Frankfurt Main Airport. Results show that dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy is one of the main drivers of intense and regular protest. The individual level of democratic support is determined by the perceived market-preference of politics and the subjective stress of aircraft noises, supporting the well-known “nimby”-hypothesis (“not in my backyard”). Thus, the conflict about the expansion of the Frankfurt airport cannot be dissolved with short-term measures around the airport. Rather, our results indicate evidence for a growing dissatisfaction with representative politics on a more general level.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 10:03:54','2017-03-31 13:24:55','','Waiting'),(2842,'The production of social security. Employment security, income maintenance, and health provision in cross-national perspective','Die Produktion sozialer Sicherheit. Beschäftigungssicherheit, Einkommenssicherung und gesundheitliche Versorgung in ländervergleichender Perspektive',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the current public discourse the phenomenon of insecurity is widely discussed since various kinds of social risks are becoming more widespread throughout European societies threatening biographical stability and status security. Given this there is a quest for a realignment of state interventions aiming at the (re-)production of stability and security. It is assumed that institutional arrangements and interventions such as employment protection, income maintenance schemes and healthcare provision not only contribute to objective but also to subjective security. Using data from the European Social Survey 2008 for the labor force in 20 European nations, we test this assumption by scrutinizing three kinds of perceived social risks: the risk of job loss, the risk of lack of monetary means and the risk of insufficient healthcare provision. We take on a cross-national perspective and conduct ordinal multi-level regression analyses in order to measure the extent to which different levels of social policy interventions can be accounted for differences in subjective insecurity. We find that a high degree of employment protection—astonishingly—does not enhance the perceived employment security significantly, whereas higher levels of social security spending and healthcare expenditure indeed go along with higher levels of subjective security. This relationship is moderated by the general level of economic development.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 10:08:48','2017-03-31 13:40:17','','Waiting'),(2843,'Nonresponse Bias','Nonresponse Bias. Qualitätssicherung sozialwissenschaftlicher Umfragen.',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Quality assurance in social science surveys. This book enriches current research in surveymethodology and makes a worthy contribution to the entire survey-based quantitative empirical social research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 10:35:46','2017-03-31 13:44:19','','Waiting'),(2844,'Donation of migrants in Germany: An analysis of the influencing factors with data from the European Social Survey','Spendenbereitschaft von migranten in Deutschland: Eine Analyse der Einflussfaktoren mit Daten des European Social Survey',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores the factors influencing the donation behavior of people with a migration background. The theoretical correlations are empirically examined by means of a migration sample with the German data of the European social survey 2002/2003.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 10:48:36','2017-03-31 13:51:06','','Waiting'),(2845,'Cultural retirement patterns: The impact of societal norms and values on the labor market participation of older people in Europe','Kulturelle Muster des Altersübergangs: Der Einfluss kultureller Normen und Werte auf die Erwerbsbeteiligung älterer Menschen in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article examines the impact of culturally influenced norms and cultural values towards the ideal arrangement due to the transition to retirement on the labor market participation of older people aged 55 to 64 in Europe. Subsequent to a basic definition of retirement cultures, an extended explanatory model for the transition to retirement is developed, which takes cultural norms and values or rather the country-specific-retirement culture explicitly into account. Secondly, the model is empirically validated. The underlying dataset is the third round of the European Social Survey (ESS) which was conducted in 2006. Overall it is found that the impact of societal norms and values on the participation decision of older individuals can be both, theoretically modeled and empirically verified. Within the explanatory model the importance of cultural norms and values for explaining the retirement decisions of older people is twofold. Firstly, like the nation-specific institutional framework of the transition to retirement as well as the material resources of the individuals, this specific transition-to-retirement-culture belongs to the conditional part of the model and limits the number of alternative courses of action. Secondly, as an internalized social norm, the transition-to-retirement-culture is an integral part of the definition of the situation and structures the preference order of the individuals. The theoretical influence can also be validated in the empirical model. Firstly, there is a highly significant (positive) correlation between the attitudes towards the ideal retirement transition on the one hand and the participation decision on the individual level. On the societal level, a significant correlation between the country-specific transition-to-retirement-culture and the employment rate of older people can be seen. In this context, a low labor market participation of older people goes along with a comparatively exit-oriented transition-to-retirement-culture and vice versa.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 10:53:14','2017-03-31 13:55:59','','Waiting'),(2847,'Emotions and life-satisfaction in \"adventure society\". A comparative analysis of 23 European countries following the social diagnosis by Gerhard Schulze','Emotionen und Lebenszufriedenheit in der „Erlebnisgesellschaft“. Eine vergleichende Analyse von 23 europäischen Ländern im Anschluss an die Gesellschaftsdiagnose von Gerhard Schulze',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to sociological diagnoses of time, a strong postmodern consumption, entertainment and adventure culture has developed in many Western countries. This contribution is linked in particular to Schulze\'s \"Erlebnisgesellschaft\" (1992). Theoretically, it is argued that people in a consumer and adventure society are increasingly oriented towards the interior: they are increasingly striving for a beautiful experience, a high level of well-being and positive emotions. With data from the European Social Survey 2006, this thesis is examined in a comparative perspective for 23 European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 11:21:13','2017-03-31 14:12:24','','Waiting'),(2848,'Unemployed or unable to work? Different types of non-employment in Europe and the USA','Arbeitslos oder erwerbsunfähig? Unterschiedliche Formen der Nicht-Erwerbstätigkeit in Europa und den USA',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'An international comparison of unemployment rates suggests a poor performance of the German labour market. Based on comparative analyses for Germany, the Netherlands, France, Denmark, the UK and the United States the paper tries to show that a more sophisticated picture can be drawn by taking additional forms of non-employment (e.g. disability, retirement or out of labour force) into account. For this purpose data from the “European Social Survey” (ESS) and the survey “Citizenship, Involvement and Democracy” collected in 2004 and 2005 is analysed. While “unemployment” plays a dominant role in Germany, people with comparable demographic characteristics and similar health status are increasingly classified as “permanently disabled” in the other countries. The results stress that an international comparison of labour market performance and especially a comparison of the effectiveness of labour market and social policy reforms should not only rely on employment and unemployment rates. Taking alternative forms of non-employment into account can increase our knowledge and understanding of functional differences of labour markets in Europe and the United States.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 11:30:46','2017-03-31 14:35:03','','Waiting'),(2849,'What family policy measures promote labor market participation of mothers?','Welche familienpolitischen Maßnahmen fördern die Arbeitsmarktpartizipation von Müttern? ',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates the effects of family policies (child care, parental leave, financial transfers) on labour market participation of mothers in 21 European countries. In contrast to previous studies, the correlation of child care provision with national culture and the cultural influence on maternal employment decisions are also estimated. The microeconomic theory of labour supply provides the theoretical framework of the analysis. With the use of hierarchical logistic regression models the hypotheses are tested on the data of the European Social Survey (2004/2005) and contextual variables of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. As a central result the level of child care provision for children below the age of three is found to be the single variable with regards to increasing labour market participation, particularly for mothers of young children. This political measure is strongly correlated to national culture.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 11:34:23','2017-03-31 15:17:13','','Waiting'),(2850,'Limited options - Opportunities and occupational patterns in couple households in European comparison','Begrenzte Wahl – Gelegenheitsstrukturen und Erwerbsmuster in Paarhaushalten im europäischen Vergleich',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates employment patterns in couple households—and in particular their variability according to the presence and age of children. The aim of the comparative analysis of ten European countries, using data from the European Social Survey (2004/05 and 2006/07), is to explain the pronounced cross-country differences with regard to empirically relevant household employment patterns—focusing on their variability across an ideal-typical family life-cycle. Explanatory factors include the social policy framework (family and tax policies), socio-economic and labor market conditions (wage level, unemployment, the availability of part-time work) as well as national gender cultures (societal ideals regarding gender roles and childcare). The article discusses the relationship between these structural and cultural factors, on the one hand, and actual practices of gendered employment behaviour, on the other. It concludes that, in order to account for the complexity of causal relations, the explanation of gendered employment patterns ought to be country-specific.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 11:40:55','2017-04-03 10:13:25','','Waiting'),(2851,'New developments in political culture. Political attitudes in reunited Germany. New crises, or anything else?','Neue Entwicklungen der politischen Kultur. Politische Einstellungen im wiedervereinten Deutschland. Neue Krisenerscheinungen oder doch alles beim Alten? ',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'On the one hand, the authors examine Germany\'s role in Europe and the global power structure, in particular the transatlantic relationship and new challenges for German engagement on an international scale. On the other hand, the contributions to domestic policy aspects such as the development of German federalism, the tension between representative and direct democracy, the changes in political culture - also visible in the current protest movements - as well as education policy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 11:59:12','2017-04-03 10:26:33','','Waiting'),(2852,'The influence of positive and negative moods of respondents on their response in political opinion polls.','Der Einfluss positiver und negativer Stimmungen von Befragten auf ihr Antwortverhalten in politischen Meinungsumfragen.',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Empirical research in social and political science is fundamentally based on survey data. In these surveys respondents are usually asked for judgments and opinions about political issues, e. g. their satisfaction with the government or the evaluation of the state of the economy. This paper argues that these judgments do not solely rely on rational considerations of the issue to be assessed, but also reflect the mood experienced by the interviewee. Using the German samples of the European Social Surveys 2006 and 2012 it can be demonstrated that many of the indicators frequently used in political opinion polls are strongly influenced by the affective state of the respondent in the days preceding the interview. As expected, a positive mood lead to more positive judgments on political issues while negative affective states result in more negative judgments. Further analyses indicate that these effects are more pronounced in those respondents who are not thoroughly informed about political issues and spend only little time to catch up with current affairs.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 12:24:18','2017-04-03 10:33:10','','Waiting'),(2853,'Nowhere  Better Than Here? The Subjective Well- Being of German Emigrants and Remigrants.','Kein schöner Land? Glück und Zufriedenheit deutscher Aus- und Rückwanderer',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper investigates in the question if and how the subjective wellbeing (SWB) of German emigrants, German non-migrants, and German remigrants differ. Based on regression analyses of data from the European Social Survey (ESS) the analyses focus on life satisfaction and happiness as main indicators of SWB. It turns out that German emigrants show increased SWB compared to German nonmigrants or remigrants. However, these fi ndings cannot be explained by differences in the socio-economic or socio-demographic group structure. In fact, the increased SWB of emigrants is much more an effect of psychosocial differences and differences in the individual evaluation of household income.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 12:32:51','2017-04-03 11:36:22','','Waiting'),(2854,'Quality assurance in survey research. New challenges for market and social science research','Qualitätssicherung in der Umfrageforschung. Neue Herausforderungen für die Markt- und Sozialforschung',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present volume combines contributions to the new challenges arising from the development of new methods, new technologies and new social media for quality and quality assurance in survey research. This also covers the legal and professional framework conditions. The volume is aimed at those representatives of market and social research, who have to conduct their own empirical surveys or evaluate the quality of empirical surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 12:40:45','2017-04-03 15:50:38','','Waiting'),(2855,'The quantitative determination of cultural diversity in Europe. Proposal for an index of cultural similarity','Die quantitative Bestimmung kultureller Unterschiedlichkeit in Europa. Vorschlag für einen Index kultureller Ähnlichkeit',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In transnationalization and Europeanization research, it has been asked for some time how more intensive and less intensive connections between countries can be explained. One possible explanatory factor is cultural similarity. The sociological discourse on social integration suggests appropriate arguments. However, a measurement of cultural similarity and thus the empirical examination of the argument usually remains missing, in individual cases replacement measurements (similarity of the language families, geographical distance) were suggested. Here an index of cultural similarity is developed as a quantitative macro-picture of the cultural similarity of countries. The index is based on the Wilks\' Lambda of discriminant analyzes in a country-by-country comparison on the questionnaire of Shalom Schwartz\'s questionnaires as implemented in the Europan Social Survey.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 12:53:40','2017-04-03 15:59:31','','Waiting'),(2856,'Everything by chance or? A discussion article concerning the quality of face-to-face surveys in Germany','Alles Zufall oder? Ein Diskussionsbeitrag zur Qualität von face to face-Umfragen in Deutschland.',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For a long time, ZUMA has been participating in the public discussion on the quality of survey research in Germany, according to various symposia. This discussion became urgent because, in Germany, quality-oriented surveys are now hardly able to achieve an exploitation rate of more than 50%. The often-mentioned reasons for the decline in the rate of exploitation - such as the increased accessibility of the target population (for example, the increase in women\'s employment rates, the increase in single-person households, etc.) or a worsened \"survey climate\" - can only partially explain the poor results. The fact is that in other European countries, such as Denmark or Sweden, strictly controlled surveys also reach the 60% mark. Thus, if neither the unwilling citizens (Survey Climate) nor the improved controls (such as the registry samples used in ALLBUS) are sufficient reasons for the poor results in Germany, there must be other reasons. The authors\' experiences with the ALLBUS and other studies point to an explanation of the form of the production process of survey research itself as a central, so far neglected factor.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-03-31 12:59:41','2017-04-03 16:09:22','','Waiting'),(2857,'Attitudes towards Immigration: Cultural contex effects in attitude measurement in intercultural comparison.','Einstellungen zur Immigration: Kulturabhängige Kontexteffekte bei der Einstellungsmessung im interkulturellen Vergleich',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim is to analyze the equivalence and intercultural comparability of attitudes on immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','totalbonden@gmail.com','2017-03-31 11:10:31','2017-03-31 14:03:30','','Waiting'),(2858,'Quality of work of part-time and full-time employees: Employment regimes in comparison','Arbeitsqualität von Teilzeit- und  Vollzeitbeschäftigten: Beschäftigungsregime im Vergleich',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Part-time work has for years been the most popular atypical employment in Europe. Against the background of social policy debates on reconciling work and family, gender equality and reduction of working hours, a further increase in part-time work is to be expected. But how is the quality of work in part-time employment? Under which circumstances are part-time employees satisfied with their working conditions? What are the differences between the countries under investigation? This work deals with these questions from empirical and country comparative perspectives. The theoretical basis is a multi-dimensional concept of working quality, which encompasses the aspects of working time, work-life balance, job security, income, autonomy and diversity in the job. By using this as an evaluative-relational concept (Hauff & Kirchner 2013). The focus is on an understanding of working quality as something that results from the interplay between the wishes of the employees and the actual working conditions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 11:55:52','2017-05-10 11:45:42','','Waiting'),(2859,'Geographical proximity, national border and cultural distance. An analysis of regional dyads using the example of Austria','Geographische Nähe, Landesgrenze und kulturelle Distanz. Eine Analyse regionaler Dyaden am Beispiel Österreichs',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, the assumption is made that cultural value orientations are not only inherited by path, but are also passed on and exchanged between social collectives. Secondly, it is proposed to consider sub-national regions as separate cultural spaces. In order to check whether a cultural spillover takes place between regions, dyadic analyzes are carried out on the basis of the ESS (2002-2008) using a case study (Austria). The Nuts2 regions serve as analysis units. The results show, on the one hand, that the national border has a comparatively clear effect on the cultural distance between regions; On the other hand, neighboring regions are culturally more similar than non-neighboring regions across the country\'s borders. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 12:27:24','2017-05-10 11:52:49','','Waiting'),(2860,'Between secularization and religious vitalization. Religiosity in Germany and Poland in comparison.','Zwischen Säkularisierung und religiöser Vitalisierung. Religiosität in Deutschland und Polen im Vergleich. ',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Whether religion in the present is characterized by a loss of meaning or a return of the religious is controversial. The consensus is that religion has different meanings in different cultures and countries. Recognizing that Poland and East Germany represent two extremes in this respect, German and Polish social scientists are the first to develop similarities as differences between Poland, West Germany and East Germany, and unfold comparative and extended perspectives of the research area. This includes the question of whether secularization processes can not be established in all areas, as well as questions about the relationship between the younger generation and religion and its political consequences. Does secularization processes undermine social commitment and lose social capital? ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 12:44:42','2017-05-10 11:55:22','','Waiting'),(2861,'Healthy and educated: preconditions for a modern society','Gesund und gebildet : Voraussetzungen für eine moderne Gesellschaft',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What is education, what does health mean? How much education should everyone have and who pays for it? How much health can everyone have and who pays when? Education and health are not prioritized in their political agendas. The network between education and health is so diverse that physicians, social scientists, psychologists, spiritual scientists and politicians have to contribute to clarification and promotion together.\nThe contributions present the latest research findings on this socially important topic.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 13:04:51','2017-05-10 11:56:37','','Waiting'),(2862,'The Multidimensional Inventory for Religious/Spiritual Well-Being (MI-RSWB): Norm values for the Austrian general population',' Das Multidimensionale Inventar zum religiös-spirituellen Befinden (MI-RSB) Normwerte für die österreichische Allgemeinbevölkerung',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Multidimensional Inventory for Religious/Spiritual Well-Being (MI-RSWB) was developed in the context of an interdisciplinary research project involving both clinical psychology and pastoral theology. Based on a multidimensional conceptualization of religious/spiritual well-being, six dimensions of immanent and transcendent well-being are covered by this inventory. The immanent dimensions are “Hope Immanent,” “Forgiveness” and “Experiences of Sense and Meaning.” The transcendent dimensions are, “General Religiosity,” “Hope Transcendent,” and “Connectedness.” At a global level the aggregated subscales provide a total score for “Religious/Spiritual Well-Being.” The inventory was first analyzed in a sample of university students and then validated using a sample of the general Austrian population. Subsequently, the MI-RSWB has been employed in several research projects dealing with the relevance of religiosity/spirituality in the context of mental health and coping. In this paper we provide age and gender specific norm values based on a non-clinical sample of the Austrian population.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 13:10:55','2017-05-10 12:01:12','','Waiting'),(2863,'\"Rising from the ruins\"? The phenomenon \"DDR nostalgia\"','\"Auferstanden aus Ruinen?\" Das Phänomen \"DDR-Nostalgie\".',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One and a half decades after the accession of the GDR to the Federal Republic of Germany and the first all-German Bundestag election, the dispute about the \"production of the unity of the interior\", which has been going on since 1990, has not yet passed. Time and again, the \"wall in the heads\" is part of the public debate.\n\nIn a total of eleven chapters the editors, on the basis of extensive data material, investigate the differences and similarities in attitudes to politics in general, political institutions, business and society as well as the political basic orientations in East and West.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 13:29:35','2017-05-10 12:16:30','','Waiting'),(2864,'Participation and bias in the German sample of the European Social Survey','Teilnahmeverhalten und Stichprobenverzerrung in der deutschen Stichprobe des European Social Survey',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Nonresponse and bias are probably among the two most important research areas of survey methodology. Both areas are closely related: the systematic, non-coincident refusal or non-participation in a study leads to results which, when generalized distort population (Groves und Peytcheva 2008).This is also a challenge for the European Social Survey (ESS).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 14:11:31','2017-05-10 12:22:52','','Waiting'),(2865,'The Impact of Education and Family Policies on Intergenerational Transmission of Socioeconomic Status in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous literature has demonstrated that education and family policies have positive link to decreasing intergenerational inequality, but the empirical evidence in this matter is lacking. Our aim is to study what kind of impact, if at all, specific family and education policies hold on intergenerational transmission of socioeconomic status (SES) and whether this influence differs by origin. We examine how the age leaving compulsory school, pre-primary education, access to tertiary education, maternity leave and public expenditure on family allowances influence the resources of families, that is, whether the policies have multiplicative, accumulative, equalising or compensatory impact on birth cohorts 1946-1980 in 15 European countries. By applying multilevel regression models for the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002-2010 data, we find that the age leaving compulsory education, maternity leave and the access to tertiary education decrease the intergenerational transmission of occupations. Maternity leave was found to have a strong institutional compensatory impact, i.e. it increases the opportunities of disadvantaged families but does not change them for families from advantaged positions. Similarly, the age leaving compulsory school and access to tertiary education had positive influence on families with low SES, but also negative impact on the advantaged families, resulting to a strong institutional equalising impact. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','heta.poylio@utu.fi','2017-04-05 15:07:31','2017-05-10 12:26:40','','Waiting'),(2866,'Living conditions and well-being in Europe','Lebensbedingungen und Wohlbefinden in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The improvement of the living conditions in Europe and the creation of equivalent living conditions in the various countries is one of the main activities of the European Union. The purpose of this chapter is to demonstrate to what extent this goal has been achieved so far. Current data on the objective living conditions and the subjective well-being with regard to different living areas and aspects for the Member States of the European Union (EU) are presented.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 15:35:21','2017-05-10 15:01:12','','Waiting'),(2867,'Public Security and Crime','Öffentliche Sicherheit und Kriminalitätsbedrohung',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Germans are becoming increasingly less threatened by crime and worry less about the development of crime in their own country than ever before in the last decade. At the same time, satisfaction with public safety has increased. Although the fear of crime in East Germany continues to be somewhat more pronounced than in West Germany, the differences between the west and the east have been significantly reduced since the mid-90s. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 16:05:17','2017-05-10 15:34:36','','Waiting'),(2868,'Living conditions and well-being in Europe','Lebensbedingungen und Wohlbefinden in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objective living conditions and subjective well-being are presently very different in the EU, albeit with clear parallels between them. Overall, there differences are the greatest between the EU countries of the north and east of Europe, both in terms of factual living conditions and subjective well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 16:09:39','2017-05-10 15:56:42','','Waiting'),(2869,'Attitudes towards democracy and the welfare state','Einstellungen zu  Demokratie und  Sozialstaat',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The data report is a social report published by the Federal Center for Civic Education together with the Federal Statistical Office, the Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin and the Socio-Economic Panel of the German Institute for Economic Research.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 16:17:20','2017-05-11 11:44:28','','Waiting'),(2870,'Public security and law enforcement','Öffentliche Sicherheit und Strafverfolgung',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The majority of Germans are satisfied with the public security provided by the state through the fight against crime. In a European comparison, the work of the police here is evaluated much more positively by the citizens  than in most European countries. Moreover, the Germans have given a better assessment of public security than ever before in the two preceding decades.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-05 16:26:28','2017-05-11 11:51:37','','Waiting'),(2871,'Surveys on surveys: the generation of data using the example of the European Social Survey (ESS)','(Um-)Fragen über (Um-)Fragen: Die Entstehung von Umfragedaten am Beispiel des European Social Survey (ESS)',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'More and more often, we are confronted with surveys and their results in everyday life and the media, but often do not know how to assess their quality and trustworthiness. This article illustrates the example of the European Social Survey (ESS) survey, which should meet standards surveys in order to provide a reliable picture of opinions and attitudes within the population.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-06 12:48:31','2017-05-11 11:58:14','','Waiting'),(2872,'The education and health system in public opinion','Das Bildungs- und Gesundheitssystem im Urteil der Bürger',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The critical debates on the education and health system have influenced public opinion. The Germans have a skeptical attitude towards the West and East European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-06 13:12:35','2017-06-14 17:17:18','','Waiting'),(2873,'Democracy and political participation','Demokratie und politische Partizipation',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Facts and figures about democracy and political participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-06 13:21:25','2017-04-06 13:21:25','','Waiting'),(2874,'Political orientations and political participation in EU comparison','Politische Orientierungen und politische Partizipation im EU-Vergleich',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'People with higher educational qualifications are not only much more interested in politics, they are also more satisfied with the democratic system.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-06 13:31:47','2017-07-20 14:56:43','','Waiting'),(2875,'Political orientations and participation of young people in Germany and Europe.','Politische Orientierungen und Partizipation Jugendlicher in Deutschland und Europa.',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For years, there has been a controversial debate about the development of the political participation of young people in science, politics and practice. Many studies diagnose a growing political apathy among younger people, based on symptoms such as low political interest, lack of knowledge and low (conventional) political commitment (eg involvement in parties, electoral participation), as well as low confidence in policy makers and institutions (cf. Begemann and others 2011a, Begemann and others 2011b, Gille / Rijke / Gaiser 2011, Livingstone 2009, Ritzi / Schaal / Kaufmann 2012, Schneekloth 2010, Soßdorf 2014, Willems and others 2010, 2012).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-06 13:48:39','2017-07-20 15:04:33','','Waiting'),(2876,'Scenarios for changing urban social structures and living conditions: repercussions on municipal care systems and costs','Szenarien zur Veränderung städtischer Sozialstrukturen und Lebensverhältnisse: Rückwirkungen auf kommunale Pflegesysteme und Kosten',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Demographic, social and cultural change will have a serious impact on the care situation of people in need of care. In order to show which changes are to be expected, a simulation model has been developed that can present various scenarios of the development. The model simulations show that the \"gap between the number of people in need of care and the\" informal care potential \"will also open under\" favorable \"conditions. This has consequences for the demand for care arrangements. The type of inpatient care will become significantly more important and the proportion of people in need of care will decrease drastically. An overburden of the social security systems is characterized. However, the results are not to be understood as predictions. They merely show the direction in which certain developments could take place when the conditions assumed for the scenarios occur.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-06 14:08:23','2017-07-20 15:13:14','','Waiting'),(2877,'Use of time','Zeitverwendung',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\"Where is the time?\" This was the title of a brochure by the Federal Statistical Office, which provided information about the main findings of the 2001/02 budgetary survey. The title brings a significant aspect of modern life to the point, but it is not infrequently - at least secretly - the question of the whereabouts of time.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-06 14:41:49','2017-07-20 15:20:04','','Waiting'),(2878,'Religiosity: Still the persistence of a special case.','Religiosität: Immer noch die Persistenz eines Sonderfalls',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper examines two questions: could the inner-German lead of the West to the East in religiosity persist until 2004? And is the inner-German difference greater than the inner-European difference?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 09:30:35','2017-07-20 15:29:46','','Waiting'),(2879,'Work and health. An overview of relevant data sets for Germany','Arbeit und Gesundheit. Eine Übersicht relevanter Datensätze für Deutschland',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The issue of \"work and health\" is of great social relevance. The health of current and future generations of workers is seen as an important determinant for securing labor and productivity in the European Union. Closely linked to health is work, by providing employees with a risk factor for their health as well as a factor with significant health-promoting potential.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 09:39:59','2017-07-21 17:46:19','','Waiting'),(2880,'Who Are the Workers Who Never Joined a Union? : Empirical Evidence from Western and Eastern Germany','Welche Arbeitnehmer waren nie Mitglied einer Gewerkschaft?: Empirische Evidenz aus West- und Ostdeutschland',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\"Using representative data from the German social survey ALLBUS 2002 and the European Social Survey 2002/03, this paper provides the first empirical analysis of trade union ‘never-membership’ in Germany. We show that between 54 and 59 percent of all employees in Germany have never been members of a trade union. In western Germany, individuals’ probability of ‘never-membership’ is significantly affected by their personal characteristics, their political orientation and (to a lesser degree) their family background. In addition, the presence of a union at the workplace plays a significant role. While the latter factor is also important in eastern Germany, many of the variables which are relevant for ‘never-membership’ in the west prove to be irrelevant in the east. This difference probably reflects the fact that most employees in eastern Germany did not really have a choice not to become union members during the communist regime.\"(author\'s abstract)',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 09:49:21','2017-07-25 15:17:45','','Waiting'),(2881,'When and where did the great recession erode the support of democracy?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is likely that ten years of economic crisis have eroded the support of democracy in Europe. But how much? The existing research is divided on this issue. Some claim that the degree of satisfaction with democracy has declined across the whole of Europe during the Great Recession. Other researchers have found no empirical evidence that the support of democracy as a core value has declined across Europe. They claim that merely the specific support has decreased in some countries. This article will use the data from the European Social Survey to verify both claims. It shows that the Great Recession did not lead to a legitimacy crisis of European democracies and that the diffuse support of democracy remains high in most regions. The degree to which the specific support of democracy has been weakened is moderated by the type of welfare regime. In countries where the economic crisis did strike hard and the welfare state is weakly developed, the support of democracy has dropped dramatically. This outcome takes a middle position between two extremes in the ongoing academic debate on the support of democracy. Both positions regarding the increase or decrease of support of and satisfaction with democracy are in need of more nuance by taking into account the impact of welfare regimes. Existing research often assumes a uniform European context that shows either increasing or decreasing levels of satisfaction with democracy. Our research has shown that the response of citizens to the Great Recession has been influenced by the welfare regime.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 09:54:49','2017-07-25 15:39:05','','Waiting'),(2882,'Nominal comparability is not enough: (In-)equivalence of construct validity of cross-national measures of educational attainment in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Educational attainment is a core social background variable covered in each and every survey of individuals. Since educational institutions and qualifications are difficult to compare across countries, cross-national surveys pose a particular challenge to the measurement of educational attainment. This study performs a comparative construct validation of a number of cross-national measures of education using the European Social Survey. The measures comprise two versions of the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED), the education scheme developed in the project ‘Comparative Analysis of Social Mobility in Industrial Nations’ (CASMIN) and hypothetical as well as actual years of education. The first ISCED measure corresponds to the well-known main ISCED levels. The second one, the European Survey Version of ISCED (ES-ISCED) developed for this study, represents an effort to reflect different types of education within levels of education by considering ISCED sub-dimensions, most importantly ‘programme orientation’. Using linear regression models, it is shown how much explanatory power educational attainment loses when different cross-national variables are used, as compared to country-specific educational attainment variables (CSEVs), and how these losses vary across measures and countries. The dependent variable used for the construct validation is social status as measured by the International Socio-Economic Index (ISEI). Results suggest that harmonisation always entails some loss of explanatory power for at least a few countries. However, there are clear performance differences between the comparable measures in terms of both the average amount of losses as well as the distribution of losses across countries. The use of actual years of education as well as the levels-only ISCED strongly attenuates the education-social status association on average, but also to very different degrees across countries. CASMIN and ES-ISCED fare considerably better: they show the lowest losses of explanatory power and the lowest variation of losses across countries. Hypothetical years of education lie in between. Some practical implications are then proposed, e.g. on how to implement cross-national measures of educational attainment in international surveys.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 10:00:46','2017-07-25 16:11:09','','Waiting'),(2883,'Assessing representativeness of a probability-based online panel in Germany','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The growth of online survey research has led to an increased demand for probability-based online panels. Several of such panels are established in Europe and in the USA. As probability-based online panels are being used by scientific institutions to collect data and make inferences about the target population, questions about the quality of such data continue to be raised. In this chapter we assess the quality of an offline-recruited probability-based online panel of Internet users in Germany. First we report the key performance measures of the recruitment and the online surveys. In the second step of the quality assessment we compare our data to other surveys. As benchmarks we use two population surveys: the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS 2010) and the German subsample of the fifth round of the European Social Survey (ESS 2010). Both of these sources contain the information on private Internet usage and thus allow us to compare the estimates from our panel with the estimates calculated for subsamples of Internet users from the reference surveys. Both demographic and attitudinal measures are considered. We assess the feasibility of post-stratification weighting to correct for noncoverage and nonresponse. Additionally, we assess the comparability of the three surveys in modeling social phenomena. This chapter provides insight into the quality of data collected via online panels and discusses the efficiency of probability-based online panels as means of data collection for scientific purposes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 10:07:23','2017-07-25 16:21:36','','Waiting'),(2885,'Why Television Does Erode Social Capital And Why Newspaper Reading Does Not ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For three decades now, the mass media in Western democracies have continuously been criticized for being potentially harmful to democracy. This chapter explores the most recent contribution to this debate; the hypothesis, put forward by Robert Putnam that television erodes modern democracies\' social capital. The chapter provides a detailed discussion of Putnam\'s propositions about media effects on social capital. It reviews the related evidence that has been accumulated so far. Subsequently, the main hypothesis of the chapter, depicting media effects on social capital in terms of contextual effects, is developed. The chapter enables testing of the hypothesis with regard to both television and the printed press, using data mainly from the 2002 European Social Survey (ESS). It describes the data used for the purpose, and assesses the role of direct exposure to television as well as newspapers for social capital.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 10:23:10','2017-07-25 16:27:31','','Waiting'),(2886,'What Makes People Trust in Their Fellow Citizens','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter tests an integrated micro model of possible factors explaining why people trust others or not, analyzes the effects of as many variables representing different hypotheses as possible. It develops a concept to explain social trust that integrates individual-level and macro-level approaches, assessing the additional benefit of using a multilevel model compared to a micro-level model. The chapter summarizes the different schools of thought, approaches and hypotheses discussed in the literature to create an integrated individual-level model of potential determinants of generalized trust. Additionally, for every hypothesis, its operationalization in the European Social Survey (ESS) is described. A broad variety of empirical studies and results presented for the ESS data proves that citizens of former communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe show less trust in their fellow citizens than those living in Western Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 10:25:44','2017-07-25 16:56:21','','Waiting'),(2887,'Retrospect And Prospect ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'After seven years of preparation, the European Social Survey (ESS) went into the field in 21 European countries and in Israel, for the first time in 2002. Given the fact that the ESS covers only European countries, which share many properties of history and culture, one can deduce that the micro-macro analyses of this survey follow the logic of the most similar systems design. As information on publications originating from the ESS is slowly coming in, it is already visible that it will have an important impact on the state of the art of comparative survey research. The ESS is a multidimensional project indeed, with a lot of emphasis on the substantive data collected, and also on methodological innovations in the field. The options for multilevel analyses are exploited well, and there is surely more to come in the future, as theorizing, especially regarding micro-macro level interactions, will further develop.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 10:27:43','2017-07-26 10:00:05','','Waiting'),(2888,'Does the State Affect the Informal Connections between its Citizens? New Institutionalist Explanations of Social Participation in Everyday Life','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter sets out to answer the following questions: (i) To what extent do the levels of social participation differ cross-nationally? (ii) To what extent do state institutions determine social participation, taking individual characteristics into account? (iii) To what extent is the impact of state institutions on social participation similar across social categories? It contributes to the literature on social participation in three ways. Firstly, the chapter presents theoretical accounts as to how state institutions affect social participation. Secondly, it takes a range of state institutions into account, whereas other research has been limited to analyzing only one such institution, most notably the welfare state. Thirdly, the chapter refines the broad concept of social participation. Taking advantage of recent high quality crossnational data and based on separate measures of the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002, this chapter tests the impact of state institutions on these modes of social participation separately.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 10:29:24','2017-07-26 10:06:30','','Waiting'),(2889,'Changes in the life course. State-of-the-art report.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The dynamics of family formation and disruption have changed in contemporary societies. Compared to previous decades, more people cohabit, have children outside marital unions, experience the dissolution of their unions, re-partner, enter stepfamilies, live separately from their children or remain childless. Family life courses have become increasingly diverse as the sequence of events and the pace at which they occur have become less standardized than before. Moreover, new types of households such as single parent families, Living-Apart-Together relationships and same sex couples are emerging. This report contains a comprehensive literature overview of state-of-the-art knowledge about the dynamics of the development of family constellations and non-standard families. It discusses how current research can be further developed to improve our understanding of determinants of changes in family structure. It underlines that future research needs to consider the family as a dynamic entity. Keywords: life course, transition to adulthood, separation, single parent families, step families, Living-Apart-Together relationships, same sex couples, multiple residence. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 10:34:01','2017-07-26 10:36:49','','Waiting'),(2890,'Key findings from the Multilinks Research Programme','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report describes key findings from MULTILINKS, a programme of research funded through the Seventh Framework of the European Commission, in which data from the Generations and Gender Programme (GGP), European Social Survey (ESS), and the Survey of Health and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) are analysed. The key findings are examples of research where MULTILINKS has brought new and unique insights, and these pertain to macro and micro views of family constellations, East-West differences in family patterns, generational interdependencies, attitudes versus behaviour in families, and intergenerational policies versus regimes. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 10:47:00','2017-07-27 13:54:31','','Waiting'),(2891,'Blank and Not Blue: Outsiders at the Ballot Box','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recently, developed economies witnessed an emerging dualism between so-called labor market \"insiders and outsiders\" -- two groups facing divergent levels of employment security and prospects. Those on the \"inside\" occupy stable jobs, while those on the \"outside\" confront increased levels of social and economic risks. Consequently, there seems to be a significant structural insider-outsider divide in European societies. This paper addresses whether and how this structural division informs behavior at the ballot box. We argue that the socio-economic insider-outsider divide does not translate into a political cleavage. Rather, traditional socio-economic factors, such as gender, age, education and income, structure voter decision-making. We test our expectations using multinomial logit models estimating vote choice on the complete five waves of the European Social Survey. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 10:50:27','2017-07-27 14:02:45','','Waiting'),(2892,'Informal Workers Across Europe: Evidence From 30 Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey data are used to analyze informal employment at the main job in 30 countries. Overall, informality decreases from South to West to East to North. However, dependent work without contract is more prevalent in Eastern Europe than in the West, except for Ireland, the UK and Austria. Between 2004 and 2009, no cases found when unemployment and dependent informality rates in a country went up together, suggesting that work without contract is pro-cyclical in Europe. Dependent informality rate is inversely related to skills (measured by either schooling or occupation). The low-educated, the young (especially students), the elderly, and persons with disabilities are more likely to work informally, other things equal. In Southern and Western Europe, immigrants from CEE and FSU feature the highest dependent informality rate, whilst in Eastern Europe this group is second after minorities without immigrant background. In Eastern, Southern and part of Western Europe, immigrants not covered by EU free mobility provisions are more likely to work without contracts than otherwise similar natives. We provide evidence that exclusion and discrimination play important role in pushing employees into informality, whilst this seems not to be the case for informal self-employed. Both on average and after controlling for a rich set of individual characteristics, informal employees in all parts of Europe are having the largest financial difficulties among all categories of employed population (yet they fare much better than the unemployed and discouraged), whilst informal self-employed are at least as well off as formal employees.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 11:18:11','2017-07-27 14:11:17','','Waiting'),(2893,'Opportunity and Solidarity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Current restructuring of provision across European welfare states emphasises proactivity, individual responsibility and access to opportunities. Much established social protection rests on a more passive approach and seeks to provide security against the risks encountered during a normal life-course, together with some redistribution towards the poor. A more liberal individualism may suit a more globalised and post-industrial world in which the logic of markets is more powerful and the working class correspondingly weaker. From one perspective, it risks damaging the support for collective provision on which the welfare state rests. This paper uses data from the 2008 European Social Survey to examine whether the shift in responsibility for outcomes more towards individuals may threaten the political legitimacy of welfare states. It shows that a corresponding proactivity of government to secure good access to more equal opportunities for vulnerable groups is required to support individual proactivity in grasping opportunities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 11:21:58','2017-07-27 14:28:02','','Waiting'),(2894,'Changing societies and four tasks of schooling: Challenges for strongly differentiated educational systems','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Changing labour markets, increased calls for selection and excellence, and increased diversity and individualisation have repercussions on how educational systems can prepare youth for work, optimise knowledge production, achieve equality of opportunity, and socialise students into active civic engagement. This paper discusses four central tasks of schooling and examines to what extent societal developments challenge education policy to deliver on the tasks at hand. Particular attention is given to the challenges Europe’s strongly diversified educational systems are currently facing. Both the Netherlands and Germany, for example, have been offering vocationally-oriented pathways alongside traditional academic higher education for some time. But today’s ongoing changes in job descriptions, mainly due to ever-accelerating technological developments, are causing a risk of skills obsolescence which can only be avoided by continuous upskilling and/or reskilling of a sufficiently flexible workforce. Overcoming differences of intelligence as well as differences of diverse socioeconomic, ethnic and linguistic backgrounds by way of education is another challenge, as is fostering “soft” skills and political awareness. This paper investigates the effectiveness of current education systems in preparing citizens for a functioning modern society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 11:25:33','2017-07-27 14:40:11','','Waiting'),(2895,'Pioneers of European integration. Citizenship and mobility in the EU.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Free movement has become a defining feature of European society. This important study answers the question \"who are these free movers?\" Using both quantitative and qualitative research evidence, it brings new perspectives to the sociology of European migration and integration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 11:29:00','2017-07-27 14:56:35','','Waiting'),(2896,'Religion and the environmental opinion in 22 countries: a comparative study.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The objective is to test if religiosity affects environmental opinion in Europe. Using data from European Social Survey (ESS) 2002/2003, the study answers three questions. At the societal level: Is public opinion about the environment different in political systems with different Christian traditions? Is environmental concern less or higher in the public opinion depending on the degree of secularization in the political systems? At the individual level: Is the environmental opinion of the individual affected by the personal confession of faith, religious involvement, and the dominant religious context? At the societal level, the findings show stronger concern for the environment in Catholic and Eastern Orthodox countries than in Protestant countries. The tendency also shows a weakened concern for the environment in countries with a rather secular population. At the individual level, there are significant positive effects on environmental care from Catholic culture, negative effect from Protestant culture, and no effect from religious involvement.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 11:32:45','2017-07-27 15:02:29','','Waiting'),(2897,'Trade Unions and Minimum Wages','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The influence of different labour market institutions on the labour market has been vividly discussed, as much in the economic as in the policy debate. On one hand, labour market institutions aim to protect actors perceived as weak, especially the employees. For instance, labour market institutions can guarantee a certain level of labour market income – the minimum wage –, or organise the employees’ voice thus making them a more equal counterpart when bargaining with employers as it is the case with trade unions. On the other hand, such labour market institutions may threaten the potential for economic development not only of stronger actors, i.e. employers. Furthermore, rigid institutions can be a disadvantage for weak actors as well fostering job insecurity or unemployment. This PhD-thesis aims to develop a clearer view of important labour market institutions. It  concentrates on the arguably most contested institutions, minimum wages and  trade unions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 11:38:36','2017-07-28 13:33:29','','Waiting'),(2898,'Is Intergenerational Cohesion Falling Apart in Old Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'As the United States undergoes a dramatic demographic transformation, the question frequently arises as to whether the United States can learn important lessons from Europe, which has aged ahead of America. Such lessons might be helpful in predicting social changes, as well as indicating which policies might be more or less effective for an aging society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 11:45:32','2017-07-28 13:43:44','','Waiting'),(2899,'Late-entry-into-motherhood women are responsible for fertility recuperation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In countries where age at parenthood has shifted to older ages, a necessary precondition for fertility recuperation is that women having their first child later in life (after age 30) will also eventually achieve a higher completed fertility, compared with the previous cohorts. This study analysed the changes in age-at-first-child-conditional fertility rates in Western Europe through three birth cohorts (1936–1940, 1946–1950 and 1956–1960). It was found that generations where recuperation is first evident (1956–1960 cohort) are characterized by comparatively higher fertility of late age-at-first-child women. This characteristic is not found in Eastern Europe, where ages at first birth and cohort fertility remained fairly constant across the cohorts analysed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:05:37','2017-07-28 13:50:33','','Waiting'),(2900,'The Geographic Context of Political Attitudes among Migrant-Origin Individuals in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines political trust and government satisfaction among migrant-origin individuals in Europe. While much of the current literature on migrant political attitudes focuses on the positive or negative ramifications of individual-level integration outcomes, the author takes a different approach. He claims that the best way to understand political trust and government satisfaction among migrant-origin individuals is through the strong positive correlation with trust and satisfaction among native-origin individuals in the same subnational region. One implication of this argument is that migrant-origin individuals\' trust and satisfaction are closer to native-origin individuals living in the same subnational region than to migrants living elsewhere in Europe. The research provides a new perspective for understanding the broad contours of migrant integration and shifts the debate away from whether or not migrants have positive attitudes about European society. The fact that migrant- and native-origin individuals have similar levels of trust and satisfaction is suggestive of successful attitudinal integration, irrespective of whether those attitudes are positive or negative. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:07:37','2017-07-28 13:58:20','','Waiting'),(2901,'Reduction of Income Inequality and Subjective Well-Being in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using four waves of the European Social Survey (179,273 individuals from 29 countries) the authors analyze the association of reduction of income inequality by governmental taxes and transfers (redistribution) with subjective well-being. Their results provide evidence that people in Europe are negatively affected by income inequality, whereas reduction of inequality has a positive effect on well-being. Since the authors simultaneously estimate the effects of income inequality and its reduction, their results might indicate that not only the outcome (inequality), but also the procedure (redistribution) that leads to the outcome influences subjective well-being. Their results also show that the positive effect of redistribution is stronger for less affluent members of the society and left-wing oriented individuals. While post-government inequality seems to have no significant effect in Western Europe, its impact is negative and highly significant in Eastern Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:18:04','2017-07-28 15:58:25','','Waiting'),(2902,'The Demand Side of Support for Radical Right Parties','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines the link between individual attitudes and voting for radical right parties in 16 European countries, using the European Social Survey (ESS). This study includes, in a single model, several different components of the radical right political platform in order to test which components are more strongly found among radical right voters. Using the initial assumption that the anti-immigrant message of radical right parties should be attractive to individuals with similar predispositions, I use the ESS to find evidence that radical right voters are attracted to these parties because of the political message of immigration attitudes and anti-democratic attitudes. Further, depending on the context, social conservatism is associated with radical right support. In sum, radical right support is based on multiple factors with immigration attitudes as the primary consideration, with populism and social conservatism playing a minor but significant role.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:20:28','2017-07-28 16:23:03','','Waiting'),(2903,'It can happen here: the impact of the Mumbai terror attacks on public opinion in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Do terror attacks have an impact on public opinion, even if the terror attacks happen far away? We exploit the fact that the fourth round of the European Social Survey was conducted in several West European countries at the time of the 2008 terror attacks in Mumbai, India, in order to identify the causal effect of the Mumbai attacks on public opinion. We identify a clear jump in fear of terrorism at home as a consequence of the terror attacks, but despite the increase in fear of terrorism, we find no significant effect of the attack on support for illiberal interrogation techniques or for liberal immigration policies. We do find indications of a shift in conservative direction on the left–right scale, but this shift is not significant in all time windows. Our findings suggest that a terror attack needs to have a very large impact on the fear of terrorism before people change their policy preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:23:30','2017-07-28 16:35:57','','Waiting'),(2904,'Styles of Representation, Policy Congruence and Expectations about Democracy: Parties and Party Voters','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is twofold. First I examine how different styles of representation emphasised within parties explain how well their voters’ expectations about democracy are fulfilled. Second I examine whether party voters’ expectations about democracy are better fulfilled when policy congruence between parties and their voters is high. Styles of representation are defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, trustees or delegates. Policy congruence is defined as how close parties are to their voters on the left right scale. For voters expectations about democracy I use questions from the European Social Survey, round 6. There respondents were asked first about how important various factors are for democracy (such as free and fair elections) and next about the status of those same factors in their respective country. The distance between what is important for democracy and the status reflects how well voters’ expectations about democracy are fulfilled. Very early and preliminary findings indicate that the more the partisan style is emphasised within parties, the better voters’ expectations about democracy are fulfilled. For the role of delegates the relation is reverse, the more that style is emphasised the worse are voters expectation about democracy fulfilled, while the style trustees does not seem to have an impact. Furthermore, the more policy congruence between parties and party voters, the better are voters’ expectations about democracy fulfilled. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:30:45','2017-07-28 17:08:36','','Waiting'),(2905,'Ethnic identity and labor-market outcomes of immigrants in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We study the relationship between ethnic identity and labor-market outcomes of non-EU immigrants in Europe. Using the European Social Survey, we find that there is a penalty to be paid for immigrants with a strong identity. Being a first generation immigrant leads to a penalty of about 17 percent while second-generation immigrants have a probability of being employed that is not statistically different from that of natives. However, when they have a strong identity, second-generation immigrants have a lower chance of finding a job than natives. Our analysis also reveals that the relationship between ethnic identity and employment prospects may depend on the type of integration and labor-market policies implemented in the country where the immigrant lives. More flexible labor markets help immigrants to access the labor market but do not protect those who have a strong ethnic identity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:35:31','2017-07-28 17:21:04','','Waiting'),(2906,'European Civil Societies Compared. Typically German - Typically French?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'According to the ‘social origin theory’ of civil society studies (Salamon and Anheier, Voluntas, 9(3): 213–248 (1998)), the nonprofit sector of today constitutes a ‘repository of former societal struggles and conflicts’. Correspondingly, nonprofits are embedded in administrative and organizational settings, which in many cases date as far back as the latter half of the 19th century—a time when industrialisation and urbanisation started to exert influence in the western world. France and Germany stand for very different societal traditions, political legacies and administrative structures. Traditionally, France is a highly centralized country in which local governments do not enjoy much autonomy. In contrast, Germany is a federalized country where self-government of local communities was introduced as early as at the beginning of the 19th century. Against this background, it comes as a surprise that, aside from few exceptions, the nonprofit sectors in the two countries are very similar. How does this come? We argue that the reason why the French nonprofit sector of today is very similar to the German nonprofit sector is closely linked to the growth of the welfare state in the two countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:38:21','2017-08-08 16:56:11','','Waiting'),(2907,'Trade Union Decline and What Next: Is Germany a Special Case? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper commences with a survey of international trends in union membership, union density and collective bargaining, while focusing on the comparative position of trade unions in Germany. The  author considers three hypotheses concerning the development of unionism in recent decades. The first one is that globalisation and structural change in the  economy and labour market pull all countries towards a  neo-liberal convergence of which union decline is one manifestation. The second predicts that resilient national institutions of collective bargaining and union-employer cooperation enable continued divergence in unionization levels across Western economies. The third one, which seems particularly relevant for Germany, states that feedback mechanisms from internal diversity among both employers and workers trigger processes of institutional destabilisation and decline from which both employers associations and unions suffer. In the final part of the paper the author gives a number of theoretical and empirical reasons why reversing union decline is very difficult and presents  a major challenge for unions in Germany and elsewhere.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:41:59','2017-08-08 17:13:35','','Waiting'),(2908,'Information Frictions and Labor Market Outcomes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We analyze the impact of information frictions on workers\' wages, contributing to the literature that tested search theory, which has so far focused on labor market frictions in general and not specifically on information asymmetries. Using data for 16 countries from the European Social Survey 2008, we find a sizeable gap between workers\' perceptions of the unemployment rate and the actual unemployment rate in the country, which is a meaningful indicator of their misperception of labor market tightness. To handle the interval nature of our outcome of interest, the earnings variable, we estimate interval regressions, as well as ordered probit models. We follow a threefold strategy to tackle potential endogeneity problems, as the model includes: controls for the worker\'s ability; country-specific fixed effects; the unemployment rate in the region of residence, which might be the benchmark respondents have in mind when reporting their perception of the national unemployment rate and which is known to influence regional wages. Results show that when subjective perceptions overstate the unemployment rate in the country, a one percentage point gap between the perceived and the actual unemployment rate reduces individual wages by 0.4 to 0.7 percent. We discuss a potential mechanism generating this result. A pessimistic view of the labor market leads to concern over own future employment prospects and is thus likely to lower reservation wages; a too optimistic view, in turn, could raise reservation wages, but it would render job finding more difficult.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:45:53','2017-08-09 10:39:38','','Waiting'),(2909,'The Direct and Indirect Impact of Religion on Well-Being in Germany','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A European Social Survey (ESS)-based study of Clark and Lelkes on the European level showed a double positive connection between religion and life-satisfaction: not only did a personal involvement have a positive impact, but there was also a regional externality. Even atheists seemed to be happier in areas with many religious people. However, the regional structure of the ESS can be seen as methodologically doubtful. We therefore replicated the study with more rich German data. In our study we confirm the positive individual effect of religion, but we did find a negative regional externality. However, further analysis revealed, this was an effect of an omitted variable: the degree of urbanization. In a more detailed approach we show that this effect is confined to areas with a protestant majority. We conclude that the positive degree of urbanization influence on life-satisfaction is presumably due to the chance for more political participation in the (protestant) city states in Germany. Adapted from the source document.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-07 12:48:10','2017-08-09 10:47:12','','Waiting'),(2911,'Measuring income in comparative social survey research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Die Verfasser stellen Fragen und Ergebnisse zur Einkommensmessung in zwei internationalen Umfrageprojekten vor, dem European Community Household Panel und dem European Social Survey. Vorgelegt werden Ergebnisse für Deutschland, Großbritannien, Italien und Luxemburg. Die Verfasser diskutieren fünf Merkmale, die einen Einfluss auf die Qualität der Antworten haben können: Haushaltsgröße, Stellung des Antwortenden in der Familie, Haupteinkommensquelle, Zusammensetzung des Einkommens, kognitive Fähigkeit des Befragten, sich an das Einkommen zu erinnern. Abschließend wird nach der optimalen Bestimmung der Einkommensklassen für Untersuchungen in verschiedenen Ländern gefragt. (ICE). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 09:15:27','2017-08-09 10:51:06','','Waiting'),(2912,'For an integrated poverty and living conditions indicator system (IPOLIS) database','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper is to provide a general conceptual framework, as well as to set up a structure for the Integrated Poverty and Living Conditions Indicator System (IPOLIS). The paper will also serve as the basis of the forthcoming methodological and data infrastructure reports on three age groups: children, youth and older people. These latter papers will aim at defining the detailed, indicator level structure of IPOLIS, as well as at providing all the necessary inputs (data, metadata, etc.) for both the database and the visualization tool. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 09:27:20','2017-08-09 11:12:29','','Waiting'),(2913,'The effect of individual characteristics on reports of socially desirable attitudes toward immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this short chapter we take advantage of a designed survey experiment from the European Social Survey (ESS) round 3 in Germany. Using structural equation models (SEM), we separate both random and systematic measurement errors from social desirability and investigate whether covariates such as ideology, fear of losing one’s job, age, sex, and education affect both the amount of socially desirable behavior and attitudes toward immigrants. The first section will discuss the data and methods used. We then present the results and a short conclusion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 09:33:29','2017-08-09 12:14:12','','Waiting'),(2914,'Conventional political participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this chapter, the frequency and determinants of conventional political participation in France and Germany will be analysed, using data from the European Social Survey (ESS). While the two countries differ in the nature of their politial systems, they are, in fact, Europe\'s core nations (Huntington 198: 135) and belong to the four \"major powers among Western democracies\" (Dalton 2006: 4). Furthermore, both countries are driving forces behind European integration propelled by the European Union (EU), a transnational political system neglecting responsiveness in favour of effectiveness through its lack of openness for citizen participation (Dahl 1994: 28ff). If the EU is to be more responsive to citizen demands, one might expect that pressure has to come from its core. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 09:39:26','2017-08-09 16:12:45','','Waiting'),(2915,'Subjective well-being in Germany: Evolutions, determinants and policy implications','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In recent years, research on happiness or more generally subjective well-being has attracted much interest, not only in academe, but also in the media and national and supra-national policy making. The booming research on subjective well-being has resulted in numerous findings on patterns, correlates, causes and behavioural consequences of subjective well-being, many of them finding their way into public debates on individual as well as policy implications. Although Germany looks back to a long tradition of measuring, monitoring and reporting subjective well-being, primarily as part of social indicators and quality of life research 1 , issues of happiness and subjective well-being are currently not at the centre of the political debate in this country. Obviously policy makers in Germany seem to be more reluctant to embark on this issue than in some other countries. Notably in the United Kingdom research on subjective well-being has become prominent at the agendas of political think tanks (New Economics Foundation 2004) as well as governmental agencies (Donovan, Halpern and Sergeant 2003; Jackson 2009) and has played a major role in the public debate in the UK in recent years. On the other hand, the policy implications of \"happiness research\" have been controversial from the beginning and continue to be subject of academic as well as public dispute. This chapter aims to analyse subjective well-being in Germany with a view to identifying typical patterns and characteristics as well as particularities of the situation in this country compared to others. The major part of the chapter focuses on a cross-sectional analysis of correlates and determinants of various dimensions of subjective well-being, including happiness. For selected dimensions of subjective well-being the chapter also addresses changes across time and compares Germany from an international perspective with other European countries. The first part of our analysis will characterise the societal context in terms of welfare state type and objective living conditions, against which subjective well-being will be considered. In a concluding part some possible policy implications of the research results on subjective well-being in Germany will be discussed.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 09:42:32','2017-08-09 16:18:50','','Waiting'),(2916,'What Determines Citizens’ Normative Conception of Their Civic Duties','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter asks two empirical questions. The first descriptive question asks how citizens in contemporary European democracies define their social and political obligations. In dealing with this question, it begins by comparing the mass publics in various European democracies in terms of the strength of their allegiance to the aforementioned social and political obligations. The second question is explanatory. The issue addressed is which factors impact upon the strength of citizens\' allegiances to various civic obligations. In this analysis, the chapter looks into explanatory factors at two levels: individual factors and national factors. It also develops some hypotheses, which helps us identify potentially important factors from both levels of analysis and, provides theoretically plausible expectations regarding the possible impact of these factors. The chapter concentrates on civic obligations; to be more precise it deals with citizen\'s normative conceptions about the obligations inherent in their role as citizen.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 09:47:16','2017-08-09 16:32:41','','Waiting'),(2917,'Images of the immigrant: European public opinion and immigration','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Migration is now regarded as a security issue, both in public debate and government policies. In turn, the phenomenon of detention as a governance practice has emerged, and the developing presence of camps in Europe for migrants has given rise to a tangle of new and complex issues. This book examines the phenomenon of irregular immigration, and provides a comprehensive picture of the practices and the implications of detention of migrants within and the European Union. It analyses ‘detention’ as a tool of governance and in doing so explores several key themes: the security threat for Europe the security governance processes enacted to handle irregular immigration the forms of detention in different geographical contexts the effectiveness of the EU’s approach to the issue. The EU, Migration and the Politics of Administrative Detention will be of interest to students and scholars of the EU’s external relations, migration, human rights, European politics and security studies. © 2014 Selection and editorial material Michela Ceccorulli and Nicola Labanca. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 09:55:16','2017-08-09 16:46:15','','Waiting'),(2918,'Comparing basic human values in East and West Germany','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Ausgehend von vergleichenden Arbeiten von Heiner Meulemann, der eine \"innere Mauer in Ostdeutschland\" diagnostiziert hat, prüfen Autoren die von Shalom Schwartz (1992) vorgelegte Theorie grundlegender menschlicher Werte im deutsch-deutschen Vergleich unter Verwendung des European Social Survey (ESS 2002-2007). Werte werden dabei als im Lebensverlauf relativ stabile Dispositionen von Individuen betrachtet. Aus ihren allgemeinen Überlegungen leiten die Autoren ganz spezifische Hypothesen zu den einzelnen Werten in Schwartz\' Zirkumplexmodell ab. So werden für Ostdeutsche höhere Mittelwerte für Universalismus und Wohlwollen, für Macht ebenso wie für Sicherheit, Konformität und Tradition erwartet. Für Westdeutsche erwarten die Autoren umgekehrt höhere Mittelwerte für Selbstbestimmung und Hedonismus. Die größten Differenzen finden sie für den Wert Sicherheit, der deutlich stärkere Zustimmung in Ostdeutschland erfährt. Ähnliches gilt für Konformität und Tradition. Die Autoren kommen mit Blick auf ein \"Land mit zwei Kulturen\" zu dem Schluss, dass bestehende Unterschiede durch die Zeit vor der Wiedervereinigung erklärbar sind, ansonsten aber gering und bedeutungslos ausfallen. Der Beitrag zeigt methodisch anhand eines in der vergleichenden Sozialforschung inzwischen etablierten Messinstruments die Möglichkeiten standardisierter Vergleiche und quantitativer Analyseverfahren auf, demonstriert aber insbesondere auch die Bedeutung der Tests auf Messinvarianz\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 10:01:42','2017-08-09 16:53:38','','Waiting'),(2919,'Self-perceived job insecurity across Europe over time. Does changing context matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Self-perceived job insecurity is characterised by a considerable variation across European countries; this is mostly attributed to different labour market conditions and welfare-state institutions. In addition to the previous, often static examination of these determinants, this study asks how labour market dynamics and changes in welfare-state interventions are linked to individuals\' perceptions of job insecurity. It is argued that the changing context represents a set of shared experiences that serves as a frame of reference for the perception of job insecurity. Hence, time series of context indicators provided by Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and data from the European Social Survey are used to conduct multilevel analyses. The results reveal that job insecurity is dynamic, as it increases in countries facing an economic crisis, such as Greece, but decreases in countries with prosperous development like Poland. Furthermore, the results reveal that the past development of the labour market and changes in welfare-state interventions contribute to the explanation of individuals\' perceptions of job insecurity. The response to these changes differs, however, depending on the dimension of job insecurity and the socioeconomic characteristics of the workers.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 10:03:57','2017-08-09 17:12:16','','Waiting'),(2920,'The Loneliness of the Unemployed: Social and Political Participation in Germany in a European Context','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The economic and social crisis highlights the importance of social connections, as they could potentially function as a sort of ”personal safety net“. These connections can provide social support, access to information, informal help or jobs, emotional support (Coleman 1990), and may deeply affect an individual’s ability to cope with job loss or declining incomes. On a social level, political activities, volunteering, helping each other, keeping a promise or telling the truth, are the “cement of society”. It becomes critically importantin a social climate of increasing uncertainty and risk. This article focuses on social and political participation indicators, including trust, social meetings, political activities and social isolation. We present Germany in a European context, and also compare the situation of specific social groups in Germany. The unemployed are particularly exposed to social isolation: about one out of eight German unemployed have no close friend at all. In addition, they are less likely to be politically active, which reduces their interest representation potentials.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 10:10:09','2017-08-10 11:13:51','','Waiting'),(2921,'Labour market flexibility in Europe: Informal employment, employment policies and their impact on health equity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This factsheet summarises the main findings of a literature review – Labour market flexibility in Europe: Informal employment, employment policies and their impact on health equity – which looked at:  how informal employment is defined and measured in high-income countries the prevalence of informal employment in high-income countries which employment-related policies (related to unemployment, precarious and informal employment) have been implemented in the European Union, and the impact of these policies on health inequalities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 10:19:58','2017-08-10 14:19:36','','Waiting'),(2922,'Left-wing Outsiders, Left-out Insiders. Labour market dualization and party identification in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Paper prepared for the 21st International Conference of Europeanists.\nWashington, D.C. March 14-16, 2014\nPreliminary draft. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 10:25:13','2017-08-10 14:24:33','','Waiting'),(2923,'Country-Specific Life Satisfaction Effects of Unemployment: Does Labour Market Policy Matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Public policy shapes the lives of individuals, and even more so if they depend on state support. But to what extent can well-being differences between individuals living in different European states be traced back to the specific national public policy designs? This paper tests the intervening effects of the design and generosity of labour market policy on the life satisfaction of the unemployed. To estimate cross-level interaction effects in random intercept models, macro-indicators on active labour market policy spending and unemployment benefit generosity of 21 European countries are merged with survey data from the European Social Survey (ESS). While unemployment has strong negative life satisfaction effects all over Europe, the generosity of passive labour market policy moderates this effect to a surprisingly large extent: The adverse effect of unemployment is almost doubled in a country with meagre unemployment benefits. This moderating effect can be explained both by a resource as well as a non-pecuniary mechanism. In contrast, the moderating effect of active labour market policy is less robust across model specifications.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 10:28:09','2017-08-10 14:31:09','','Waiting'),(2925,'Subjective Quality of Life of Young Europeans. Feeling Happy but who Knows why?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Latest developments in modern societies have altered living circumstances. Upcoming insecurities concerning employment and family relationships make life more and more incalculable. Especially young adults throughout the modern world are forced to rethink their life concepts and to desist from the lives of former generations. As difficulties to achieve a successful life increase, one could assume that the young are confronted with the impossibility of feeling happy and satisfied with their lives anymore. Yet, latest social surveys prove wrong. Although increasing unemployment, lower net income and single parenthood make life more difficult for the young, they still enjoy very high subjective quality of life in comparison to the older population. Throughout the paper I argue that it is not the objective conditions that make young adults (15–29 years old) feel overwhelmingly happy. Looking for other sources of explanation of high quality of life among people aged 29 or below, I argue for indicators of social embeddedness as being influential on their assessment of life. But again, the proportion of explained variance is smaller compared to older people. With the help of empirical data taken from the European Social Survey I highlight the differences in life circumstances between the young and the total population. Concerning occupation, habitation (kind of inhabited household) and financial situation, most of the young live under different situations compared to the adult world. But surprisingly, the rates of perceived high quality of life among the young do not vary to such a large extent as among the adults. I show that young adults, often damned to fail social demands because of their withdrawal from social life, are still the most happy in modern (more and more individualizing?) societies. But it gets more difficult to account for the reasons of their happiness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 10:40:07','2017-08-10 15:03:47','','Waiting'),(2926,'Microeconometric Analyses of Market and Non-Market Labor Supply','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The dissertation deals with various aspects of the labor supply decisions of individuals and households. Not only the work offer but also forms of unpaid work, such as voluntary activities, are considered. The first part of the work deals with the labor market participation of women. To this end, Chapter 2 examines the labor market transitions of mothers after the birth of their child, while Chapter 3 deals with work of migrant women in Europe. In the second part of the thesis the perspective is expanded by forms of unpaid labor. Chapter 4 deals with the offer of voluntary work and its connection with individual donation. Finally, the last chapter deals with the choice of the labor choice decisions of couples, in particular the influence of the time allocation of one partner on the time allocation of the other partner is examined.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 10:47:59','2017-08-10 15:10:25','','Waiting'),(2927,'Does desire for social status promote solidarity? Investigating the role of egalitarian versus inegalitarian societal contexts','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research has shown that solidarity – contributions to the wellbeing of others – is often rewarded with social status. This can give status seekers (i.e. people interested in elevated position in the social hierarchy) motivation to help others. However, the reputational gains resulting from solidarity can differ across societies. The objective of this paper is to study whether desire for social status promotes solidarity, and how societal context moderates this relationship. The study is based on individual-level data (N=161 727) from the European Social Survey that combines six waves of cross-sectional surveys collected in 27 countries over the period of 2002 to 2012. The results show that there is a strong positive relationship between status seeking and solidarity. However, the positive association is stronger in inegalitarian societies characterized by higher income inequality and lower governmental welfare effort. This suggests that the reputational gains of solidarity might be higher in inegalitarian societal contexts, as compared to egalitarian contexts. The combination of between- and within-country over-time empirical evidence adds to the strength of these findings.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 10:54:29','2017-08-10 16:17:35','','Waiting'),(2928,'Union citizenship as demoi -cratic institution: increasing the EU\'s subjective legitimacy through supranational citizenship? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study analyses the European Union\'s (EU\'s) citizenship regime as a demoi-cratic institution. It explores the effect of supranational citizenship on subjective legitimacy and focuses particularly on special access to the political system that is granted to moving EU citizens. The first section critically reviews the EU\'s citizenship regime as a model of gradual citizenship. Based on that, the second section examines the effects of EU citizenship status on subjective legitimacy, measured as political efficacy and satisfaction with democracy. It is argued that gradual political membership fosters political efficacy and satisfaction with democracy in national political systems. The empirical study examines perceptional differences at the most aggregate level and tests them against factors at the individual and contextual levels. The results provide evidence for the postulated effects on efficacy and point to the importance of domestic policies regulating access to the political system for the effects on efficacy and satisfaction with democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 10:59:20','2017-08-10 16:27:18','','Waiting'),(2929,'Human capital and the gender gap in authority in European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article, we investigate why women are less likely than men to hold a position of workplace authority and why countries differ in this respect. We focus on the importance of investments in different types of human capital and the returns on them. Whether leave policies, the availability of part-time work, and gender desegregation in education contribute to the explanation of cross-national differences in the gender gap in authority is also investigated. Data from the European Social Survey 2004/05 and country-specific information were used to estimate several hierarchical models. Looking at Europe as a whole, we find evidence that overall work experience, experience with the current employer, and working hours help explain the gender gap in authority. In contrast, educational specialization and career interruptions due to childcare demands or unemployment appear to matter less. Lower returns on human capital for women are found only for the experience with the current employer. Human capital composition in different countries does not explain cross-national differences in the authority gender gap, nor do leave arrangements and gender segregation in education. We do find, though, that the gender gap in authority is smaller in countries where working part-time is common.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 11:02:47','2017-08-10 16:35:11','','Waiting'),(2930,'Two theories on the test bench: Internal and external validity of the theories of Ronald Inglehart and Shalom Schwartz','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the last decades value research has produced a vast number of theoretical concepts. However, it is unclear how the different value theories relate to each other. This study makes a first step toward a systematic comparison of value theories. It focuses on the individual level of the two approaches that are, at present, probably the most prominent in international research - the theory of basic human values of Shalom Schwartz and the postmodernization theory of Ronald Inglehart. Using data from the World Value Survey and the European Social Survey for West Germany we assess both the internal and the external validity of the two accounts. The results indicate that both value theories have different strengths and weaknesses. Whereas the Inglehart account has lower internal and weaker construct validity, the Schwartz account is somewhat less consistent in its predications. Nevertheless, both value conceptions are able to explain a substantial share of variation in specific attitudes and behavior. [Copyright Elsevier Inc.]',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 11:17:10','2017-08-10 16:39:42','','Waiting'),(2931,'Bounded Communities of Solidarity: Union Membership and Support for Redistribution in Contemporary Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article addresses an understudied question in the comparative political economy of migration. How have trade unions shaped the attitudes of their members toward immigration? Unions are at the core of left-wing politics in most European countries, and support for immigration is usually a left-wing position. However, many of the core constituents of unions are those whose interests are most likely to be adversely affected by an increase in the supply of labour. The article shows that the pattern of European trade union leaders becoming supportive of open immigration policies has solidified over the past decade. It then provides evidence that this rhetoric has shaped the attitudes of union members and that the effect has become stronger over time. Finally, it shows that the effect is robust to the exclusion of countries where self-selection into unions on the basis of ideology is likely to be strongest.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 11:21:02','2017-08-10 17:09:35','','Waiting'),(2932,'Terrorism and Attitudes Towards Immigration in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A growing body of literature examines the effects that terrorist incidents have on the formation of individual attitudes and beliefs. This paper examines whether terrorism affects the formation of individual attitudes towards immigration and immigrants. To tackle the issue at hand, the paper utilises data from the European Social Survey for 10 European Union countries for the years 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008 and 2010. In order to capture the multidimensional nature of individual (anti)immigrant sentiment, Polychoric Principal Components Analysis is utilised in order to derive a continuous index of individual immigrant-related sentiment that incorporates various different immigrant-related specific views. We examine the impact of mega-terrorist attacks that have captured world attention with lasting ramifications and occurred before each wave of the European Social Survey. We choose events that involved either western citizens as victims and/or the attributes of the perpetrators such as religion are akin to those that many immigrants in EU countries have. A wide range of individual demographic, economic and labour market characteristics are also controlled for in the analysis.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 11:37:24','2017-08-11 12:19:46','','Waiting'),(2933,'Legitimization in 21 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analyses of sources of legitimization bear, mostly, on theoretical reflection. My focus here is to assess underpinnings of legitimacy in a quantitative way. This is an empirical study which examines determinants of subjective legitimization of government and social system in 21 European societies. Data come from first edition of European Social Survey carried out on national random samples in 2002. Legitimization is defined in terms of support for government, democracy, and economic policy of state given by respondents in answering research questions. My analyses aim, first, to assess relative \"level\" of legitimization throughout analyzed societies. Second, various sets of individual measures of social characteristics and attitudes are employed in order to establish some universal rules of requirements of legitimacy. These findings are discussed in reference to most recent hypotheses concerning effect on legitimization of the welfare state and decreasing confidence and trust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-11 11:49:26','2017-08-11 12:26:54','','Waiting'),(2934,'Gender Roles, Gender (In)equality and Fertility: An Empirical Test of Five Gender Equity Indices','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The division of gender roles in the household and societal level gender (in)equality have been situated as one of the most powerful factors underlying fertility behaviour. Despite continued theoretical attention to this issue by demographers, empirical research integrating gender roles and equity in relation to fertility remains surprisingly sparse. This paper first provides a brief review of previous research that has examined gender roles and fertility followed by a comparison of six prominent gender equality indices: Gender-related Development Index (GDI), Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM), Gender Gap Index (GGI), Gender Equality Index (GEI), the European Union Gender Equality Index (EU-GEI) and the Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI). The paper then tests how five of these indices impact fertility intentions and behaviour using a series of multilevel (random-coefficient) logistic regression models, applying the European Social Survey (2004/5). The GDI, with its emphasis on human development, adjusted for gender, has the strongest and significant effect on fertility intentions. The EU-GEI, which focuses on the universal caregiver model, uncovers that more equity significantly lowers fertility intentions, but only for women. The remaining indicators show no significant impact. The paper concludes with a reflection and suggestions for future research.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 09:17:46','2017-08-11 12:35:49','','Waiting'),(2935,'Diverse Workplaces and Interethnic Friendship Formation — A Multilevel Comparison across 21 OECD Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We study how workplace diversity affects how native-born populations form interethnic friendship relations. Drawing on network elasticity research, the relationship between functional and cognitive interdependencies, and intergroup contact theory, we argue that diverse workplaces—because they restrict individuals\' opportunities to act on tendencies towards homophily more than other social units—have a particularly strong potential for integration. We test our argument by analysing data from the first round of the European Social Survey with multilevel modelling. In line with expectations, we find that individuals who work at diverse workplaces are more likely than individuals who work at homogenous workplaces to have immigrant friends; that workplace diversity is more efficacious than neighbourhood diversity in generating interethnic friendship relations; and that the association between workplace diversity and the likelihood of having immigrant friends is stronger among individuals who have a low level of education, feel economically vulnerable, and who live in countries characterized by relative resource scarcity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 09:21:50','2017-08-11 12:45:13','','Waiting'),(2936,'Crime and Social Indicators: Measuring the Association and Comparing Trends','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Measuring crime in Europe is problematic because many different legal concept definitions and statistic collect ing practices have been embraced in each country. In recent years, numerous efforts have been made to further this overarching goal and today, there are sources that present more comparable information on crime in Europe. At the same time, the European Union has produced broadly agreed upon structural indicators , called ‘social indicators’, to systematically report, monitor, and analyze living conditions and quality of life. These indicators help to contextualize crime by describing and rel ating to today’s European realities. On the basis of three macro theoretical paradigm indicators (the civilization theory, modernization theory, and opportunity theory), a set of social indicators will be selected and cross-examined with crime rates recorded in Europe. This endeavour will first test the relationship between the social indicators and different types of crimes in order to assess the validity of the theoretical frameworks across Europe as a whole. Second, it will identify a set of risk factors for the selected types of crimes. After that, using advanced statistical techniques (cluster analyses) to identify homogeneous sets of countries across Europe, the comparison will take into account the evolution of crime levels in two selected, averaged periods between 1990 and 2007. Crime trends will be compared and cross- checked with social indicator tendencies to explain crime variations over time. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 09:35:32','2017-08-11 15:29:42','','Waiting'),(2937,'The use of media and social divisions. Poles\' media competences from a relational perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A description of varied and always contextualised practices of using different media, relevant for individuals with varying levels of capital (economic, social and cultural). We are aiming at a type of “snapshot” of Poles’ communication practices in 2013 – rooted, however, in a reasonably wide social context, encompassing spheres of life such as professional activities and individually defined life priorities. Our aim is also to deepen the quantitative description of segments distinguished in the European Social Survey (If the conclusion of the ESS is that individuals with different levels of capital use media in different ways, we would like to delve deeper into this matter and offer possible explanatory hypotheses) ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 09:40:37','2017-08-11 15:38:42','','Waiting'),(2939,'Regional benchmarking in the smart specialisation process: Identification of reference regions based on structural similarity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Regional benchmarking can be of great help in making strategic decisions within the process of the design and implementation of regional Research and Innovation Strategies for Smart Specialisation (RIS3). It can help positioning a region with respect to other regions in Europe and facilitate policy learning based on the transfer of good practices across borders. One of the most basic conditions required for drawing lessons from regional benchmarking is to compare homogeneous regions and learn from equivalents. This paper aims to provide a new methodology for the identification of homogeneous regions for regional benchmarking; identifying groups of homogeneous regions using variables that are similar in nature; focusing solely on structural conditions, thereby overcoming the flaws produced by mixing variables of a different nature (comparing structural indicators with performance and/or behavioural indicators).\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 09:54:48','2017-08-11 16:51:48','','Waiting'),(2941,'Reforms without Trust and Legitimacy? The Price of Vulnerability in Southern and Central-Eastern Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The global financial crisis and the subsequent Euro area debt crisis have led to new political challenges for the European Union, especially in the domain of welfare policies. This paper analyzes the effects of political institutions and societal preferences on the crisis management reactions of political elites in the more vulnerable EU member states. It explores two typical mechanisms diverting the democratic procedures from their usual stream, mainly in Southern and Central-Eastern European countries: an increasing delegation of power to non-elected economic policy experts and the strengthening of populist political leaders. The causal explanation reveals that the most important factors of the legitimacy of the political elites’ crisis management reactions are the trust of citizens in political institutions, the intensity of political polarization and the attitudes of citizens towards welfare entitlements. Keywords: politics of crisis management, legitimacy, trust in political institutions, delegation of power, populism, polarization, welfare policy ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 10:10:32','2017-08-11 17:09:19','','Waiting'),(2942,'Where You Come From or Where You Live? Examining the Cultural and Institutional Explanation of Generalized Trust Using Migration as a Natural Experiment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'By utilizing the natural experiment of migration, this article attempts to answer whether generalized trust in other people is the result of cultural heritage or institutional quality. Looking at immigrants having migrated from a broad range of countries of origin to destination countries in Western Europe, I examine how their generalized trust is affected by the culture of their country of origin (in terms of the level of trust of this country) as well as institutional quality in the country they have migrated to (in terms of freedom from corruption). The results show that controlling for confounding variables, both factors have a highly significant impact on trust and hence that generalized trust appears to have both cultural and institutional foundations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 10:19:40','2017-08-11 17:14:06','','Waiting'),(2943,'Life-cycle and political participation: Do young people participate differently due to the life stage in which they are?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the last decade, young people have been seen as the major suspects behind declining turnout rates, the desertion of parties\' grass roots members, a rising anti-party sentiment and the decline of associative life in Western democracies. But young people have always participated differently than adults. The general and classical assumption in political behavior is that young people participate less politically because of the life stage in which they are. The interest, resources, and networks necessary to overcome the costs of participation come with adults\' roles and responsibilities. However, a direct test of this widespread assumption does not confirm the expectation. On the contrary, acquiring adult roles has an overall negative impact on political participation in many European countries. To better understand the relationship between the transition to adulthood and political participation this paper proposes and tests the argument that the transition to adulthood requires some time to bring along those participatory factors, particularly at the beginning of the twenty-first century. A longitudinal comparative study across Europe is conducted paying particular attention to the construction of empirical tools that allow the comparison of the transition to adulthood and participation in an equivalent way across time, gender and countries. Results shed new light in how the life-cycle hypothesis actually works.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 10:29:47','2017-08-14 12:59:50','','Waiting'),(2944,'Intergenerational Educational Persistence in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Primarily using data from the 2010 European Social Survey, we analyze intergenerational educational persistence in 20 European countries, studying cross-country and cross-cluster differences in intergenerational mobility; the role of gender in determining educational persistence across generations; and changes in the degree of intergenerational persistence over time. We find that persistence is highest in the Southern and Eastern European countries, and lowest in the Nordic countries. While intergenera- tional persistence in the Nordic and Southern countries has declined over time, it has remained relatively steady in the rest of Europe. Further, we find evidence of differences in intergenerational persistence by gender, with mothers’ education being a stronger determinant of daughters’ (instead of sons’) education and fathers’ education a stronger determinant of the education of their sons. Finally we see that for most clusters differences over time are largely driven by increasing mobility for younger women. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 10:33:42','2017-08-14 13:25:49','','Waiting'),(2945,'Retirement Timing and Social Stratification: A Comparative Study of Labor Market Exit and Age Norms in Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The monograph disseminates the very topical issue of retirement and its timing as the key to one of the greatest challenges facing ageing societies. Postponing retirement is now almost universally regarded as indispensable in order to relieve European welfare states from the demography-related financial pressures. This seminal study, derived from a statistical analysis of a large-scale survey data, provides a thorough understanding of the micro- and macro-level determinants of retirement timing in contemporary Western Europe. The book is the first monograph to combine the analysis of the retirement attitudes with the analysis of the retirement behaviour within one research. It tackles the question as to whether early retirement can be explained by “early exit culture”, triangulating life course theory with a social stratification approach. The author used a novel and innovative approach to obtain the results. The methodology includes: tobit models of proscriptive age norms; simulations of the impact of class structure on a country’s average retirement age; competing risks models of different work-exit modalities; duration selection models of retirement timing.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 10:41:04','2017-08-14 15:49:21','','Waiting'),(2946,'Individualisation and the Development of Voluntary Activities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this article there will be discussed what may be lost by the trends of individualisation of voluntary activities concerning functions such as the creation of social capital, democracy, expression of opinions and service provision. Furthermore, there will be discussed how legal regulations may strengthen the trends of individualisation of voluntary activities. The empirical focus will be on Poland and Sweden. It is argued that individualisation changes voluntary activities which can partly diminish, and partly increase their ability to fulfil the above-mentioned functions. Furthermore, legal regulations differ and may accelerate processes of individualisation in Poland, but slow down these processes in Sweden.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 10:53:47','2017-08-14 15:52:26','','Waiting'),(2947,'Educated Preferences: Explaining Attitudes Toward Immigration in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent studies of individual attitudes toward immigration emphasize concerns about labor-market competition as a potent source of anti-immigrant sentiment, in particular among less-educated or less-skilled citizens who fear being forced to compete for jobs with low-skilled immigrants willing to work for much lower wages. We examine new data on attitudes toward immigration available from the 2003 European Social Survey. In contrast to predictions based on conventional arguments about labor-market competition, which anticipate that individuals will oppose immigration of workers with similar skills to their own but support immigration of workers with different skill levels, we find that people with higher levels of education and occupational skills are more likely to favor immigration regardless of the skill attributes of the immigrants in question. Across Europe, higher education and higher skills mean more support for all types of immigrants. These relationships are almost identical among individuals in the labor force (that is, those competing for jobs) and those not in the labor force. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, then, the connection between the education or skill levels of individuals and views about immigration appears to have very little, if anything, to do with fears about labor-market competition. This finding is consistent with extensive economic research showing that the income and employment effects of immigration in European economies are actually very small. We find that a large component of the link between education and attitudes toward immigrants is driven by differences among individuals in cultural values and beliefs. More educated respondents are significantly less racist and place greater value on cultural diversity than do their counterparts; they are also more likely to believe that immigration generates benefits for the host economy as a whole.The authors would like to thank Beth Simmons, Shigeo Herano, Mike Tomz, James Alt, Jeffry Frieden, Ron Rogowski, Ken Scheve, Torben Iversen, Andy Baker, and Peter Gourevitch for helpful comments on earlier drafts.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 11:04:04','2017-08-14 17:01:55','','Waiting'),(2948,'Impact of the crisis on industrial relations and working conditions in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report maps the impact of the global financial, economic and public debt crisis on industrial relations and working conditions at national level in the EU Member States from 2008 to end 2012. The impact of the crisis on industrial relations is mapped with regard to the actors, processes and outcomes. Working conditions, covering the EU27 and Norway, maps the impact on employment conditions, working time arrangements and work - life balance, work organisation and psychosocial risks and on health and well-being at work. It uses comparative national-level information and data from Eurofound\'s European Working Conditions Survey (EWCS) and European Quality of Life Survey (EQLS), the European Social Survey (ESS) and the EU Labour Force Surveys (EU LFS).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 11:13:45','2017-08-14 17:09:42','','Waiting'),(2949,'Family-Friendly Policies and Women’s Wages – Is There a Trade-Off? Skill Investments, Occupational Segregation and the Gender Pay Gap in Germany, Sweden and the UK','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent research has raised the hypothesis that there is a trade-off between the ‘family-friendliness’ of jobs, occupations and welfare states on the one hand and women ´s relative wages on the other. In particular, extensive family policies – as found in Scandinavia - are thought to harm high-educated women by affecting on-the-job training investments and occupational segregation. In this article we examine how workplace skill investments and occupational gender segregation impact on the gender wage gap among high- and low-educated groups, respectively. \nParallel analyses are carried out for Germany, Sweden and the UK, three countries representing different welfare states and family policy models. The analysis is based on OLS regressions with pooled wage data from the European Social Survey of 2004 and 2010 (n˜1 200-1 500 per country).\n\nThe results point to important differences between high- and low-educated employees, but provide no strong support for the mechanisms suggested in the trade-off hypothesis. In Sweden and Germany, the gender wage gap is considerably larger among the high educated; in the UK a large gap is found in both groups. Among the low educated, gendered returns to experience, 2 differential access to on-the-job training and occupational gender segregation explain the gender wage gap in Germany and approximately halves it in Sweden and the UK. Among the high educated, occupational segregation and on-the-job training explain very little of the wage gap.\nThe large and unexplained gender wage gap among the high-educated call for further analysis and theoretical development to better understand the mechanisms driving these inequalities. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 11:19:05','2017-08-15 09:28:34','','Waiting'),(2950,'Making a Difference: Political Efficacy and Policy Preference Construction','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How does individual political efficacy affect the construction of policy preferences? This article presents a model of individual-level politicization of policy preference, which draws on psychological and political explanations and posits that greater external political efficacy results in a stronger effect of political ideology on concrete policy preference. Two empirical studies that test this hypothesis are reported: an original survey experiment conducted in Israel, and an analysis that relies on the 2002 wave of the European Social Survey. The empirical findings support the hypothesis. In contrast to the established conviction that no association exists between political efficacy and policy preferences, these findings reveal that external political efficacy has a polarizing effect on expressed policy preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 11:22:56','2017-08-15 11:57:50','','Waiting'),(2951,'Attitudes to immigration and cultural diversity in Australia.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article considers Australian attitudes to immigration and cultural diversity. It argues that Australia and Canada are the most receptive to immigration among western nations. The average of 25 surveys conducted in Australia in the period 1999–2010 finds 52% in support of the current immigration level or in support of an increased intake, 43% in support of reduction, and 5% uncertain. While there can be no definitive measure of the level of strong opposition to cultural diversity, on the basis of a number of surveys conducted over the last 30 years, there are indications that the level is close to 10% of the population, with higher levels within specific demographics. Areas of high immigrant concentration present a complex picture. They are characterized by high levels of identification with Australia, but also lower levels of trust and sense of safety, lower levels of participation and heightened experience of discrimination. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 11:27:38','2017-04-12 11:27:38','','Waiting'),(2952,'Explaining Level and Equality of Political Participation. The Role of Social Capital, Socioeconomic Modernity, and Political Institutions.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter conducts a multi-level analysis of political participation for European countries. It analyzes two forms of political participation: voting as the most basic form of political participation and activities beyond voting covering conventional activities such as contacting politicians and unconventional activities like attending demonstrations. The chapter is organized as follows. First, it focuses on individual- level models of political participation. It combines determinants specified by the classic Civic Voluntarism Model (CVM) with factors described by social capital theory. Second, the chapter is devoted to the contextual factors (socioeconomic modernization, political institutions and social system capital) and the specification of a multi-level model of political participation. The aim of both sections is to state hypotheses that explain the level as well as the socioeconomic inequality of electoral and non-electoral participation. The individual-level and multi-level empirical analyses are presented in the third section.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 11:35:23','2017-04-12 11:35:23','','Waiting'),(2953,'Social Capital and Political Trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter explores the macro- and micro-level determinants of political trust, with a focus on the role of social capital. It compares the level and structure of political trust in 21 European societies in 2002/2003. Then, it gives a short summary of the concept of social capital and its basic components and derives the basic hypotheses on the antecedents of political trust entailed in the concept of social capital. In order to assess the genuine explanatory power of the latter concept, additional factors emphasized in previous research needs to be taken into consideration. The most important ones are governmental performance and institutional integration. The chapter also estimates a micro-level explanatory model, using only social capital variables. Turning to multi-level analyses, it analyzes whether, to what degree and due to which particular variables, the explanatory power of the micro model can be improved, by additionally taking into account contextual variables.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-12 11:40:29','2017-04-12 11:40:29','','Waiting'),(2954,'Institutions, culture and migrants’ preferences for state-provided welfare. Longitudinal evidence from Germany','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the difference-in-differences estimator and data provided by the German Socio-Economic Panel, this article explores migrants’ preferences for state-provided welfare. The study finds evidence that over time, the preferences of immigrants and natives become more similar. We interpret this finding as evidence that the culture of home countries does not have a time-invariant effect, and that immigrants’ welfare preferences are subject to a socializing effect of the host countries’ welfare regime.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','alex@alexanderwschmidt.de','2017-04-13 10:35:56','2017-11-08 12:05:01','','Waiting'),(2955,'Exposure to self-reported occupational noise and diabetes – A cross-sectional relationship in 7th European Social Survey (ESS7, 2014)','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,' Objectives: Almost nothing is known about the effect of occupational noise on diabetes, and this is particularly relevant given the wide spread of both noise exposure and diabetes. This study has aimed to determine whether occupational noise exposure is associated with higher risk of diabetes in Europe. Material and Methods: This study is based on 7th European Social Survey (ESS7, 2014) – a multi-country population-based questionnaire survey, which covered 28 221 Europeans aged = 15 years old. Data on self-reported noise exposure, diabetes and other sociodemographic and work-related factors was available. The odds of prevalent diabetes were explored using unconditional logistic regression. Results: In the total sample (N = 23 486), participants ever exposed to very loud noise had no substantive increase in the odds of diabetes (odds ratio (OR) = 1.01, 95% confidence interval (CI): 0.78–1.32). There were subgroups with non-significantly increased odds: men (OR = 1.12, 95% CI: 0.87–1.45), the elderly (OR = 1.09, 95% CI: 0.91–1.31), ethnic minority members (OR = 1.55, 95% CI: 0.91–2.62), those with secondary education (OR = 1.05, 95% CI: 0.78–1.41) and those living in small cities/towns (OR = 1.07, 95% CI: 0.89–1.29). Low-skilled white-collar workers had OR = 1.34 (95% CI: 1.09–1.64). Among participants employed during the preceding 5 years the odds were OR = 1.24 (95% CI: 0.95–1.61). Conclusions: Self-reported occupational noise was not associated with increased odds of prevalent diabetes in the total sample. Sensitivity analyses revealed some subgroups with non-significantly higher odds. Our results suggest that further delve into the relationship between occupational noise and diabetes is feasible and warranted. Int J Occup Med Environ Health 2017;30(4) ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','angelleloti@gmail.com','2017-04-19 19:03:33','2017-11-02 13:58:15','','Waiting'),(2956,'Can we do it? Between acceptance and rejection of migration in Germany and Europe','Schaffen wir das? Zwischen Akzeptanz und Ablehnung von Immigration in Deutschland und Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the last two years hardly any other topic has shaped the public and political debate in Germany and Europe as much as the refugee debate. The enormous increase in immigrants and refugees presents not only the political elites of Europe with an immense challenge, but also arouses concern among European populations on how to absorb and integrate a large number of immigrants. The well-known statement \"We can do it!\" By the German Chancellor Angela Merkel, on the other hand, the sceptical, or even the hostile, voices and instruments emerging in many, are exemplary for the controversial standpoints regarding an appropriate immigration and refugee policy European countries are a symbol of the controversial point of views for an appropriate immigration and refugee policy in the form of \'PEGIDA\'. While these two extremes of a generous and a restrictive immigration and refugee policy, especially in the media, are subject to a certain prioritization, and thus result in the impression of increasingly polarized European societies, we have in the end scarcely overloaded and up-to-date empirical data how the acceptance and rejection of immigration in Germany and Europe are actually distributed and how differences in attitudes towards immigration can be explained.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lea.fobel@uni-bielefeld.de','2017-04-21 12:16:22','2017-11-08 12:33:59','','Waiting'),(2957,'The women’s health perception and the major risks factors ','La Percezione dello Stato di Salute delle Donne e Principali Fattori di Rischio',22,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In contradiction with the characteristic longevity of women, they show a worse health perception than men. The gender seems to be a key determinant of health perception, although, many factors could explain the gender gap in health: age, loneliness, lifestyle, social background, education, paid work, adaptability and response to stressful events. This study aims to analyze the relationship between the health perceived and disability, age, gender, level of education, marital status, income and  paid work,  in order to highlight the relationship between these variables and the gender gap in health perception. \nThe analysis was performed on European Social Survey database  from 2002 to 2012. It concern 291,385 respondents (46% men and 54% women) from 36 European countries, including Turkey and Israel. The study used the micro data of the last round of the European Social Survey ESS Round 6.Results show the existence of a strong relationship between family income and women\'s health. Women in the first seven deciles of income declare a poorer health than men . Besides, there is no gender gap for women in the last three deciles of income, if we compare them with men of the same economic group. By deciles of high income, the gender gap in health, than in those low appears to be patently against women, changes direction, this time to the detriment of men. Therefore, a favorable economic position seems to improve women\'s health perception, more than men’s one. Owning an middle-high income cancels the effect of the gender variable on perceived health.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'	These are the countries analyzed:\n\n	     Frequenza	               Percentuale\nAustria	        2405	                    3,8\nBelgium	        1869	                    3,0\nBulgaria	2260	                    3,6\nSwitzerland	1493	                    2,4\nCyprus	        1116	                    1,8\nCzech Republic	2009	                    3,2\nGermany	        2958	                    4,7\nDenmark	        1650	                    2,6\nEstonia	        2380	                    3,8\nSpain	        1889	                    3,0\nFinland	        2197	                    3,5\nFrance	        1968	                    3,1\nUnited Kingdom	2286	            3,6\nGreece	        2715	                    4,3\nCroatia	        1649	                    2,6\nHungary	        2014	                    3,2\nIreland	        2628	                    4,2\nIsrael	        2508	                    4,0\nIceland	         752	                    1,2\nItaly	         960	                    1,5\nLithuania	2109	                    3,3\nLuxembourg	1635	                    2,6\nNetherlands	1845	                    2,9\nNorway	        1624	                    2,6\nPoland	        1898	                    3,0\nPortugal	2151	                    3,4\nRussia	        2484	                    3,9\nSweden	        1847	                    2,9\nSlovenia	1257	                    2,0\nSlovakia	1847	                    2,9\nTurkey	        2416	                    3,8\nUkraine	        2178	                    3,5\nTotale	       62997	                  100,0\n','tiziana.lombardi@uniroma1.it','2017-04-21 19:08:08','2017-11-09 14:25:59','','Waiting'),(2958,'Popular Trust, Mistrust, and Approval: Measuring and Understanding Citizens’ Attitudes Toward Democratic Institutions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'High levels of political trust and approval are believed to be the basis of a healthy democracy. Attempts to gauge citizens’ political attitudes have flourished in the past decades, but political science has yet to converge on a valid – and cross-nationally comparable – measure of popular political approval. Meanwhile, from New York City’s Zucconi Park to Istanbul’s Gezi Park, from Madrid’s Puerta Del Sol to Cairo’s Tahrir square, popular political discontent is on the rise and historic manifestations of it remain difficult to interpret, reverse, or anticipate. The essays in this manuscript introduce a new measure of political approval and propose a different institutional interpretation of the determinants of political trust.\nThe first essay, “Individual Blank Voting, Mobilized Protest Voting, and Voting Abstention,” compares different forms of electoral dissent – individual blank voting, mobilized null voting, and voting abstention – across Italy and in the Basque Country of Spain. It demonstrates that the least studied of the three – blank voting – expresses the most conscious and educated rejection of political candidates, parties, and electoral systems.\nThe second essay, “Measuring Discontent and Predicting Trouble,” proposes the use of unconventional voting as a powerful alternative metric of popular electoral approval, by showing the existence of a systematic link between blank and null voting, and larger popular protests. I demonstrate that the rate of blank and null voting at the national level is a reliable proxy of larger popular discontent and an effective predictor of future protests. As such, it is comparable to other widely used measures of perceived electoral quality and popular approval, while being much less costly, time consuming, and with greater disaggregation potential.\nIn the last essay, “Corruption and Trust in Institutions, Evidence from Israel,” Noam Gidron and I exploit a natural experiment offered by Israel’s unique immigration law, which expedites naturalization for Jewish immigrants. We find that cultural norms, as shaped by levels of corruption in immigrants’ sending countries, affect only their initial levels of trust, while subsequent exposures to socially inclusive institutions (e.g., the military) shape a mature and more positive political attitude.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','cs3546@columbia.edu','2017-05-01 15:27:36','2017-11-10 10:09:27','','Waiting'),(2959,'Comparing Life Satisfaction of Immigrants and Natives Across Europe: The Role of Social Contacts','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on immigrants’ assimilation is widespread both in the U.S. and Europe. While it has been extensively studied how immigrants fare compared to natives on socio-economic indicators, few studies have focussed on immigrants’ perception of their position. In this paper we focus on comparing life satisfaction of immigrants and natives across Europe and on the role of social embeddedness. Using data from the first six rounds (2002–2012) of the European Social Survey, a repeated cross-sectional survey, we find that life satisfaction among immigrants is lower than among natives even though differences diminish over generations. For first generation immigrants part of the life satisfaction gap is explained by the lower level of social embeddedness they have compared to natives. We also find that social embeddedness is a key explanatory factor for life satisfaction for both immigrants and natives. For two out of the three indicators of social embeddedness that we consider we however find different patterns of association with life satisfaction for immigrants compared to natives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bruno.arpino@upf.edu','2017-05-03 13:31:09','2017-11-10 10:20:23','','Waiting'),(2960,'Assessing the impact of different German-language translations of ESS Round 3 items on the resulting data ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Questionnaire translation is known to be a weak link in cross-national survey research. To enhance comparability in a comparative survey, multi-step translation and assessment methods such as the TRAPD model (Harkness, 2003) are often employed. However, comparability should not only exist between the source questionnaire (which is often English in major international studies) and a particular translation, but ideally also between the different translated versions of a source questionnaire. The latter requirement becomes particularly visible if one looks at the translations into so-called shared languages, such as the translations of a survey questionnaire into German for Germany, Austria, and Switzerland. While in the past, countries have often worked individually even though they “shared” the same language, nowadays increased levels of cooperation can be noted (e.g., European Social Survey, 2014).  This presentation looks at experiments using different German-language translations of the ESS Round 3 questionnaire (rotating module on personal and social well-being). Items were selected for which the Austrian, German, and Swiss translation differed markedly – at least at face value. Items were then implemented in randomized web experiments in the GESIS Online Panel Pilot (probability-based panel of Internet users in Germany). Analyses include statistical analyses but also the analysis of open-ended probing questions. Results are presented alongside with pointers with what to look out for in translation. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dorothee.behr@gesis.org','2017-05-05 15:13:38','2017-11-10 10:43:25','','Waiting'),(2961,'Work Centrality, Work Hours, and Cultural Values among European Nations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examined the relationship between work centrality (England, 1991) and cultural values (Schwartz, 1992), as well as the relationship between work centrality and work hours among 15,489 individuals in 22 countries throughout Europe.  Archival data from the European Social Survey (Jowell and the Central Coordinating Team, 2003) were used.  Results indicate that work centrality differs between people in Northern/Western vs. Southern/Eastern Europe.  It was also found that the strength of the relationship between work centrality and weekly work hours differs significantly between countries.  Conservatism and Autonomy culture values might explain some of the differences in work centrality after weekly work hours are accounted for.  Implications of these results for European organizations and the European work force are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Charlotte@wittenkamp.com','2017-05-18 04:39:49','2017-11-10 11:04:26','','Waiting'),(2962,'Social Stratication and Health: Four Essays on Social Determinants of Health and Wellbeing','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The relationship between socioeconomic status, health, and wellbeing has puzzled researchers for decades. Individuals with higher education, a better job, or higher status, live longer and healthier. The four essays offer a fresh view on crucial aspects of this relationship. Drawing on data from more than fifty countries, the multidimensional nature of socioeconomic status is explored, not only covering objective indicators of socioeconomic status-education, income, occupational prestige-but also individuals\' subjective perceptions of socioeconomic status and status differentials between doctors and patients. Furthermore, the essays analyze the multilevel nature of social stratification, comparing differences in the strength of the relationship between education and health across countries and regions, as well as investigating the pathways by which income inequality affects health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','praeg.patrick@gmail.com','2017-05-23 12:13:59','2017-11-10 11:11:17','','Waiting'),(2963,'People with limited health condition evaluate health systems more critically: comparison of Estonia and 14 other European countries','Kehvema tervisega inimesed hindavad tervishoiusüsteeme kriitilisemalt – Eesti ja 14 teise Euroopa riigi võrdlus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background. People with better health condition tend to be more satisfied with the healthcare systems compared to people with worse health condition. Previous studies argue that satisfaction with the healthcare system might depend more on external factors outside the health system. One such factor might be general satisfaction with government`s actions.\nObjective. The paper compares satisfaction with healthcare systems of people with better and worse health conditions in 15 European countries taking into account general satisfaction with government`s actions generally and some other indicators. \nMethods. We used data from the European Social Survey round 7 (2014). The survey provides data about 15+ non-institutionalised populations representative of the country. Face to face interviews were used in data collection. To analyse satisfaction differences between people with better and worse health conditions, we used step-by step linear regression analysis.\nResults. The results demonstrate that satisfaction with healthcare systems is related to the health condition of respondents in many countries. People with worse health condition tend to be less satisfied with the respective health care system. General satisfaction with the government is the most powerful factor related to satisfaction with the healthcare system in all countries. Only in Austria, Sweden and Slovenia is the more critical attitude of the less healthy people towards the healthcare system not revealed after taking into account satisfaction with the government of the particular country. Estonia and Belgium are the only countries where the economic status of people explains the impact of health on satisfaction with healthcare. \nConclusion. In Estonia people with worse health condition are less satisfied with the healthcare system mainly because they have less economic resources. The impact of income on relationship with healthcare requires further investigation in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2017-05-24 18:27:54','2017-11-10 11:21:17','','Waiting'),(2964,'Factors influencing society’s attitudes towards internal and external EU immigrants','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In open economy migration is a natural process. However, constantly growing immigration flows to the EU countries pose certain challenges for host countries. In 2015, over 1 million people – asylum seekers, refugees and other immigrants – crossed the border of the EU. In addition, there is a significant movement from less developed to more developed countries within the EU. This process causes citizens’ discontent of some host countries, as well as the fear of economic, social, political and security instability. In order to achieve integration of immigrants and seeking to formulate a successful migration policy it is appropriate to determine factors influencing society’s attitudes towards immigrants. During the last decade this topic is relevant in the political and scientific field; however, there is a lack of systematic research carried out integrating not only economic but also demographic, cultural, political and religious factors influencing society’s attitudes. In this research we employed a logistic regression model to estimate factors that increase or decrease the probability for a positive attitude towards internal and external immigrants in the EU. As a source for raw data we used the European Social Survey Database. The research results revealed that society’s attitude towards internal EU immigrants was more positive compared with that towards external immigrants. Factors increasing the probability for EU citizens to possess a positive attitude towards immigrants are higher education level and sufficient income. The influence of these factors does not differ much regarding internal and external immigrants. We estimated that women, families with children, people that live in cities and young generation are the members of society that have the most positive attitude.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mindaugo.butkaus@gmail.com','2017-05-24 21:22:59','2017-11-10 15:01:56','','Waiting'),(2965,'Testing for Approximate Measurement Invariance of Human Values in the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Measurement invariance is a necessary precondition for meaningful crosscountry comparisons, and three levels have been differentiated: configural, metric, and scalar. Unfortunately, establishing the most stringent form, that is, scalar measurement invariance, across groups is difficult. Recently, Muthe´n and Asparouhov proposed testing for approximate rather than exact measurement invariance, as this may be sufficient for meaningful comparisons. Following their strategy, the results of cross-country approximate measurement invariance tests of the 21-item Portrait Value Questionnaire (PVQ-21) scale to measure values in the European Social Survey are presented (N = 274,447 respondents from 15 countries participating in all six rounds). Applying the new approximate method for the test of measurement invariance allows both using more moderate constraints of approximate equality of parameters across groups and exploring the extent of noninvariance. Approximate measurement invariance was established in almost all rounds for two higher-order values: openness to change and self-enhancement. In the case of the two other higher-order values, self-transcendence and conservation, approximate measurement invariance was established across a subset of countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','e.davidov@uni-koeln.de','2017-05-26 16:01:12','2017-11-10 15:26:56','','Waiting'),(2966,'Measurement Equivalence in Cross-National Research','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Determining whether people in certain countries score differently in measurements of interest or whether concepts relate differently to each other across nations can indisputably assist in testing theories and advancing our sociological knowledge. However, meaningful comparisons of means or relationships between constructs within and across nations require equivalent measurements of these constructs. This is especially true for subjective attributes such as values, attitudes, opinions, or behavior. In this review, we first discuss the concept of cross-group measurement equivalence, look at possible sources of nonequivalence, and suggest ways to prevent it. Next, we examine the social science methodological literature for ways to empirically test for measurement equivalence. Finally, we consider what may be done when equivalence is not supported by the data and conclude with a review of recent developments that offer exciting directions and solutions for future research in cross-national measurement equivalence assessment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','e.davidov@uni-koeln.de','2017-05-26 16:07:15','2017-11-10 15:33:56','','Waiting'),(2967,'The dynamic relations between economic conditions and anti-immigrant sentiment: A natural experiment in times of the European economic crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Theories on intergroup relations suggest that negative attitudes toward immigrants tend to rise when economic conditions deteriorate. However, these arguments were mostly tested during times of economic prosperity in Europe. We put this theoretical expectation to test by analyzing two rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS) with data from 14 West European immigration countries before (2006) and after (2010) the peak of the European economic crisis. Results show that anti-immigrant sentiments increased in countries where perceptions of economic insecurity also increased. Anti-immigrant sentiments decreased in countries where perceptions of economic insecurity declined. In contrast, changes in objective economic conditions (i.e. unemployment rates) during the same period of time did not display the expected effects in a similarly robust way.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','e.davidov@uni-koeln.de','2017-05-26 16:11:13','2017-11-10 16:05:12','','Waiting'),(2968,'Measurement Equivalence Across Subnational Groups: An Analysis of the Conception of Nationhood in Switzerland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Because of their higher status, members of national majorities (e.g., linguistic, ethnic, or religious) are likely to develop a stronger sense of ownership of the nation than members of national minorities (Sidanius, Feshbach, Levin, & Pratto, 1997), which is reflected in a stronger attachment to the nation as a whole (e.g., Staerkle´, Sidanius, Green, & Molina, 2010). Accordingly, members of national majorities are expected to hold a stricter conception of nationhood, that is, to be stricter regarding who should or should not belong to the national community (Kunovich, 2009). Based on data from two large surveys (European Social Survey [ESS] 2002 and International Social Survey Programme [ISSP] 2003), the present study tests this expectation by comparing conceptions of nationhood across the two largest linguistic subnational groups in\nSwitzerland.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','e.davidov@uni-koeln.de','2017-05-26 16:16:51','2017-11-10 16:22:19','','Waiting'),(2969,'Believing in God. An empirical-theological study of social representations among adolescents','Acreditare em Deus. Um estudo empírico-teológico das representações sociais dos adolescentes',11,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In what God do believe the adolescents that have followed the 10 years of the catechetical curriculum? What kind of relation do they establish with God? What processes and people are involved when they build their faith?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ruisdb@gmil.com','2017-05-30 18:35:59','2017-11-13 16:26:57','','Waiting'),(2970,'Societal development, social stratification and power- and achievement-values. Inglehart\'s scarcity hypothesis and the theory of the social production functions in the comparative study of values','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Power- and achievement-values are seen to be important for productivity and societal stability. But what exact factors drive the forces to adhere to power- and achievement-values? In this study, the focus is on societal development and social stratification. Research on values in general often is not very careful in the distinction between different levels of analysis although the necessity has been outlined in several contributions to theoretical thinking in sociology. That is why this article comes from the position of methodological individualism and highlights explicitly the different levels of analysis and their assumed interrelations. It is shown that Inglehart?s scarcity hypothesis as an explaining mechanism has some weaknesses. As an alternative, the theory of social production functions is suggested that is capable to provide a framework of compatible societal- and individual-level mechanisms. The empirical analysis is based on data of the fourth round of the European Social Survey containing about 50,000 respondents in 31 countries. The comparability of power- and achievement-values across countries and across the societal and the individual level is tested by using two-level confirmatory factor analysis. The results show that comparability across countries and across both levels can be confirmed. Furthermore, opposing relations for societal development and social stratification are found: The higher the societal development, the lower the priority of power- and achievement-values; the higher the social stratification position, the more important the power- and achievement-values. Therefore, the scarcity hypothesis is rejected and the need for an alternative explanation is reinforced.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'free eprints at http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/pZNDUxWFnZHD3JDrzKW9/full\n','dkoethemann@uni-wuppertal.de','2017-06-02 12:30:08','2017-11-13 16:32:42','','Waiting'),(2971,'Social Capital and Individualism – Collectivism at the Individual Level','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social capital – ties and social networks that are based on trust and mutual norms – has proven to be an extremely useful resource for individuals, groups, and countries, but there have been concerns that growing individualism in Western countries is weakening relationships between people and decreasing social cohesion in society. Individualism is often seen in a very negative light, as extreme egoism, and it is often forgotten that individualism may have more useful features, such as taking responsibility for one’s own actions. When equating individualism with egoism and simple self-interest, it may come as a surprise that several studies have shown that people in countries that emphasise individualistic strivings are also more likely to trust other people and to be more engaged in different social networks. The results of this dissertation provide some support for the assumption that the relationship between social capital and individualism–collectivism also follows similar patterns at the individual level of analysis, and that more individualistically minded individuals have more social capital. For instance, mature self-responsibility, which is one of the essential components of individualism, was found to be positively associated with social capital in an Estonian sample. Furthermore, more individualistic people tend to trust more people outside of their immediate family and belong to more social networks in all European countries studied. However, individualism–collectivism together with sociodemographic variables (e.g., age, gender, education, and domicile) explain only a small fraction of individual differences in social capital. This is in accord with established theories and previous empirical findings that suggest that the sources of individual-level social capital are located not so much in the characteristics of the individual, but rather in his/her social surroundings.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://dspace.ut.ee/bitstream/handle/10062/56486/beilmann_mai.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-06-12 17:53:53','2017-11-13 16:35:55','','Waiting'),(2972,'European Social Survey: There is no Gender Gap in Political Interest in Estonia','Euroopa sotsiaaluuring: Eestis pole soolist lõhet inimeste poliitikahuvis',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article provides a short overview of some findings from the article “Bridging the enduring gender gap in political interest in Europe: The relevance of promoting gender equality“ by Marta Fraile and Raul Gomez.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/601690/euroopa-sotsiaaluuring-eestis-pole-soolist-lohet-inimeste-poliitikahuvis ','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-06-19 09:59:21','2017-11-13 17:03:55','','Waiting'),(2973,'People with limited health condition evaluate health systems more critically: comparison of Estonia and 14 other European countries','Kehvema tervisega inimesed hindavad tervishoiusüsteeme kriitilisemalt – Eesti ja 14 teise Euroopa riigi võrdlus',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'People with better health condition tend to be more satisfied with the healthcare systems compared to people with worse health condition. Previous studies argue that satisfaction with the healthcare system might depend more on external factors outside the health system. One such factor might be general satisfaction with government\'s actions. The paper compares satisfaction with healthcare systems of people with better and worse health conditions in 15 European countries taking into account general satisfaction with government\'s actions generally and some other indicators. We used data from the European Social Survey round 7 (2014). The survey provides data about 15+ non-institutionalised populations representative of the country. The results demonstrate that satisfaction with healthcare systems is related to the health condition of respondents in many countries. People with worse health condition tend to be less satisfied with the respective health care system. General satisfaction with the government is the most powerful factor related to satisfaction with the healthcare system in all countries. Only in Austria, Sweden and Slovenia is the more critical attitude of the less healthy people towards the healthcare system not revealed after taking into account satisfaction with the government of the particular country. Estonia and Belgium are the only countries where the economic status of people explains the impact of health on satisfaction with healthcare. In Estonia people with worse health condition are less satisfied with the healthcare system mainly because they have less economic resources. The impact of income on relationship with healthcare requires further investigation in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://eestiarst.ee/kehvema-tervisega-inimesed-hindavad-tervishoiususteeme-kriitilisemalt-eesti-ja-14-teise-euroopa-riigi-vordlus/','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2017-06-22 13:16:52','2017-12-11 14:51:06','','Waiting'),(2974,'Well-Being in Married and Cohabiting Families with Children and Social Support during Economic Recession in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Existing research provides inconsistent results about the influence of children in a family on life satisfaction of parents, and even less is known about the influence of different partnership types on life satisfaction. The aim of this chapter is to compare the life satisfaction differences of officially registered and cohabiting persons with and without children during the economic recession in 2010. The results demonstrate that despite the increasing share of cohabiting parents, marriage provides the highest life satisfaction, although the life satisfaction of cohabiting partners is equally good in many countries. The influence of children on life satisfaction is more diverse and depends on partnership type. The differences of life satisfaction in different family types can be explained to a certain extent with individual selectivity of people into different family types, economic coping and with support from society to families with children.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2017-06-22 13:29:46','2017-12-11 15:16:15','','Waiting'),(2975,'Towards Rediscovery of Social Class after the Post-Communist Transition: A Comparative Neo-Weberian Analysis of Baltic States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Class effects in Estonia, Finland, Latvia and Lithuania are compared in the framework of the Neo-Weberian social class theory (EGP class schema), using European Social Survey (ESS) Round 4 (2008–2010) data, just at the time when Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania completed their transition to market economy and liberal democracy. Finland, perceived in the post-communist Baltic countries as a model or a “real utopia” state, is used as benchmark for a comparative estimation of the strength of class effects. The main findings of the statistical correspondence analysis are the following: (1) Class inequality of life chances is more pronounced in the post-communist Baltics than in Finland; (2) Paradoxically, class effects on ideological orientations and party voting are more prominent in Finland, where class inequality is less pronounced.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vaidas.morkevicius@ktu.lt','2017-06-27 11:23:04','2017-12-11 15:19:52','','Waiting'),(2976,'LGBT Monitor 2016. Opinions towards and experiences of lesbian, homosexual, bisexual and transgender persons ','LHBT-monitor 2016: Opvattingen over en ervaringen van lesbische, homoseksuele, biseksuele en transgender personesuele, biseksuele en transgender personen',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What is the public attitude today towards lesbian, homosexual, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) persons? What do large-scale population surveys enable us to say about their position in society? The Netherlands is one of the most positive countries in Europe in its attitudes to this group, and those attitudes are becoming ever more positive. Despite this, Dutch people have difficulty with intimacy between people of the same sex and certain groups in Dutch society, such as religious persons and members of ethnic minorities, have more negative attitudes towards homosexuality. The life situation of LGB persons themselves also indicates that a good deal is going well (few differences in lifestyle and life situation), but that they lag behind in some areas. They have less positive experiences at work (especially bisexual persons) and are more often victims of violence. This study was carried out at the request of the Emancipation Department of the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2017-06-27 11:27:34','2017-12-11 15:39:47','','Waiting'),(2977,'Societal Pessimism: A Study of its Conceptualization, Causes, Correlates and Consequences','Societal Pessimism: A Study of its Conceptualization, Causes, Correlates and Consequences',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What explains the concern about the state of society among citizens? In recent years, the public debate in many Western countries has discussed the sentiment that society is heading in the wrong direction. Yet little is really known about this attitude. This dissertation aims to further our knowledge of the concern about society in contemporary Western countries. It revolves around three overarching questions: What is the concern about the state of society, what are the causes of this concern, what are its consequences? The study presents a new conceptualization of this attitude by defining two concepts: societal pessimism and societal unease. While the former describes the concern about the state of society in a universally applicable manner, the latter focuses on this sentiment in Western countries specifically. Measures of these two concepts are developed and validated so that they can be used in future research. In addition, this study explores which groups of citizens are particularly societally pessimistic, how the concern about society differs from other social concepts, and how it is expressed in people’s own words.\n\nIn terms of causes, this book questions whether societal pessimism is a cultural characteristic of Western societies, or is instead rooted in actual societal degradation. The results point to the latter, showing that political and economic factors drive societal pessimism, both cross-nationally and longitudinally. Finally, this book underlines that societal pessimism is not without consequences, by showing its relationship with attitudes and behaviors that are vital for the functioning of democracy. Societal pessimism increases the chance of voting for populist radical right parties, inhibits identification with multiple political-geographic groups concurrently, and is associated with higher protest participation but lower institutional political participation and civic participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2017-06-27 11:39:33','2017-12-20 10:36:32','','Waiting'),(2978,'Shared values and resilient democracy','Gedeelde waarden en een weerbare democratie. Een verkenning op basis van bevolkingsenquêtes',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the political debate every so many years the need arises to establish which common values a democratic society is supported by. Sometimes out of uncertainty about \'what still binds us\', sometimes out of fear that certain groups reject essentials or even fight them. At the request of the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations (BZK), the SCP searches for shared values in Dutch society in the publication \"Shared values and a resilient democracy\". We thereby limit ourselves to values of a \'bourgeois democratic culture\': a culture with support for political democracy, involvement in society and politics, and tolerance and trust between citizens. On the basis of existing population surveys, we look in this publication, among other things, at views on democracy, freedom, equality and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2017-06-27 11:54:01','2017-12-20 10:47:26','','Waiting'),(2979,'Care and discomfort in the population','Zorg en onbehagen in de bevolking',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this publication, a picture of public opinion on (health) care is outlined through a selection of international and national surveys. In comparative perspective, Dutch people appear to be relatively satisfied with the current care (and the Belgians most satisfied), but they are worried about the care in the future. People are more satisfied with medical care than about long-term care. Concerns arise mainly from what is socially and politically (in the media); not from personal experiences. Subjects in the field of health care and care for the elderly are often put forward when one identifies the main problems in the Netherlands or explains why it is going the wrong way with the country. Uncertainty about healthcare in the future gives rise to social discomfort and examples from the care sector are excellent for expressing more general feelings of collective powerlessness and injustice.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2017-06-27 14:06:30','2017-12-20 11:51:26','','Waiting'),(2980,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2016/3','Burgerperspectieven 2016 | 3. Kwartaalbericht van het Continu Onderzoek Burgerperspectieven',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2017-06-27 14:17:06','2017-12-20 12:35:52','','Waiting'),(2981,'Monitoring Social Acceptance of Homosexuals in the Netherlands','Monitoring van sociale acceptatie van homoseksuelen in Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Promoting the social acceptance of homosexuality is high on the political agenda of the coordinating minister for gay emancipation, Dr. R. Plasterk. At his request, the Social and Cultural Planning Bureau has put current figures and trends on the attitude of the population towards homosexuality. This information is intended as a baseline measurement. On the basis of future surveys it can be checked whether the acceptance of homosexuality develops in the intended positive direction.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2017-06-27 14:39:31','2017-12-20 12:41:29','','Waiting'),(2982,'Perceived discrimination and depressive disorders in Europe: individual and societal perspectives','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Discrimination is still a neglected determinant when assessing the contributors to mental illness, particularly in Europe. In the present study perceived discrimination is discussed as risk factor for developing depressive disorders. A low self-esteem caused by the internalisation of negative appraisals is suggested as pathway between discrimination and depression. On a macro-level, cross-national variations regarding tolerance towards minorities and its impact on mental health are analysed. Methods: Using data from the European Social Survey 2012 and Eurobarometer 2012 logistic regression analysis and Mann- Whitney-U-test were applied. Results: Victims of discrimination were found to be almost 80% (OR = 1.787, CI= 1.574 – 2.029) more likely to be depressive than those not exposed to discrimination. Minorities reported to feel significantly less positive about them (p < 0.01). The risk for being depressive is significantly higher in EU member states with low tolerance levels (OR= 1.417, CI = 1.240 – 1.619). Conclusion: Perceived discrimination proves to be an additional stressor for the mental health of individuals at both the individual and societal level. Discrimination and its impact on self-esteem should get more attention in research, prevention, and treatment of mental disorders. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nils.mevenkamp@mci.edu','2017-06-28 14:58:29','2017-12-20 12:46:11','','Waiting'),(2983,'Political sophistication affects how citizens’ social policy preferences respond to the economy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Theoretical and empirical accounts of public opinion show that people’s social policy preferences are affected by the state of economy. According to the countercyclical view, economic downturn increases citizens’ demands for social policy whereas the procyclical view states that citizens demand less social policy during economically tough times. This article argues that individuals’ differences in political sophistication and, specifically, the commonly associated social-psychological characteristics are part of the micro-foundations for those different responses. People acquire and process information differently, which influences their political preferences. Public opinion and macroeconomic data from Europe during the economic crisis support the argument. The results show that people with lower levels of political sophistication tend to be procyclical, whereas this relationship weakens and moves towards countercyclical opinion structures with increasing levels of sophistication. These findings help to explain social policy preferences in response to the economy, and they offer insights into the origins of social policy preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','annkristin.kolln@kuleuven.be','2017-06-28 15:26:11','2017-12-20 14:29:11','','Waiting'),(2984,'The Effects of Unemployment for Health in Europe: The Role of Welfare State','Влияние безработицы на здоровье в странах Европы: значение социального государства',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article deals with the problem of social inequalities in health and the impact of societal context on these inequalities.  It discusses the health differences of people with jobs and unemployed belonging to different demographic and social strata, as well as the influence on such differences of welfare state.  Data of the European Social Survey (ESS 2006-2012, 33 countries), the World Bank and the International Labour Organization were analyzed by statistical methods of two-level modeling.  It has been found that the health differences in the European countries are due to social demographics, employment status and the combined influence of these variables.  Unemployment affects more the older people and leads to a greater deterioration of their health, as it is harder to them to find a new job.  The growth of economic well-being of the countries and an increase in public social expenditures entails a reduction in the gender and age differences in health.  Public social support positively affects the health status of the respondents with low education.  Increased public spending on unemployment helps overcome the negative cumulative effects on the health of low educational level and status of the unemployed, however, the differences between the employed and the unemployed do not reduced, on the contrary, they become even larger than in the less generous countries.  The reason for this is a heightened sense of relative deprivation among the unemployed in the developed societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2017-06-30 17:25:40','2017-12-20 14:33:45','','Waiting'),(2985,'Religiosity and intelligence - Does religion affect mathematical skills?','Usklikkus ja intelligentsus – kas religioossus mõjutab matemaatikateadmisi?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article gives the short overview of the main findings in journal article “Students in countries with higher levels of religiosity perform lower in science and mathematics“ by Gijsbert Stoet and David C. Geary.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/606622/usklikkus-ja-intelligentsus-kas-religioossus-mojutab-matemaatikateadmisi','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-07-21 10:18:58','2017-12-20 14:44:20','','Waiting'),(2986,'Data analysis: Male or female boss – which one is better?','Andmeanalüüs: mees- või naisülemus – kumb on parem?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on the data of the Estonian ESS data, an analysis was carried out to identify the relationship between job satisfaction and the gender of the boss. Results indicate that the gender of the boss does not affect job satisfaction or career advancement. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/603277/andmeanaluus-mees-voi-naisulemus-kumb-on-parem','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-07-21 10:27:52','2017-12-20 15:08:16','','Waiting'),(2987,'A research-based quiz: What do you know about depression?','Teaduspõhine test: mida tead depressioonist?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The quiz consists of statements about depression and its prevalence in different groups. The quiz is based on the ESS data from 2014.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/603229/teaduspohine-test-mida-tead-depressioonist','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-07-21 10:40:27','2017-12-20 15:09:54','','Waiting'),(2988,'Social connectedness and depression:  Is there added value in volunteering?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The associations between volunteering and health outcomes are well established. However, little research has identified the unique association between volunteering and health outcomes over and above the contribution of related social connectedness factors, such as social contact, group or organization membership, and social support provision; variables also implicated in health outcomes. Using large-scale cross-national cross-sectional survey data from the European Social Survey, this study models the association between volunteering and depressive symptoms. Models are conducted with and without adjustment for sociodemographic variables and for a more comprehensive range of social connectedness factors than has been included in previous studies. The findings confirm previous studies demonstrating a link between volunteering and depressive symptoms. However, adjusted analyses indicate that this association can be explained by social connectedness and sociodemographic variables. The findings suggest that studies of volunteering and health outcomes should consider the broader social context in which the volunteer is located, as social connectedness and sociodemographic correlates of volunteering might be more closely tied to mental health than volunteering itself.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Amy.Healy@mic.ul.ie','2017-07-28 18:09:09','2017-12-20 15:29:36','','Waiting'),(2989,'The women’s health perception and the major risks factors','LA PERCEZIONE DELLO STATO DI SALUTE DELLE DONNE E PRINCIPALI FATTORI DI RISCHIO',22,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In contradiction with the characteristic longevity of women, they show a worse health perception than men. The gender seems to be a key determinant of health perception, although, many factors could explain the gender gap in health: age, loneliness, lifestyle, social background, education, paid work, adaptability and response to stressful events. This study aims to analyze the relationship between the health perceived and disability, age, gender, level of education, marital status, income and  paid work,  in order to highlight the relationship between these variables and the gender gap in health perception. \nThe analysis was performed on European Social Survey database  from 2002 to 2012. It concern 291,385 respondents (46% men and 54% women) from 36 European countries, including Turkey and Israel. The study used the micro data of the last round of the European Social Survey ESS Round 6.Results show the existence of a strong relationship between family income and women\'s health. Women in the first seven deciles of income declare a poorer health than men . Besides, there is no gender gap for women in the last three deciles of income, if we compare them with men of the same economic group. By deciles of high income, the gender gap in health, than in those low appears to be patently against women, changes direction, this time to the detriment of men. Therefore, a favorable economic position seems to improve women\'s health perception, more than men’s one. Owning an middle-high income cancels the effect of the gender variable on perceived health.\n_________________________\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Tiziana LOMBARDI -PhD candidate in Sociology and Applied Social Sciences,\nDepartment of Economics and Social Sciences “Sapienza” University of Rome.\n\ntiziana.lombardi@uniroma1.it\n\ntitti.lombardi@gmail.com\n','tiziana.lombardi@uniroma1.it','2017-07-31 16:52:28','2017-12-20 16:18:40','','Waiting'),(2990,'The Protestant Ethic and Entrepreneurship: Evidence from Religious Minorities in the Former Holy Roman Empire','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We investigate the effect of Protestantism versus Catholicism on the decision to become an entrepreneur in former Holy Roman Empire regions. Our research design exploits religious minorities\' strong attachment to religious ethic and the predetermined historical determination of religious minorities\' geographical distribution in the 1500s as a result of the “cuius regio eius religio” (whose realm, his religion) rule. We find that today Protestantism increases the probability to be an entrepreneur by around 5 percentage points with respect to Catholicism, a result that survives to a battery of robustness checks. We explicit the assumptions underlying the identification strategy and provide an extensive testing of their validity by making use of several European datasets.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2017-04-11 10:36:23','2017-08-10 15:00:16','','Waiting'),(2991,'Economic Evaluations, Procedural Fairness, and Satisfaction with Democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although public support for political authorities, institutions, and even regimes is affected by the delivery of positive economic outcomes, we know that judgments on authorities are also made on the basis of several other aspects that fall into the general theme of “procedural fairness.” So far, most of the literature examining satisfaction with democracy has, from this point of view, focused on the direct effects of both economic and procedural fairness indicators or evaluations. This study takes as its starting point a large number of studies in social psychology showing that procedural fairness moderates the effects of outcome favorability in the explanation of citizens’ reactions to authorities. It expands those findings to the macro-political level, using representative samples of European populations in twenty-nine countries. It reveals that the general depiction of satisfaction with the way democracies work in practice as a fundamentally “performance-driven attitude” needs to qualified: economic evaluations matter, but they do not matter in the same way in all contexts and for all people, with procedural fairness playing a relevant moderating role in this respect.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','pedro.magalhaes@ics.ul.pt','2017-08-11 14:05:30','2017-12-27 14:42:50','','Waiting'),(2992,'The Influence of Private Health Care Financing on Citizen Trust in Government','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using individual - level data from the 2008 European Social Survey and country - level health care financing data we analyze the influence of private financing of health care on political trust in twenty - five European countries. Net of known predictors of trust at the individual and country level, we find that trust in government is significantly lower where the health system is financed to a greater degree by private sources. This negative relationship is the outcome of a multistep process: First, private financing amplifies the negative effect of exposure to risk on citizens’ evaluations of their health care systems. More negative evaluations of the performance of the health care system are in turn associated with significantly lower levels of trust in public institutions. The increasing pressure on European governments to privatize the financing of health care in the wake of the financial crisis is likely to have important political ramifications. When states do less to ensure the basic health care needs of members of society who are at greatest risk, these citizens may come to place less trust in government institutions. We end with discussion of the implications of these findings for the future of health care reform in the United States , and some suggestions for future research. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2017-04-12 09:50:56','2017-08-11 15:46:08','','Waiting'),(2993,'The Link between Family Background and Later Lifetime Income: How Does the UK Compare with Other Countries?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The link between family background and labour market outcomes is an issue of great academic, social and political concern. It is frequently claimed that such intergenerational associations are stronger in Britain than other countries. But is this really tr ue? I investigate this issue by estimating the link between parental education and later lifetime income, using three cross - nationally comparable datasets covering more than 30 countries. My results suggest that the UK is broadly in the middle of the cross - country rankings, with intergenerational associations notably stronger than in Scandinavia but weaker than in Eastern Europe. Overall, I find only limited support for claims that family background is a greater barrier to economic success in Britain than other parts of the developed world.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2017-04-12 10:00:41','2017-08-11 17:02:06','','Waiting'),(2994,'Inter-generational solidarity in Switzerland: Attitudes of 15 to 45 year olds towards recipients of old-age pension and the welfare state ','Generationensolidarität in der Schweiz: Einstellungen der 15- bis 45-Jährigen zu den Altersrentebeziehenden und dem Wohlfahrtsstaat',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Almost three quarters of the Swiss welfare expenditures are spent on age and health. Therefore the welfare state relies heavily on the solidarity of the younger generation. Based on a quantitative secondary analysis of the European Social Survey of 2008, this master thesis examines the attitudes of 15 to 45 year olds in Switzerland towards the recipients of old-age pension. Of particular interest is the relationship of these attitudes as well as the perceptions regarding the standard of living of elderly people, the effects of welfare performance and also the future of old-age pension and health care to the support of state responsibility for age and health. Theoretical findings on generations, justice, solidarity and the welfare state underpin the analysis. The results of statistical analysis show that the attitudes towards the future of old-age pension and health care are pessimistic and vary according to education and gender. Nevertheless, the 15 to 45 year olds declare solidarity with the positively connoted older generation. The study shows that about ten per cent of this younger generation does not make any judgments on the addressed economic issues: Therefore the ones in the lowest education category are significantly less likely to take position concerning the economic burden of welfare expenditures and the future of old-age pension and health care than the ones in the other education categories. Women also comment significantly less than man and under 30 year olds comment less than 31 to 45 year olds on the economic burden of welfare expenditures. Contrary to the expectations, correlations between the observed variables are weak. Yet, the study provides evidence that social norms and public discourse are relevant to support the welfare state. The concept of welfare state itself seems to be polarizing the attitudes. Finally, the findings provide important insights, which support the significance of promoting cross-generational contacts and volunteering as well as the need for transferring insights and concerns from social work into the public.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','fiona.gisler@gmail.com','2017-08-14 12:25:10','2017-12-27 14:46:18','','Waiting'),(2995,'An Empirical Test of the Hypothesis Regarding Weakening Crystallization of Party Systems','Empiryczny test hipotezy o słabnącej krystalizacji systemów partyjnych',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There are many arguments for the thesis according to which political views become “separated” from social structure, but there is also substantial evidence that the relation between them continues to exist and is not changing significantly over time. We refer to certain aspects of this process, using European Social Survey data of the years 2002-2010. The subject of our analysis is strength of the relation between voters’ preferences and electoral participation on the one hand and age, religion, immigration status and position in social hierarchy on the other in several countries in the indicated period. Our analysis results in the conclusion that political systems have a rather stable footing in social structure. In particular, there is no indication that in the years 2002-2010 the impact of social class on voters’ preferences was diminishing. Although class position is a relatively weak indicator of voters’ attitude, but the influence of religion, immigration and age is weaker still, even though these are taken to be the indicators of “new” social divisions, which supposedly blur traditional voting identities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-08-24 18:58:41','2017-12-27 14:51:44','','Waiting'),(2996,'Generalised Trust and Prudence in Dealing with Strangers: A Comparison of Two Social Surveys','Zaufanie uogólnione a ostrożność w kontaktach z nieznajomymi: Porównanie wyników dwóch sondaży',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The purpose of the present paper is to compare two measures of generalised trust used in two surveys carried out in Poland in 2008 on nationwide random samples, namely, the European Social Survey and the Polish General Social Survey. An important difference between the measures is that one of them (i.e., the standard trust scale) treats trust and prudence in dealing with strangers as opposite extremes of the same continuum, while the other is based on the assumption that they are separate concepts. If prudence is actually the opposite of generalised trust, both measures should give similar results. Any differences in the results given by these tools will, however, indicate that they measure different constructs. Using the data from the above-mentioned studies I show, on the basis of various examples, that (a) trust and prudence are indeed separate constructs (b) Polish respondents are more cautious than trusting when dealing with strangers, (c) the standard trust scale, which is based on the opposition of trust and prudence, may understate the actual level of generalised trust in Poland.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-08-24 19:42:44','2017-12-27 14:56:39','','Waiting'),(2997,'Repulsed by the “Other”: Integrating Theory with Method in the Study of Intergroup Association','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We offer an integration of theory and method in the study of intergroup social associations. Specifically, we show that models for intergroup association tables developed using generic log-linear methods for categorical data analysis embody a general theoretical point of view on the driving force behind intergroup association, namely, as the outcome of a probabilistic process of repulsion from dissimilar others. We develop this argument and illustrate it with intermarriage data. We conclude by identifying the advantages that accrue to both theory and method when the theoretical assumptions underlying the application of a generic statistical methodology are clearly understood.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-08-24 19:50:51','2017-12-27 15:00:17','','Waiting'),(2998,' Two Peoples – Two Stories: Anti-Immigrant Attitudes in Post-Socialist Russia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates mechanisms underlying anti-immigrant sentiment in post-socialist Russia in particular, and in societies undergoing a search for new national identity borders in general. We argue that when the borders of national identity are drawn and redefined, the forces that drive anti-immigrant attitudes differ meaningfully for members of the ethnic majority group and for members of the minority population. Our empirical analysis utilizes data obtained from a representative sample of the Russian population by the European Social Survey (2006-2012). Descriptive data reveal that the level of anti-immigrant attitudes among ethnic Russians (the majority population) is higher than among non-ethnic Russians (ethnic minority group), reflecting the fact that the crisis of national identity in post-socialist Russia has undermined, primarily, a sense of group position of ethnic majority. Our main findings demonstrate that in post-socialist Russia, as a society undergoing the critical period of the reconsideration of national identity, the anti-immigrant attitudes of the ethnic majority group rely mostly on perceptions of collective (state) vulnerability, while the anti-immigrant attitudes of ethnic minority groups rely to a greater degree on individuals’ vulnerable socioeconomic position, and conservative views and ideologies (i.e., self-interests).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anastasiag@post.tau.ac.il','2017-08-26 01:08:53','2017-12-27 15:02:29','','Waiting'),(2999,'Labor force participation, unemployment and occupational attainment among immigrants in West European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The present paper examines modes of immigrants\' labor market incorporation into European societies with specific emphasis on the role played by immigrant status (i.e. first-generation immigrants, immigrant descendants and native born without migrant background), region of origin, and gender. The data were obtained from the European Union Labour Forces Survey 2008 Ad-Hoc Module for France, Belgium, UK and Sweden. In order to supplement the results from the country-specific analysis, we replicated the analysis using pooled data from the five rounds of the European Social Survey conducted between 2002 and 2010, for nine \'old immigration\' Western European countries together. The analysis centered on two aspects of incorporation: labor force status and occupation. Multinominal, binary logistic as well as linear probability regression models were estimated. The findings suggest that in all countries non-European origin is associated with greater disadvantage in finding employment not only among first-generation immigrants, but also among sons and daughters of immigrants (i.e. second-generation). Moreover, the relative employment disadvantage among immigrant men of non-European origin is especially pronounced in the second-generation. The likelihood of attaining a high-status job is influenced mostly by immigrant status, regardless of region of origin and gender. The results of the study reveal that patterns of labor force incorporation vary considerably across origin groups and across generations. The patterns do not vary as much across countries, despite cross-country differences in welfare state regimes, migration integration policy and composition of migration flows.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anastasiag@post.tau.ac.il','2017-08-26 01:16:38','2017-12-27 15:06:47','','Waiting'),(3000,'Non-unique Records in International Survey Projects: The Need for Extending Data Quality Control','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For a given survey data file we define a non-unique record, NUR, as a sequence of all values in a given case (record), which is identical to that of another case in the same dataset. We analyzed 1,721 national surveys in 22 international projects, covering 142 countries and 2.3 million respondents, and found a total of 5,893 NURs concentrated in 162 national surveys, in 17 projects and 80 countries. We show that the probability of the occurrence of any NUR in an average survey sample is exceedingly small, and although NURs constitute a minor fraction of all records, it is unlikely that they are solely the result of random chance. We describe how NURs are distributed across projects, countries, time, modes of data collection, and sampling methods. We demonstrate that NURs diminish data quality and potentially have undesirable effects on the results of statistical analyses. Identifying NURs allows researchers to examine the consequences of their existence in data files. We argue that such records should be flagged in all publically available data archives. We provide a complete list of NURs for all analyzed national surveys. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-08-28 12:26:45','2017-12-27 15:14:16','','Waiting'),(3001,'Democratic Values and Protest Behavior. Harmonization of Data from International Survey Projects','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Across the world, mass political protest has shaped the course of modern history. Building on decades of theory, we hypothesize that the extent and intensity of political protest is a function of micro-level democratic values and socio-demographics, country-level economic development and democratic practices, and the discrepancy (i.e. cross- -level interaction) between a country’s democratic practices and peoples’ trust in key democratic institutions – that is, political parties, the justice system, and parliament. \nThis book is a Technical Report on the logic of, and methodology for, creating a multi-year multi-country database needed for comparative research on political protest. It concerns both the selection and ex- -post harmonization of survey information and the manner in which the multilevel structured data can be used in substantive analyses. \nThe database we created contains information on more than two million people from 142 countries or territories, interviewed between the 1960s and 2013. It stores individual-level variables from 1,721 national surveys stemming from 22 well-known international survey projects, including the European Social Survey, the International Social Survey Programme, and the World Values Survey. We constructed comparable measures of peoples’ participation in demonstrations and signing petitions, their democratic values and socio-demographic characteristics. We complemented the harmonized individual- -level data with macro-level measures of democracy, economic performance, and income inequality gathered from external sources. In the process, we pulled together three strands of survey methodology – on data quality, ex-post harmonization, and multilevel modeling.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-08-28 12:59:42','2018-01-02 16:47:46','','Waiting'),(3002,'Representativeness of a Representative Study: Analysis of Selected Methodological and Practical Problems within the Total Survey Error Paradigm','Reprezentatywność badań reprezentatywnych. Analiza wybranych problemów metodologicznych oraz praktycznych w paradygmacie całkowitego błędu pomiaru',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This monograph deals with the issue of the (non-)representativeness of research surveys and is situated within the context of methodological reflection on the quality of quantitative social research that mainly aims to identify errors related to the representativeness of a sample. The entire discussion is based on the theory of total survey error, which is widely recognized as the paradigm of quantitative research methodology. The author begins by describing the basic assumptions of this paradigm and analyzes errors that occur at different stages of the research process. The main part of this monograph focuses on four topics:\n(1) survey sampling frames, (2) sampling schemes, (3) errors resulting from an incomplete response rate, and (4) data weighing procedures. The main aim of this monograph was to analyze the methodological consequences of certain practical actions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-08-28 13:39:44','2018-01-09 15:25:16','','Waiting'),(3003,'Composition and cumulative disadvantage of youth across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This working paper provides a quantitative background for the analytical work conducted in the project “Social Exclusion of Youth in Europe: Cumulative Disadvantage, Coping Strategies, Effective Policies and Transfer, EXCEPT”. The main objective of the EXCEPT project is to provide a comprehensive understanding of the consequences of youth labour market vulnerability to the risks of social exclusion in Europe. Specifically, implications of labour market exclusion and insecurities on youth poverty risk and material deprivation, their subjective well-being and health, as well as their ability to achieve independence from the parental home are investigated in a mixed-methods approach. While succeeding papers shall examine the consequences of the labour market exclusion and insecurity, the objective of the present paper is to depict the situation of youth in the European labour market in the form of quantitative, comparative analysis based on the European Labour Force Surveys (EU-LFS), the EU statistics on income and living conditions (EU-SILC), and the European Social Survey (ESS). In addition we have used the Ukrainian Labour Force Survey (ULF) and Ukrainian data received from the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine to depict the situation in Ukraine.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-08-28 13:58:20','2018-01-09 15:37:28','','Waiting'),(3004,'Trust, Helpfulness, and Fairness and Economic Growth in Europe','Zaufanie, skłonność do pomocy i uczciwość a wzrost gospodarczy w Europie',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article an attempt to assess the impact of three components of social capital: trust, helpfulness, and fairness on economic growth in Europe. The first part of the paper discusses the concepts of social capital and the related concept of trust. The second part gives an overview of the selected research hitherto conducted on the subject. The next parts present the econometric model employed by the authors in order to estimate the impact of the cooperation capital and its three components on economic growth (based on a modified and augmented Cobb-Douglas function). The empirical analysis was made on a sample including panel data for 22 European countries in the period 2006–2012. The tested model includes three interrelated components of social capital: trust, helpfulness, and fairness, which can be combined into an aggregated variable called, ‘cooperation capital’. The results suggest that ca. 1/6 of the economic growth (measured by the GD P growth rate) may be ascribed to the effect of the increase in cooperation capital, but 80% of this effect occurs with 1–3 years lag. The three-component cooperation capital better explains economic growth than the traditional, one-component trust indicator. The estimated model suggests that most important for economic growth is the increase in the helpfulness. This indicates the key importance of helpfulness and cooperation in boosting economic activity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-08-28 14:27:53','2018-01-09 15:46:01','','Waiting'),(3005,'Normative and Evaluative Aspects of Poles’ Attitudes to Democracy in the Years 2012-2015','Normatywne i ewaluatywne aspekty stosunku Polaków do demokracji w latach 2012–2015',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The main aim of this article is to consider the question of whether, in the years preceding the 2015 elections, signi?cant changes had occurred in the consciousness of Poles in regard to democracy as a political order or in their appraisal of democracy’s functioning. The article also presents a new manner of de?ning democratic legitimation. The question of whether or not the legitimacy of democracy has been eroded in recent years is analysed in regard to the empirical data. The ?ndings show that there has been no fundamental change in Poles’ attitudes to democracy, either as an ideal model of political system or in regards to its everyday functioning. The ?ndings also show that, as in the majority of contemporary European democracies, it is possible to speak of a kind of ‘cascade’ structure to democracy in Poland. Its most important element is the liberal package. Somewhat fewer Poles expect democracy to have distributive-social elements, and even fewer expect to be able to in?uence policy directly. Nevertheless, all three elements of democracy are present in the consciousness of contemporary Poles, though in varying degrees. The analyses were based on data from the sixth edition of the European Social Survey of 2012 and the Polish General Election Study of 2015.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-08-28 14:40:47','2018-01-09 15:49:20','','Waiting'),(3006,'Harmonization of Cross-National Survey Projects on Political Behavior: Developing the Analytic Framework of Survey Data Recycling','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article describes challenges and solutions to ex post harmonization of survey data in the social sciences based on the big data project “Democratic Values and Protest Behavior: Data Harmonization, Measurement Comparability, and Multi-Level Modeling.” This project engages with the relationship between democracy and protest behavior in comparative perspective by proposing a theoretical model that explains variation in political protest through individual-level characteristics, country-level determinants, and interactions between the two. Testing it requires data with information at both the individual and country levels that vary across space and over time. The project’s team pooled information from 22 well-known international survey projects into a data set of 2.3 million respondents, covering a total of 142 countries and territories, and spanning almost 50 years, to construct common measures of political behavior, social attitudes, and demographics. The integrated data set is appended with country variables from nonsurvey sources. Mapping the methodological complexities this work raised and their solutions became the springboard for the analytic framework of Survey Data Recycling (SDR). SDR facilitates reprocessing information from extant cross-national projects in ways that minimize the “messiness” of data built into original surveys, expand the range of possible comparisons over time and across countries, and improve confidence in substantive results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-08-28 16:10:02','2018-01-09 16:04:38','','Waiting'),(3007,'Schrödinger\'s Immigrant','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Evidence shows that refugees and migrants neither take natives\' jobs nor are they lured by benefits.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','davidr@odlisnost.cz','2017-09-03 11:38:12','2018-01-29 09:35:20','','Waiting'),(3008,'Cross-National Variations in the Security Gap: Perceived Job Insecurity among Temporary and Permanent Employees and Employment Protection Legislation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is often shown that temporary employees generally perceive their job insecurity to be higher than permanent employees. However, substantial variations in this perceived job security gap exist between countries. This article engages with this knowledge and adds to it by focusing on these country variations and asking what role the strength of employment protection legislation (EPL) has both on the size of the job security gap and in explaining country differences. The developed hypotheses suggest that the two components of EPL—job security provisions, indicating the ‘protection gap’ between permanent and temporary employees as well as specific regulations on the use of temporary contracts—will increase the job security gap. These hypotheses are tested using data from the European Social Survey for 2004 and 2010 and data on employment regulations from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Compared to existing studies, this article offers a more detailed look at the operationalization of job security provisions and regulations on temporary employment—proposing an alternative measurement which is more closely related to the theoretical arguments. By using this more elaborate operationalization, the multilevel model shows that the gap in perceived job security between temporary and permanent employees systematically increases with respect to the two components of EPL.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anne.balz@gesis.org','2017-09-04 09:29:33','2018-01-29 09:43:59','','Waiting'),(3009,'Exploring and explaining the “Santa Claus effect”: cross-sectional study of jollity in 21 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Christmas ‘‘is the season to be jolly’’ but, despite many recent studies of happiness and wellbeing, the population distribution of jollity is unknown.\nAims: To assess levels of jollity across Europe, hypothesising the existence of a ‘‘Santa Claus effect’’ whereby Mr. Claus, a long-established resident of Scandinavia, increases jollity through his social network.\nMethods: Cross-sectional analysis of data from 37 966 participants in the European Society Survey (Round 7, 2014/2015) across 21 European countries.\nResults: Jollity has independent associations with satisfaction with health and income, male gender, younger age, and country of residence. Each one-point increase in satisfaction with health (on a 5-point scale) corresponds to a 0.79-point increase in jollity (23-point scale); each one-point increase in satisfaction with income (4-point scale) corresponds to a 0.76-point increase in jollity. Switzerland is the jolliest country in Europe.\nConclusions: The jolliest European is likely to be a young Swiss male who is satisfied with his income and health. If there is a Santa Claus effect acting to increase jollity, it probably acts not just in Scandinavia but across Mr. Claus’s broad network of contacts and admirers in many countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','brendankelly35@gmail.com','2017-09-04 15:14:00','2018-01-29 09:59:07','','Waiting'),(3010,'The Right Amount of Trust','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We investigate the relationship between individual trust and individual economic performance. We find that individual income is hump-shaped in a measure of intensity of trust beliefs. Our interpretation is that highly trusting individuals tend to assume too much social risk and to be cheated more often, ultimately performing less well than those with a belief close to the mean trustworthiness of the population. However, individuals with overly pessimistic beliefs avoid being cheated, but give up profitable opportunities, therefore underperforming. The cost of either too much or too little trust is comparable to the income lost by forgoing college. Our findings hold in large-scale international survey data, as well as inside a country with high-quality institutions, and are also supported by experimental findings. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-09-05 11:14:59','2018-01-30 09:59:37','','Waiting'),(3011,'Cardiovascular disease in Europe: epidemiological update 2016','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This is the fourth in a series of papers describing the burden of cardiovascular disease (CVD) within Europe.1–3 CVD remains the most common cause of death worldwide, with the 2013 Global Burden of Disease (GBD) study estimating that CVD caused 17.3 million deaths globally. It accounted for 31.5% of all deaths and 45% of all non-communicable disease deaths, more than twice that caused by cancer, as well as more than all communicable, maternal, neonatal and nutritional disorders combined. The 2013 GBD also reported that CVD caused a greater number of deaths and was responsible for a greater percentage of all deaths than in 1990 when 12.3 million deaths were attributed to CVD, corresponding to 25.9% of total deaths.4 Previous publications in this series have reported that despite the decreases in CVD mortality in Europe more than 4 million people die from CVD across the continent every year, with more than 1.4 million dying prematurely, before the age of 75 years.1–3 In this article we present an updated overview of the burden of CVD in Europe, including new statistics for mortality, morbidity, and treatment. Where possible we provide statistics for all CVD and for coronary heart disease (CHD) and stroke in particular. All data included here are updated from previous publications and we present prevalence statistics for the first time. This series of publications describing the current burden and distribution of CVD and CHD in Europe has been based on the European Cardiovascular Disease Statistics 2012 report,5 the fourth in a series of Europe-wide compendia, which was published jointly by the European Heart Network and the European Society of Cardiology.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-09-05 11:31:37','2018-01-30 10:05:35','','Waiting'),(3012,'Increasingly unequal? The economic crisis, social inequalities and trust in the European Parliament in 20 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The 2008/2009 economic crisis has been identified as an important element contributing to declining trust in institutions in Europe and worldwide. However, it is unclear whether this decline in trust is distributed homogenously among citizens or whether there are differences across social strata. This article applies multilevel models to six waves of European Social Survey (ESS) data to analyse changes in trust in the European Parliament (EP) from 2002 to 2012 in 20 European Union countries. Moreover, it investigates whether individuals with different socioeconomic backgrounds experienced different reductions in trust. The results indicate that trust in the EP declined the most in the peripheral European countries hit hardest by the economic crisis: Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Cyprus, Greece and Spain. Furthermore, the results suggest that the decline in trust was more pronounced among subjects with lower social status. The tightening of the link between social and political inequalities is especially preoccupying considering the importance of trust in institutions for citizens to actively participate in society, voice their needs and demand their place at the table. Hence, the worsening economic conditions, combined with declining levels of trust, are not only troublesome for the functioning of democracies as a whole, but they are also problematic at the individual level as they are likely to perpetuate the divide among subjects at different ends of the social ladder.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-09-05 11:43:55','2018-01-30 15:20:44','','Waiting'),(3013,'Never partnered: A multilevel analysis of lifelong singlehood','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\nBackground: Lifelong singlehood is a comparatively rare demographic phenomenon, averaging about 5% across the European Union. However, levels of lifelong singlehood vary greatly between countries in Europe. What explains this variation? Our main thesis is that it reflects the prevailing norms regarding gender roles. We hypothesize that in societies that have not adapted to women’s new roles there will be a greater propensity toward lifelong singlehood, especially among highly educated women.\n\nObjective: We analyze the link between levels of gender egalitarianism and the probability of lifelong singlehood, both overall and by educational attainment.\n\nMethods: We apply multilevel modeling to European Social Survey (ESS) and European Values Study (EVS) data collected between 2002 and 2014. We focus on differences in nonpartnering across levels of education. We run separate models for men and women.\n\nResults: In support of our hypothesis, our analysis reveals an inverse U-shaped relationship between levels of gender equity and the likelihood of lifelong singlehood for women. The association is particularly marked for more highly educated women, while it is linear for low-educated men.\n\nConclusions: Our results suggest that high levels of singlehood are concentrated very much within those societies where traditional gender values have waned but gender egalitarianism remains poorly diffused. Where gender egalitarianism has become normatively dominant, we find higher levels of partnering for better-educated women and for low-educated men.\n\nContribution: Our study contributes to the limited research on singlehood as well as to the growing body of literature on the demographic consequences of the ongoing revolution in women\'s roles.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daniela.bellani@upf.edu','2017-09-11 12:43:16','2018-01-30 15:44:53','','Waiting'),(3014,'Institutional change and parental compensation in intergenerational attainment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous research has shown how institutional changes, such as educational expansion, have weakened parental influence on educational attainment. We extend this analysis to occupational attainment and put forth a parental compensation hypothesis: as the origin-education (OE) association weakens, parents act to compensate for this in order to maintain their influence on the child’s occupational attainment. We should see this as a strengthened origin-destination association net of education (net OD). Further, we study whether these compensatory actions are triggered by changes in educational institutions and whether the institutional changes that reduce educational inequality are the same ones that prompt parental compensation. We have linked data from five waves of the European Social Survey (2002–10) with data on educational institutions matched to birth cohorts born 1941–80 in 25 countries. We find weakened OE and strengthened net OD associations, supporting our parental compensation hypothesis. Multilevel mixed effects regression analyses reveal that reforms lengthening compulsory education, and the increased access to and the attainment of higher education have had a positive influence on parental compensation. As a conclusion, a later school leaving age seems to secure increased parental influence on children’s occupational attainment, while parents seem to have reacted to a lesser extent on the changes in higher education.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','heta.poylio@utu.fi','2017-09-12 10:16:33','2018-01-30 15:54:05','','Waiting'),(3015,'Prospect for Knowledge in Survey Data - An Artificial Neural Network Sensitivity Analysis ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Policy making depends on good knowledge of the corresponding target audience. To maximize the designated outcome, it is essential to understand the underlying coherences. Machine learning techniques are capable of analyzing data containing behavioral aspects, evaluations, attitudes, and social values. We show how existing machine learning techniques can be used to identify behavioral aspects of human decision-making and to predict human behavior. These techniques allow to extract high resolution decision functions that enable to draw conclusions on human behavior. Our focus is on voter turnout, for which we use data acquired by the European Social Survey on the German national vote. We show how to train an artificial expert and how to extract the behavioral aspects to build optimized policies. Our method achieves an increase in adjusted R2 of 102% compared to a classic logistic regression prediction. We further evaluate the performance of our method compared to other machine learning techniques such as support vector machines and random forests. The results show that it is possible to better understand unknown variable relationships.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','pdi@p-di.de','2017-09-12 20:14:40','2018-01-30 15:56:43','','Waiting'),(3016,'Gender and Anti-immigrant Attitudes in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Gender emerges as a key site of contestation with respect to immigrants’ integration and public presence in Europe. The recent politicization of gender and Islam in immigration debates marks an increasingly salient constructed opposition between egalitarian European values and traditional immigrant cultures. Against this background, this study investigates how gender structures attitudes toward immigrants of different economic and cultural profiles. Prior research finds that women are usually less likely to exhibit anti-immigrant attitudes than are men. Using 2014 European Social Survey data, results show that women are no less likely to hold anti-immigrant attitudes. However, in a significant reversal of traditional gender patterns, women are more likely to hold targeted anti-Muslim attitudes. Further, social trust moderates this gendered anti-Muslim effect. I interpret findings as a shift in how gender structures xenophobia resulting from the increased salience of gender ideology as a boundary-defining feature and growing demonization of Muslims as gender inegalitarian.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ponceaar@msu.edu','2017-09-14 17:21:28','2018-02-01 10:23:35','','Waiting'),(3017,'Human values and value instantiations: Similarities and differences between countries and their implications ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This thesis has three aims. First, I propose that researchers should focus more on similarities between groups of people, because they are arguably at least as interesting and important as differences. I demonstrate that even effects that are usually labelled as large often still display more similarities than differences between groups. In Study 1, I modified and extended prior procedures for describing similarities and demonstrate the importance of this exercise by examining similarities between groups on 22 social variables (e.g., types of human values, trust, moral attitudes) within six commonly used social categories: gender, age, education, income, nation of residence, and religious denomination (N = 86,272). On average, the amount of similarity between two groups (e.g., high vs. low educated) was greater than 90%. Study 2 (N = 54,082) replicated these findings. Study 3 demonstrated the importance of presenting information about similarity, by showing that a research report led to more accurate perceptions when similarities were presented alongside differences. Secondly, I explored whether differences might emerge in relatively concrete variables. In particular, human values (e.g., freedom, creativity) measured in Studies 1 and 2 were very abstract, and people instantiate (that is to say, exemplify) human values differently. I directly examined these instantiations in Brazil, India, and the UK (Study 4). Although some meaningful differences in value instantiation emerged, within- country variability outweighed between-country differences. Studies 5-7 provided further support for this conclusion. Finally, I tested the implications of one provocative difference in value instantiation, namely a tendency to associate the value of creativity with art and not with science, particularly in the UK and not in Brazil (Study 8). Results indicated that the detection of this difference may depend on the ways in which art and science are iv presented to participants, and this finding has implications for attempts to engage more interest in science. To conclude, the final chapter of the thesis summarises the findings and discusses some limitations across the chapters. It then outlines a range of broad implications, including the benefits of a stronger focus on similarities, such as increased transparency in the reporting of scientific results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'ESS data were used in Study 2. Full thesis can be found here http://orca.cf.ac.uk/96711/','p.hanel@bath.ac.uk','2017-09-16 20:26:19','2018-02-01 10:35:13','','Waiting'),(3018,'Older Worker in the Labour Market in Poland: 40+? 50+? Or only „a plus”?','Starszy pracownik na rynku pracy w polsce: 40+? 50+? Czy tylko „plus”?',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article presents the process of social construction of old age in the labour market in Poland, which manifests itself through different age distinctions, such as chronological, social, psychological or cognitive age. The analysis of 30 in-depth interviews with employers in Malopolska region from small, medium and large enterprises, as well as expert interviews with representatives of labour market institutions comprises empirical material to formulate an answer to a question about the consequence of age signi?ers for the situation of an individual in employment. Moreover, the article illustrates the functioning of some mechanism of exclusion of older people from labour market, which despite the fact that efforts are being made in order to increase the effectiveness of the anti-discrimination legislation in Poland, are still particularly prominent in certain sectors of economy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','przybysz@ifispan.waw.pl','2017-09-26 11:05:28','2018-02-01 13:39:01','','Waiting'),(3019,'Boycott and buycott in Europe. Ecocitizenship and liberal culture','Boycott et « buycott » en Europe. Écocitoyenneté et culture libérale',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'After a detailed definition of the concepts of boycott and buycott, and a specification of the methods of investigation, the author tries to demonstrate that buycott and boycott are two forms of political participation in the repertoire of cultural liberalism. In a second time, he highlights the cultural roots of these practices which underlie the legitimacy of individual action. That is why boycott and buycott are made by persons with a high social capital and are particularly present in the countries of the North and secondarily of Western Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jeanpaul.bozonnet@sciencespo-grenoble.fr','2017-09-26 22:15:36','2018-02-01 14:11:31','','Waiting'),(3020,'Absolute and relative educational inequalities in depression in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objectives: To investigate (1) the size of absolute and relative educational inequalities in depression, (2) their variation between European countries, and (3) their relationship with underlying prevalence rates.\n\nMethods: Analyses are based on the European Social Survey, rounds three and six (N = 57,419). Depression is measured using the shortened Centre of Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale. Education is coded by use of the International Standard Classification of Education. Country-specific logistic regressions are applied.\n\nResults: Results point to an elevated risk of depressive symptoms among the lower educated. The cross-national patterns differ between absolute and relative measurements. For men, large relative inequalities are found for countries including Denmark and Sweden, but are accompanied by small absolute inequalities. For women, large relative and absolute inequalities are found in Belgium, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Results point to an empirical association between inequalities and the underlying prevalence rates. However, the strength of the association is only moderate.\n\nDiscussions: This research stresses the importance of including both measurements for comparative research and suggests the inclusion of the level of population health in research into inequalities in health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Piet.Bracke@UGent.be','2017-09-29 10:17:00','2018-02-01 14:43:30','','Waiting'),(3021,'Political Legitimacy and Normative Disorientation in European Liberal Democracies','Political Legitimacy and Normative Disorientation in European Liberal Democracies',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Legitimacy is one of the fundamental topics of the social and political sciences, as well as a valid issue in contemporary Western societies. Legitimacy is based on the existence of a common standard for evaluating social and political systems. If such a standard is absent, legitimacy is impossible by de nition (Beetham 1991). The research question of this article is: to what extent is the level of a political system’s legitimacy explained by the e ect of normative disorientation? Data from round 5 of the European Social Survey is analyzed by multilevel linear regression models in order to verify hypotheses about the strength and direction of the correlation between political legitimacy and normative disorientation. Analysis showed that normative disorientation is negatively correlated with the level of political legitimacy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jbielinski@civitas.edu.pl','2017-10-02 21:28:21','2018-02-01 15:13:24','','Waiting'),(3022,'Changes in Young Europeans\' Values During the Global Financial Crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We investigate the impact of the global financial crisis (GFC) on the personal values of youth and young adults (age 16–35 years) comparing 16 European countries. Using seven waves (2002–2014) of the European Social Survey (ESS), we examined (1) the extent to which the GFC led to value shifts in cohorts of young people and (2) the moderation of expected value changes by national levels of social expenditure. Multilevel analyses showed that, following the GFC, the importance of security, tradition, benevolence and, to a lesser extent, conformity values increased. In contrast, hedonism, self-direction, and stimulation values decreased. In line with our moderation hypothesis, power and, to a lesser extent, achievement values increased following the GFC in countries low on welfare expenditures but decreased in countries high on welfare expenditures. Contrary to expectations, increases in tradition and benevolence values were more pronounced in high-welfare countries. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','shalom.schwartz@huji.ac.il','2017-10-04 14:45:46','2018-02-01 16:36:46','','Waiting'),(3023,'Values that Underlie and Undermine Well-Being: Variability Across Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We examined relations of 10 personal values to life satisfaction (LS) and depressive affect (DEP) in representative samples from 32/25 countries (N = 121 495). We tested hypotheses both for direct relations and cross-level moderation of relations by Cultural Egalitarianism. We based hypotheses on the growth versus selfprotection orientation and person-focus versus social-focus motivations that underlie values. As predicted, openness to change values growth/person) correlated positively with subjective well-being (SWB: higher LS, lower DEP) and conservation values (self-protection/social) correlated negatively with SWB. The combination of underlying motivations also explained more complex direct relations of self-transcendence and self-enhancement values with SWB. We combined an analysis of the environmental context in societies low versus high in Cultural Egalitarianism with the implications of pursuing person-focused versus social-focused values to predict how Cultural Egalitarianism moderates value–SWB relations. As predicted, under low versus high Cultural Egalitarianism, (i) openness to change values related more positively to SWB, (ii) conservation values more negatively, (iii) self-enhancement values less negatively and (iv) self-transcendence values less positively. Culture moderated value–SWB relations more weakly for DEP than for LS. Culture moderated value–LS relations more strongly than the socio-economic context did. This study demonstrates how the cultural context shapes individual-level associations between values and SWB',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','shalom.schwartz@huji.ac.il','2017-10-04 14:57:40','2018-02-01 16:50:58','','Waiting'),(3024,'Individual values across cultures','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter discusses the most influential psychological work on values as an individual difference variable, an aspect of personality. In other disciplines, there are significant literatures on values as a feature of societies and cultures. An early anthropological approach was the Kluckhohns’ Values Orientation Theory (Kluckhohn, 1951; Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck, 1961). It proposed that each society is characterized by its answers to five questions that all human societies must address: human’s relations with time, with nature, and with one another, the source of human motivation, and the nature of human nature. This approach to thinking about cultural differences in values has influenced all subsequent approaches.\nProminent in business, management, and cross-cultural psychology is Hofstede’s (2001) work on individualism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, and masculinity and its extensions by the GLOBE project (e.g., House, et al., 2004). Schwartz’s (e.g., 2007) seven cultural values for capturing the value culture that underlies societal institutions (mastery, harmony, egalitarianism, hierarchy, embeddedness, and intellectual and affective autonomy) also contribute to this literature. In studies of societal development and change, Inglehart (e.g., 1997) has characterized societies on a materialist-postmaterialist dimension and, more recently, on the dimensions of survival versus self-expression and traditional versus secular/rational (Inglehart & Baker, 2000). Finally, Welzel (2013) has elaborated the concept of emancipative values’ as the source of democracy and the driving force toward universal freedoms. These and other analyses of societal values have important implications for value acquisition and change by individuals.\nSince the theory of basic human values caught on in the mid-1990s, psychological research on values has expanded at a rapid pace. Values are finding their rightful place as an important aspect of personality. The current chapter discussed some of the more widely studied topics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','shalom.schwartz@huji.ac.il','2017-10-04 15:27:56','2018-02-01 17:07:24','','Waiting'),(3025,'Does Intergenerational Educational Mobility Shape the Well-Being of Young Europeans? Evidence from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using pooled European Social Survey data (Rounds 4–7, 2008–2014), we investigate the relationship between intergenerational educational mobility and subjective well-being (SWB) for young Europeans (N = 16,050 individuals aged 25–34 from 18 countries). Previous research has been struggling with inconclusive results due to the methodological challenge of disentangling the independent (i.e., ‘net’) effect of social mobility over and above the effects of social origin and destination. We contribute to this line of research by contrasting mobility effects estimated in a conventional linear regression framework with net mobility effects estimated by (non-linear) diagonal mobility models (DMM). We show how model selection influences estimates of mobility effects and how different specifications lead to radically different findings. Using DMM, we estimate how intergenerational educational mobility affects the SWB of young Europeans, differentiating between downward and upward mobility and different country groups. Our results suggest that status loss/gain across generations affects young adults’ SWB in addition to the level-effect of ending up in a lower/higher status position only in Continental Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bettina.schuck@ipw.uni-heidelberg.de','2017-10-10 13:47:16','2018-02-01 17:13:43','','Waiting'),(3026,'Economic Crisis and Support for Democracy in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study of the impact of the economic crisis on attitudes toward democracy tends to be focused on satisfaction with specific democratic institutions. This article expands upon previous research to explore how the current economic crisis can affect core support for democracy as a regime. Based on European Social Survey data for the Eurozone countries, the findings are twofold. It is shown, firstly, that perceptions of the state of the economy have an impact both on satisfaction with and support for democracy, and, secondly, that citizens’ support for democracy is greater in bailed-out countries. In countries that have experienced intervention, the more critical citizens and those less satisfied with the outputs of democracy are the stronger advocates of democracy. The article argues that this is connected with the tendency of critical citizens in bailed-out countries to blame external agents for the economic situation while increasing the saliency of democratic rules as a reaction to the imposition of unpopular measures.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-17 11:31:45','2018-02-01 17:23:10','','Waiting'),(3027,'Beyond GDP: Using Equivalent Incomes to Measure Well-Being in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It has become widely accepted that focusing exclusively on income growth may lead to a too narrow-sighted measure of changes in well-being. People care about other dimensions of life, such as their health, employment, social interactions and personal safety. Moreover, an exclusive focus on income growth remains blind to the distribution of income and well-being in the society. We propose therefore a set of five principles for a richer measure of well-being. In particular, we advocate the use of a measure based on “equivalent incomes”, which satisfies these principles. We discuss and illustrate how this equivalent income approach can be implemented in Europe, using the ESS data for 2008 and 2010. We find that introducing inequality aversion and including other dimensions in the analysis leads to a remarkably different perspective on the growth of well-being in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-17 11:47:20','2018-02-02 10:58:55','','Waiting'),(3028,'Muslim Immigration Continues to Divide Europe: A Quantitative Analysis of European Social Survey Data','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article assesses the backlash surrounding German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s “culture of welcome,” a policy of welcoming large numbers of refugees from the Middle East, North Africa and West Asia. Although this policy gained momentum in the summer of 2015, a strong backlash has ensued in 2016, culminating, all across Europe, in the election, one after the other, of far-right “populist” anti-immigration and right-wing parties and movements. This article employs data from European Social Survey (ESS) and the World Values Survey (WVS) to create an accurate diagnostic image of the major storm gathering on the European horizon.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-17 11:52:17','2018-02-02 11:04:02','','Waiting'),(3029,'The First Pan-European Sociological Health Inequalities Survey of the General Population: The European Social Survey Rotating Module on the Social Determinants of Health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey (ESS) is a biennial, academically driven, cross-sectional, pan-European social survey that charts and explains the interactions between Europe’s changing institutions and the attitudes, beliefs, and behaviour patterns of its diverse populations. As part of the seventh round of the ESS, we successfully developed a rotating module that provides a comprehensive and comparative pan-European data set on the social determinants of health and health inequalities. In this article, we present the rationale for the module, the health outcomes, and social determinants that were included, and some of the opportunities that the module provide for advancing research into explaining the distribution and aetiology of social inequalities in health in Europe. Thus far, no health survey has had sufficient data on the stratification system of societies, including rich data on living conditions, and there is no sociological survey with sufficient variety of lifestyle factors and health outcomes. By including unhealthy lifestyle behaviours, childhood conditions, housing conditions, working conditions, and variables describing access to healthcare, together with an extensive set of mental and physical health outcomes, the ESS has strengthened its position tremendously as a data source for sociologists wanting to perform European cross-national analyses of health inequalities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-17 12:09:35','2018-02-02 11:15:29','','Waiting'),(3030,'Countervailing contact: Community ethnic diversity, anti-immigrant attitudes and mediating pathways of positive and negative inter-ethnic contact in European societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Inter-ethnic contact has long been held as a key means of ameliorating possible inter-group tensions and facilitating the integration of increasing immigrant populations into society. However, our understanding of the role of contact in this relationship may be limited due to the omission of contact-valence; that is, whether contact is experienced positively or negatively. This paper integrates the concept of contact-valence into the question of how increasing community diversity affects attitudes towards immigrants via inter-group contact, across Europe. We posit the existence of dual, mediating pathways of both positive and negative inter-group contact. Applying generalized structural equation models to data from the 2014 European Social Survey, we find that living in more diverse communities increases the frequency of positive inter-group contact but also negative inter-group contact. While the former is positively associated with inter-group attitudes the latter is negatively associated. Testing demonstrates that diversity exerts countervailing positive and negative indirect-effects on attitudes towards immigrants via processes of inter-group contact. Furthermore, while the net-effect of diversity on attitudes via contact is positive, attitudes amongst those experiencing more frequent negative contact become progressively worse. Increasing diversity therefore leads to a polarisation in attitudes towards immigration as a result of, and not due to a lack of, inter-group contact.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','james.laurence@manchester.ac.uk','2017-10-18 14:31:07','2018-02-02 11:35:10','','Waiting'),(3031,'Engaged and Critical? The Young Generation’s Political Participation in EU Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Within Europe, there is a clear difference in the strength of political activism between old and new member states. Taking Dalton’s differentiation between old and new types of participation, ‘duty’ and ‘engaged’ citizenship, as a point of departure, the article explores the major predictors for the new, network-based and horizontal political practices among young people. The article uses data from the 2006 and 2012 rounds of the European Social Survey to explore country and age group differences within the EU to seek out structural reasons for the trends in duty and engaged citizenship. The results show that duty citizenship is decreasing and engaged citizenship increasing, but the changes are small and not only among youth. Both types of political participation are related to strong evaluations of the performance of democracy. While there are significant differences in value orientations between adult engaged and duty citizens, these differences are less marked in the case of young people.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-19 09:34:37','2018-02-02 13:09:47','','Waiting'),(3032,'Immigrant Presence, Group Boundaries and Support for the Welfare State in Western European Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The intersection of group dynamics and socioeconomic status theories is applied as a framework for the puzzling relationship of immigration and support for the welfare state in Western Europe. Group dynamics theories suggest that how individuals define their group boundaries moderates the impact of immigration on support for the welfare state. Immigrant presence should have the strongest effects for those with exclusive national group boundaries; weaker for those with conditionally inclusive boundaries based on reciprocity; and weakest or non-existent for those with inclusive group boundaries. Group boundaries should interact with material self-interest, leading individuals with less material security who are more likely to face social risks to be more supportive of the welfare state. Using data from the 4th European Social Survey linked to regional and national data, we find that group boundary salience plays a large moderating role in the relationship between immigration and native support for the welfare state, and that this role is intricately linked to material self-interest. Group dynamics should therefore be viewed in conjunction with existing structural welfare state theories as opposed to an alternative or isolated mechanism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-19 09:46:29','2018-02-02 13:16:08','','Waiting'),(3033,'Policy and Decision to Retire in Central and Eastern European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The exit from the labor market in old age is a process determined by different institutional factors of the labor market. Working conditions, employment protection regulation, organizational policies and employers\' attitude can either make people stop working or motivate them to work longer. The decision to stay or withdraw from the labor market in old age with regard to the employment policies in the Central and Eastern EU member states is analyzed in the paper. Central and Eastern European countries have been selected due to their similar historical development, as well as due to the advantages of comparative analysis providing more robust results based on the data from several national cases. For the literature analysis, the document meta-analysis and the analysis of data from the European Social Survey (ESS5, 2010) and Eurobarometer 76.2 (September–October 2011), including methods such as descriptive statistics, binary logistic regression was applied. The willingness to continue in paid work after retirement is influenced by the complexity of the institutional factors related to the working time, autonomy at work, work and family balance, training opportunities, adjustment of the work place, the view of the employers and antidiscrimination actions. The analysis revealed the demand for effective policies in the fields of promoting productivity and fighting discrimination in Central and Eastern European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daiva.skuciene@lstc.lt','2017-10-23 12:02:28','2018-02-02 13:31:35','','Waiting'),(3034,'Happiness Decomposition: Female Optimism','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the Gallup World Poll, the World Values Survey and the European Social Survey we present evidence of differences in happiness by gender. Although worldwide women are happier than men, at the country level the happiness gap favors females in some cases and males in others. We decompose the happiness gap between observable characteristics and how male and females react to these characteristics. We find that the observables do not help to explain the gap, quite the contrary, they hide an unfavorable situation of women. That is to say, if females had the same objective individual characteristics than men, they would be even happier that what they currently are. We conclude that females tend to respond to individual happiness determinants in a much “favorable” way than men do. Our results are pervasive among geographic regions and country income groups. We also find a correlation between the observed and unobserved component of the happiness decomposition with gdp per capita, female life expectation and female literacy rate.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-25 10:00:58','2018-02-02 13:40:44','','Waiting'),(3035,'Word on the Street: The Persistence of Leftist-dominated Protest in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Classic studies of protest politics have traditionally defended the dominant left-wing orientation of protesters. However, some recent research has highlighted the general spread of protest by the increasing participation of right-wing individuals. Has this process meant an ‘ideological normalisation’ of protesters? The present article tackles this question by examining competing hypotheses regarding the relationship between ideology and political protest. Through a hierarchical multilevel design, the article tests whether left-wing (or right-wing) supporters are more likely to stay at home when left-wing (right-wing) parties are in power and whether they intensify their protest activities when they are more distant from the government’s ideological position. The article shows that left-wing individuals protest more under right-wing governments than under left-wing governments and yet, they are the group which protest the most also under left-wing governments. Both party mobilisation and values appear to be behind these individuals\' greater propensity to participate regardless of the governments\' ideological orientation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-25 10:07:53','2018-02-02 13:46:06','','Waiting'),(3036,'Trustees, Delegates, and Responsiveness in Comparative Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A large body of aggregate-level work shows that government policies do indeed respond to citizen preferences. But whether citizens recognize that government is responsive is another question entirely. Indeed, a prior question is whether or not citizens value responsiveness in the way that academic research assumes they should in the first place. Using comparative data from the European Social Survey, this article examines how citizens see government responsiveness. We show that several key assumptions of the aggregate-level literature are met at the individual level. But we also present results that show that attitudes toward representation and responsiveness are colored, sometimes in quite surprising ways, by winner–loser effects. In a finding that stands in some contrast to the normative literature on the topic, we show that these sorts of short-term attitudes help shape preferences for models of representation. In particular, we show that the distinction between delegates and trustees is a conceptual distinction that has limits in helping us to understand citizen preferences for representation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-25 10:23:02','2018-02-02 15:03:54','','Waiting'),(3037,'Explaining Membership in Pro-environmental Groups: a Comparative European Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Explaining Membership in Pro-environmental Groups: a Comparative European Perspective',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-25 10:41:25','2018-02-02 15:06:24','','Waiting'),(3038,'The Welfare Costs of Well-being Inequality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'If satisfaction with life (SWL) is used to measure individual wellbeing, the dispersion of its distribution offers a comprehensive measure of inequality that subsumes the many and various component forms of inequality in particular domains. The cross-country correlation between the level of SWL and its dispersion may thus offer a useful measure of the degree to which happiness differences are related to differences in inequality. A major concern, however, is spurious correlation due to the bounded scale on which SWL is reported. We examine this possibility, and show (i) that the correlation between SWL and its dispersion is only marginally attenuated when allowing for bounded scale reporting, including a purely ordinal measure of dispersion, (ii) that it is stronger in the subset of individuals who care most about inequality, and (iii) that it extends to contributors of SWL that are known to be affected by inequality, with SWL levels ruled out as a mediating variable. These findings allay the concern with spurious correlation, and support the use of the SWL dispersion as a comprehensive measure of inequality. Among rich countries, differences in the variance of SWL explain about as much of the difference in mean SWL as differences in GDP per capita.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-26 09:10:13','2018-02-02 15:09:43','','Waiting'),(3039,'Labour migration as a way to escape from employment vulnerability? Evidence from the European Union','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Free Movement of people is a fundamental principle of the European Union (EU). In a context of strong divergence in employment and working conditions among EU member states, migration can be seen as a way to increase employment opportunities but also to escape from poor working conditions at home. In this article, we focus on the possible influence of employment vulnerability by comparing its individual level among migrants and native workers in EU countries. We implement propensity score matching methods using data from the European Social Survey (2008) and indexes of employment vulnerability proposed by Bazillier et al. (2014). Overall, we show that migrants face the same level of employment vulnerability than natives, all other things being equal. But there are strong differences by skill-level. Low-skilled migrants have a lower level of vulnerability mainly because of a lower level of employer vulnerability while high-skilled migrants face a higher level of vulnerability, because of a higher level of job vulnerability.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-26 09:48:33','2018-02-02 15:13:06','','Waiting'),(3040,'Contextual drivers of environmental values cross-culturally: evidence from Europe between 2004 and 2012','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Environmental issues continue to grow in international prominence, owing to the importance of environ-mental conditions to human well-being globally. This paper focuses on why people’s values toward care for nature and environmental protection change — one of the antecedents to pro-environmental norms and behaviour. We aimed to clarify how individual and country-level contextual factors affect environmental values in Europe. Our cross-national study used data on individual environmental values from the 2004 and 2012 rounds of the European Social Survey, in combination with macro-level data on socio-economic security, countries’ environmental performance and educational levels. Country-level results revealed that throughout the studied years, nature held more importance to people in countries with increased levels of unemployment and exacerbated income disparities, including in transitional, post-socialist economies. Care for environment is less prominent in countries already performing well in terms of socio-economic and environmental performance, i.e. in states that may have higher resilience capacity towards adverse environmental impacts. Besides a state’s science education, which functions as an effective socialiser of caring for nature, practical experiences with adverse environmental impacts (e.g. health impairment) could be used to predict an increase in the mean value of the natural environment in a country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-26 10:00:17','2017-10-26 10:00:17','','Waiting'),(3041,'Varying uncertainty in CUB','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper presents a generalization of a mixture model used for the analysis of ratings and preferences by introducing a varying uncertainty component. According to the standard mixture model, called CUB model, the response probabilities are defined as a convex combination of shifted Binomial and discrete Uniform random variables. Our proposal introduces uncertainty distributions with different shapes, which could capture response style and indecision of respondents with greater effectiveness. Since we consider several alternative specifications that are nonnested, we suggest the implementation of a Vuong test for choosing among them. In this regard, some simulation experiments and real case studies confirm the usefulness of the approach.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-26 10:08:49','2018-02-08 14:12:53','','Waiting'),(3042,'Gender Inequality in the Division of Housework over the Life Course: A European Comparative Perspective','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Last 50 years the gendered division of paid work in European households have become more equal. The evolution is only partly compensated by a more equal distribution of unpaid work. Therefore this study aims to examine how gender inequality in the division of housework varies across different stages of the life course and across different cultural and institutional contexts. Using data from the fifth round (2010) of the European Social Survey a sample of 24045 heterosexual couples from 24 different countries was selected. Using multilevel analysis we examined how the distribution of domestic work over the life course is affected by (1) time availability, relative resources and gender ideology and (2) the cultural and institutional context and (3) whether cross-level-interactions play a role. Results show that a progressive gender ideology has a relatively small positive influence on gender equality for couples with young children. But this effect depends on the societal context as cross-level-interactions suggest that parents better succeed in implementing their progressive ideas in a country with a progressive national gender culture and more full-time child care. In this way contextual variables play a role in reducing traditional gender roles following the birth of a child. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-26 10:33:47','2018-02-20 10:45:55','','Waiting'),(3043,'Playing the blame game on Brussels: the domestic political effects of EU interventions against democratic backsliding','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article develops the argument that European Union (EU) intervention to protect its core values is likely to provoke unintended and undesired consequences at the domestic level. EU intervention will typically invite the accused government to play the blame game on Brussels. By criticizing the EU for illegitimately interfering with domestic affairs, the government may frame EU intervention as a threat from the outside and present itself as the only safeguard against this threat. As a consequence, support for those domestic actors that were supposed to be weakened by EU intervention is likely to increase in the aftermath of a European intervention, while EU support might significantly drop. The article illustrates this argument by tracing domestic reactions to EU interventions against Austria between 2000 and 2002 and against Hungary since 2010. In conclusion, the EU should be very cautious with such external interventions, since they may easily strengthen anti-EU and illiberal political forces at the domestic level. To minimize the risk of such undesired consequences, bottom–up mechanisms against democratic backsliding should be installed, which would allow disadvantaged domestic groups to appeal to an independent European democracy watchdog if they feel that democratic rules are being violated in their country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-26 11:22:47','2018-02-20 10:54:43','','Waiting'),(3044,'Regional Differences in Philanthropy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper explores regional differences in philanthropy, narrowly defined here as the contribution of money to nonprofit organizations.1 Across the globe, the practices and traditions in philanthropy differ strongly from one place to another. There are striking differences not only in the size and nature of philanthropy between nations but also in the methods used to contribute to nonprofit organizations. Data from an extensive Eurobarometer survey from 2004 on civic engagement that will be discussed in more detail in this paper, show that the proportion of the population reporting donations to at least one out of 14 categories of nonprofit organizations varies from 20% in Spain to almost 80% in the Netherlands. Recent evidence from the Gallup World Poll (CAF, 2011) shows that the proportion of the population reporting donations to charity in the course of a calendar year varies from 79% in the UK to 7% in Greece. The figures for Spain and the Netherlands, the lowest and highest scoring countries in the Eurobarometer survey, are 24% and 75%, respectively. In Part 1 of this paper hypotheses on regional differences in philanthropy are examined and the empirical evidence available on these hypotheses is reviewed. In Part 2 the methodological problems involved in testing hypotheses on regional differences are examined.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-26 13:01:09','2018-02-20 11:01:19','','Waiting'),(3045,'Explaining Protest in the Aftermath of the Great Recession in Europe: The Relevance of Different Economic Indicators','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Explaining Protest in the Aftermath of the Great Recession in Europe: The Relevance of Different Economic Indicators',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-27 09:14:16','2018-02-20 11:04:46','','Waiting'),(3046,' Subjective well-being among the self-employed in Europe: macroeconomy, gender and immigrant status','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous research shows that the self-employed generally experience a higher degree of job satisfaction compared to regular employees. However, our knowledge of subjective well-being among the self-employed, the differences between various groups of self-employed and the potential influence of contextual factors is somewhat limited. The purpose of the present paper is to address this gap by taking macroeconomic conditions, gender and immigrant status into consideration. The results show that self-employment is positively related to subjective well-being, but there are also differences between groups of the self-employed; self-employed with employees report a higher level of life satisfaction than the self-employed without employees. Economic growth is more important for the level of life satisfaction among the self-employed than among employees. The analyses also point to different patterns for female and male self-employed without employees: only women experience a higher level of life satisfaction compared to employees. The results also show that the relationship is stronger among immigrants than natives. The results of this study confirm the importance of considering potential heterogeneity when examining subjective well-being among the self-employed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-27 10:07:02','2018-02-20 11:13:00','','Waiting'),(3047,'Harmonization of Cross-National Survey Projects on Political Behavior: Developing the Analytic Framework of Survey Data Recycling','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article describes challenges and solutions to ex post harmonization of survey data in the social sciences based on the big data project “Democratic Values and Protest Behavior: Data Harmonization, Measurement Comparability, and Multi-Level Modeling.” This project engages with the relationship between democracy and protest behavior in comparative perspective by proposing a theoretical model that explains variation in political protest through individual-level characteristics, country-level determinants, and interactions between the two. Testing it requires data with information at both the individual and country levels that vary across space and over time. The project’s team pooled information from 22 well-known international survey projects into a data set of 2.3 million respondents, covering a total of 142 countries and territories, and spanning almost 50 years, to construct common measures of political behavior, social attitudes, and demographics. The integrated data set is appended with country variables from nonsurvey sources. Mapping the methodological complexities this work raised and their solutions became the springboard for the analytic framework of Survey Data Recycling (SDR). SDR facilitates reprocessing information from extant cross-national projects in ways that minimize the “messiness” of data built into original surveys, expand the range of possible comparisons over time and across countries, and improve confidence in substantive results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-27 10:30:01','2018-03-23 13:14:57','','Waiting'),(3048,'System satisfaction, contact satisfaction, and trust in the police: A study of Norway','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Several studies have found that citizens’ trust in the police is influenced by everyday encounters with the police. However, one important factor has been largely omitted from studies about contact and trust: citizens’ overall satisfaction with the functioning of their country’s political system and economy. What we label “system satisfaction” may influence both trust in the police and experiences and interpretations of encounters with the police. Using data from the European Social Survey, we investigate how system satisfaction is related to trust in the police in Norway, and the degree to which it accounts for or moderates the relationship between contact and trust. Our findings suggest that system satisfaction is highly significant for trust in the police. However, it does not seem to account for or moderate the relationship between contact satisfaction and trust. Thus, system satisfaction and direct contact experience appear to affect trust in the police independently.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-27 10:48:59','2018-02-20 11:25:15','','Waiting'),(3049,'Women on Boards: The Superheroes of Tomorrow?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Can female directors help save economies and the firms on whose boards they sit? Policy-makers seem to think so. Numerous countries have implemented boardroom gender policies because of business case arguments. While women may be the key to healthy economies, I argue that more research needs to be done to understand the benefits of board diversity. The literature faces three main challenges: data limitations, selection and causal inference. Recognizing and dealing with these challenges is important for developing informed research and policy. Negative stereotypes may be one reason women are underrepresented in management. It is not clear that promoting them on the basis of positive stereotypes does them, or society, a service.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-27 11:43:08','2018-02-20 11:33:25','','Waiting'),(3050,'The Link between Family Background and Later Lifetime Income: How Does the UK Compare with Other Countries?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The link between family background and labour market outcomes is an issue of great academic, social and political concern. It is frequently claimed that such intergenerational associations are stronger in Britain than in other countries. But is this really true? I investigate this issue by estimating the link between parental education and later lifetime income, using three cross-nationally comparable data sets covering more than 30 countries. My results suggest that the UK is broadly in the middle of the cross-country rankings, with intergenerational associations notably stronger than in Scandinavia but weaker than in eastern Europe. Overall, I find limited support for claims that family background is a greater barrier to economic success in Britain than in other parts of the developed world.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-10-27 12:18:31','2018-02-20 12:03:59','','Waiting'),(3051,'The Effects of Unemployment for Health in Europe: The Role of Welfare State','Влияние безработицы на здоровье в странах Европы: Значение социального государства',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article deals with the problem of social inequalities in health and the impact of societal context on these inequalities.  It discusses the health differences of people with jobs and unemployed belonging to different demographic and social strata, as well as the influence on such differences of welfare state.  Data of the European Social Survey (ESS 2006-2012, 33 countries), the World Bank and the International Labour Organization were analyzed by statistical methods of two-level modeling.  It has been found that the health differences in the European countries are due to social demographics, employment status and the combined influence of these variables.  Unemployment affects more the older people and leads to a greater deterioration of their health, as it is harder to them to find a new job.  The growth of economic well-being of the countries and an increase in public social expenditures entails a reduction in the gender and age differences in health.  Public social support positively affects the health status of the respondents with low education.  Increased public spending on unemployment helps overcome the negative cumulative effects on the health of low educational level and status of the unemployed, however, the differences between the employed and the unemployed do not reduced, on the contrary, they become even larger than in the less generous countries.  The reason for this is a heightened sense of relative deprivation among the unemployed in the developed societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2017-10-30 11:33:25','2018-02-20 12:05:19','','Waiting'),(3052,'The Declining Significance of Religion: Secularization in Ireland','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using data from the European Social Survey (and other sources), this chapter illustrates that secularization has occurred at a rapid pace in Ireland once \'The Troubles\' ended in the mid-1990s. ESS data illustrate that fewer people are identifying as religious and fewer people are attending religious services. The chapter uses these findings to illustrate two important characteristics of secularization theory. First, when religion is tied to national identity, secularization is delayed. Second, most declines in religiosity are generational, suggesting that one of the mechanisms of secularization is failed transmission of religiosity from parents to children.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ryantcragun@gmail.com','2017-10-31 13:01:36','2018-02-20 12:10:56','','Waiting'),(3053,'Social connectedness and depression: Is there added value in volunteering?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The associations between volunteering and health outcomes are well established. However, little research has identified the unique association between volunteering and health outcomes over and above the contribution of related social connectedness factors, such as social contact, group or organization membership, and social support provision; variables also implicated in health outcomes. Using large-scale cross-national cross-sectional survey data from the European Social Survey, this study models the association between volunteering and depressive symptoms. Models are conducted with and without adjustment for sociodemographic variables and for a more comprehensive range of social connectedness factors than has been included in previous studies. The findings confirm previous studies demonstrating a link between volunteering and depressive symptoms. However, adjusted analyses indicate that this association can be explained by social connectedness and sociodemographic variables. The findings suggest that studies of volunteering and health outcomes should consider the broader social context in which the volunteer is located, as social connectedness and sociodemographic correlates of volunteering might be more closely tied to mental health than volunteering itself.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ann-marie.creaven@ul.ie','2017-10-31 13:03:14','2018-03-26 11:35:44','','Waiting'),(3054,'The financial crisis in Europe: Impact on satisfaction with life','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: The 2008 financial crisis in Europe came abruptly and surprisingly. Many countries also suffered a second recession during the period 2010–2012. We examined the impact of the crisis on life satisfaction (LS) by country and individual socioeconomic level. Method: We used a representative sample from the European Social Survey (2002–2014)with data from 26 countries (N = 294,407). LS was measured with a single question with 11 response alternatives. Time from start of crisis (either 2008 or 2010-2012) was determined separately for each interview. Data were analyzed by multilevel analysis Results: There was a sharp decrease in LS in the beginning of the crisis in 2008, and another, but not so severe, decline in 2011, each of them of short duration. However, there was also a slight and progressive yearly decrease in LS that continued one to at least 3 years after either financial crisis that was independent of the effect of being unemployed. Associations varied considerably between countries. A negative decline after the financial crisis was especially evident among those in the most educated groups, and in those in the higher occupational levels. Conclusions: The 2008 financial crisis had a double effect on LS:(1) a sharp short-term decrease consistent with the Easterlin paradox; (2) a slighter long-term progressive decrease that was over and above the strong negative relationship with unemployment that lasted several years. The long-term decline in LS after the start of the financial crisis tended to occur especially in the higher socioeconomic groups.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jocelyne.clench-aas@fhi.no','2017-10-31 13:38:08','2018-02-20 12:31:18','','Waiting'),(3055,'Europe\'s Trust Deficit: Causes and Remedies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The objective of this report is to understand the roots of Europe’s trust deficit, the consequent decline in support for established political parties and institutions, and  growing  scepticism  towards  the  European  Union.  We  connect  up  these  developments  with  the  literature  on  populism,  which  we  define  as  a  political tendency distinguished by its anti-elite, authoritarian and nationalist elements, and rooted in economic insecurity and identity politics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','s.otten@ucl.ac.uk','2017-10-31 13:57:09','2018-02-20 12:45:41','','Waiting'),(3056,'Self-Employment, Personal Values, and Varieties of Happiness-Unhappiness','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study compares key personal values and forms of happiness between self-employed and paid workers. Values are measured through Schwartz’s established model and scale, and happiness is examined in terms of personal flourishing and both general and job-specific well-being. In two nationally-representative samples, self-employed workers are found to value self-direction and stimulation in their lives to a significantly greater degree than do paid employees, but not to differ in other types of value. Well-being differences are predicted to depend on whether workers supervise or do not supervise others, such that any well-being advantages of self-employment are expected to occur only for self-employees without subordinates. As predicted, self-employees’ job satisfaction is found to exceed that of paid employees as a whole, and primarily for those who do not supervise others. However, experienced strain in a job and context-free hedonic well-being are found to be similar between the two groups. In respect of personal flourishing, self-employed workers as a whole report significantly greater accomplishment in their lives, but as predicted that difference occurs only for individuals without supervisory responsibility. Research developments and changes to practical procedures are proposed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','p.warr@sheffield.ac.uk','2017-10-31 14:40:11','2018-02-20 12:52:16','','Waiting'),(3057,'Corruption and Trust in the European Union and National Institutions: Changes over the Great Recession across European States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Does corruption influence trust in national institutions in the same way as trust in international institutions? Did this influence change over the economic crisis 2008? Using data from the European Social Survey, we examined the association between corruption and trust in national and European parliaments before and after the start of the Great Recession 2008. We found that over the Crisis, the effect of corruption on trust in national parliament became more negative than it was before 2008. We also discovered a positive association between corruption and trust in the EU before the Crisis. That is, states with a higher level of national corruption seem to have more trust in international institutions, such as the EU. However, this relationship disappears after 2008. Our findings contribute to the debates on the impact of corruption on trust in national and international institutions, and on the consequences of the Great Recession',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bruno.arpino@upf.edu','2017-10-31 18:43:47','2018-02-21 13:18:16','','Waiting'),(3058,'Matching pre-processing of split-ballot survey data for the analysis of double standards','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Split-ballot data are often used to study double standards. The key problem of this design is that individual double standards cannot be identified. I propose a simple two-step approach based on a matching pre-processing of the data to estimate individual double standards. Once this preliminary first step is completed, any statistical technique (e.g., regression models) can be applied on the new data. I apply the method to gender double standards on attitudes toward the age one leaves home by using data from the third round of the European Social Survey. The proposed method simplifies regression analyses of the effects of covariates on double standards and offers new opportunities for research on double standards.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bruno.arpino@upf.edu','2017-10-31 18:49:47','2018-02-21 13:58:06','','Waiting'),(3059,'How to classify political cultures? A comparison of three methods of classification','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'To study the composition of political cultures, it is necessary to classify citizens according to a theoretical typology of political subcultures. Different methods of classification have been used for confronting this challenge, but the choice of method is rarely discussed in any detail because most studies apply a method without considering implications or possible alternatives. This is unfortunate because the choice of method has important consequences for the ensuing results. With this article, we aim to determine the implications of different methods for classification and hereby call attention to the importance of this choice for comparative research on political culture. We compare three commonly used methods of classification: critical thresholds, factor analysis and cluster analysis. These methods are used for classifying respondents from the 2008 European Social Survey according to a typology of political subcultures. Based on empirical analyses, we conclude that: (a) the choice of method of classification affects the outcome of the analysis, (b) cluster analysis and factor analysis may result in classifications that do not adequately reflect the theoretical typology, and (c) cluster analysis and factor analysis provide classifications that differ depending on analytical level. While the results do not show that either method is inherently superior, they clearly demonstrate that the choice of method should be recognized as a critical part of the research process.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-02 10:39:02','2018-02-21 14:06:07','','Waiting'),(3060,'Third age and fourth age in ageing societies – divergent social and ethical discourses','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In this contribution life situations, attitudes and images emerging among the ‘young old’ and the ‘old old’ in central Europe are analysed and discussed. The main research question is how far increasingly popular concepts of ‘young old’ versus ‘old old’ are associated with significant divergences in social and ethical discourses for different phases of later life. Many of the trends mentioned are rapidly evolving and some behavioural trends are only observed among a selective minority of elderly men and women. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','fhoepf@soziologie.uzh.ch','2017-11-02 11:23:16','2018-02-21 14:12:05','','Waiting'),(3061,'Voice and Insecurity: Political Participation Among  Members of the Precariat','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This chapter looks at civic activism among a specific group of the economically disadvantaged in Poland, namely, those who suffer from precarious labour market conditions. This dimension of social inequality is particularly relevant in the Polish context: in the last few years, around 27% of workers had a temporary job – almost twice the EU average. Fixed-term employment in Poland is concentrated among young workers, in low-status occupations, and is associated with significantly lower wages. It is also likely to affect civic engagement, though the literature offers conflicting expectations with regards to the direction of this relationship. Further, it is possible that the difference between the economically insecure and those holding more stable employment lies not so much in their general propensity for participation, but rather in the preferred forms if civic activism. Precarious employment, while reducing traditional, institutionalized political and civic participation, may foster more individualized and informal activities, which are practiced outside of the institutionalized political realm. These so-called emerging forms of civic engagement include internet campaigns and online petition signing, participation in ad hoc demonstrations or protests, as well as political consumerism.\n\nI address these issues using quantitative data from two sources: the Polish Panel Survey POLPAN (Wave 6, 2013) and the Polish edition of the European Social Survey (a pooled sample of all respontents participating in Rounds 1 to 6, 2002-2012). Both surveys were conducted on nationally representative samples of the Polish adult population. The data include detailed information on the respondents\' labour market position, as well as several indicators of civic activism, such as participation in demonstrations or gatherings, signing petitions, and others. The results point to a negative relationship between precarious employment and civic engagement conditional on education. However, it appears that what is affected is not the percentage of individuals who ever engage in either the conventional or the emerging forms of participation, but rather the degree of involvement, understood in terms of participation intensity or engaging in more than one activity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','chaber@is.uw.edu.pl','2017-11-02 18:08:37','2018-02-21 14:35:53','','Waiting'),(3062,'Social capital at the outburst of the economic crisis in Greece, 2008-2010','Social capital at the outburst of the economic crisis in Greece, 2008-2010',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: Social capital and its core components of social trust and associational activity are widely acknowledged as a core feature of strong and active civil societies that promote effective democratic governance and economic prosperity. Within this context the present study sets out to explore two important research questions. The first one relates to the stock of social capital characterizing Greece and its change during a highly sensitive era, that of the outburst of the economic crisis. The second research question relates to analyzing the group of civil servants as carriers of higher or lower levels of social capital compared to the other citizens. Design/methodology/approach – Based on the available knowledge in the field social capital is measured via the measurement of six main constructs comprising the soft and hard attributes of the concept, namely social trust, social altruism, equality, tolerance, humanitarianism and civic participation. Data are drawn from the European Social Value round 4 (2008) and round 5 (2010) surveys for Greece. \nFindings: Overall, empirical analysis indicates that the country experiences a statistically significant decline in its social capital level while public servants hold higher levels of social capital albeit also declining as for the rest of the country’s citizens. \nResearch limitations/implications: Important policy implications arise as a result of these findings related to issues of democratic legitimation and social participation. \nOriginality/value: the research questions analysed here are important as they can help us sketch the country’s profile with regard to the important concept of social capital that is highly associated with civil empowerment, democratization and increased civil participation levels. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daskal@uop.gr','2017-11-03 13:20:48','2018-02-21 14:44:17','','Waiting'),(3063,'Rent seeking or corruption? An analysis of income satisfaction and perceptions of institutions in Greece','Rent seeking or corruption? An analysis of income satisfaction and perceptions of institutions in Greece',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper analyses the relationship between market allocations of income and individuals’ perceptions over certain institutional characteristics in order to shed light on the underlying societal and business attitudes towards rent-seeking and corruption. The theoretical context is used to construct a set of five hypotheses which are empirically tested with the use of subjective micro data provided by the European Social Survey. Results indicate that the distinction between rent-seeking and corruption as drawn from subjective micro perceptions is indeed a challenging task. In particular, results regarding the society in general indicate that certain institutional characteristics seem to be understood as a search of governmental efficiency rather than as corruption. In the case of the entrepreneurs, evidence is provided over the pursuit of rent-seeking activities. Entrepreneurs are in favor of the existence of social state institutions which however should operate in a free market economy that allows individuals to perform political lobbying and take advantage of opportunities even when these are not along the lines of productive entrepreneurship. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daskal@uop.gr','2017-11-03 13:27:56','2018-02-21 14:58:41','','Waiting'),(3064,'Civic Participation and Soft Social Capital: Evidence from Greece','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study analyses the stock and the change of social capital in Greece at the onset of the economic crisis and tests for the effect of soft social capital elements upon civic participation scores. Public servants are analysed separately as a potentially distinct group of citizens in terms of their civic engagement profile. At the empirical level, we identify social capital via the measurement of six main constructs namely social trust, social altruism, equality, tolerance, humanitarianism (soft social capital elements) and civic participation (hard social capital element). Data are drawn from the European Social Survey rounds 4 and 5. Results show that the country experienced a statistically significant decline in its social capital level during the 2008-2010 period while public servants hold higher (albeit also declining) levels of social capital. More importantly, soft social capital constructs do affect civic participation scores for the society as a whole but not for public servants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daskal@uop.gr','2017-11-03 13:33:41','2018-02-21 15:30:36','','Waiting'),(3065,'Explaining the Relationship between Social Trust and Value Similarity: The Case of Estonia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is dedicated to explaining why value similarity fosters generalised social trust in high-trust societies. Previous findings by Beilmann and Lilleoja suggest that value similarity is more important in generating individual-level social trust in countries where the overall levels of social trust are higher, while in countries with a low level of social trust, congruity of the personal value structure with the country-level value structure tends to be coupled with lower trustfulness on the part of individuals. The article explores the meso-level indicators that could explain this relationship. The relationship between social trust and human values was examined in a sample of 2,051 people in Estonia, using data from the European Social Survey, round 7. The results suggest that when differences in socio-economic factors are controlled for, value similarity remains a significant factor in fostering generalised social trust in Estonian society. However, its direct effect is relatively low when compared with predictors such as trust in certain institutions, economic well-being, and ethnicity. Trust in the legal system and the police plays a particularly important role in fostering generalised social trust in a high-trust society wherein people believe that other people in general treat them honestly and kindly.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.juridicainternational.eu/index.php?id=15696','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-11-08 14:09:34','2018-02-21 16:05:36','','Waiting'),(3066,'The role of basic values and education on women’s work and family preferences in Europe','The role of basic values and education on women’s work and family preferences in Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: Consistent with dual-process models of  behaviour, Miles (2015) has shown that Schwartz’ basic values can provide a valuable framework for empirically analysing the role of values and cultural contexts in driving human behaviour. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to this line of research by distinguishing individual values from macro-level values, as well as from other micro- and macro-conditions, in order to test whether individual values shape women’s work-family orientations in ways predicted by Hakim’s preference theory.\nDesign/methodology/approach: The authors make use of the second round of the European Social Survey (ESS) collected in 2004, where a battery of questions on human values and work-family preferences were posed, and apply a multilevel approach to take into account national cultural and economic conditions across 25 European countries.\nFindings: In line with the dual-process model and preference theory, the authors show that internalised values, particularly conservatism, shape work-family orientations much more than national social and cultural conditions; in addition, the effect of women’s education on work-value orientations is stronger in countries with more conservative national cultures, suggesting that education may help women overcome social barriers in the choice of their work-career preference.\nOriginality/value: While values may shape work-family orientations differently in non-European or less affluent cultures, these findings reveal the importance of bringing values back into the analysis of individual preferences and behaviours towards the labour market.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petra.anyzova@soc.cas.cz','2017-11-09 15:18:27','2018-02-21 16:17:30','','Waiting'),(3067,'Bringing about Penal Climate Change: The Role of Social and Political Trust and of Perceptions about the Aims for Punishment in Lowering the Temperature of Punitiveness','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper presents a study demonstrating that social and political trust are good predictors of punitive attitudes. People who have low generalised social trust and low political trust would impose longer sentences on offenders. Awareness of the aims behind punishment is a strong predictor of systematically severe punitive attitudes – those for whom the aims for punishment revolve around the protection of society (rather than focusing on reforming the offender) are more punitive. The study indicates that penal attitudes are best altered in a trusting environment, and that attempts to achieve a shift away from harsh ones should be targeted principally at the most punitively minded groups in the relevant society. The assumption is that in an environment where penal attitudes towards offenders are milder, major changes in crime policy such as introduction of individualised penalties, reduction in prison terms and population would be more easily achieved.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.juridicainternational.eu/index.php?id=15694','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-11-15 16:11:46','2018-02-21 16:30:23','','Waiting'),(3068,'Gender Equality affects the Depression Prevalence in Europe','Sooline võrdsus mõjutab depressiooni levikut riigis',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article provides short overview of the findings by Piet Bracke, Rozemarijn Dereuddre and Sarah Van de Velde who used European Social Survey data to demonstrate that more gender-equal societies promote better mental health among both men and women and reduce the gender gap in depressive symptoms.  ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/642231/sooline-vordsus-mojutab-depressiooni-levikut-riigis','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-11-15 16:23:53','2018-02-21 16:35:08','','Waiting'),(3069,'Democracy alone does not guarantee Satisfaction with Life','Demokraatia üksi ei taga inimeste rahulolu eluga',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article provides a short overview of the research by Mónica Ferrín who used European Social Survey data to demonstrate that people are more satisfied with life in countries where the quality of democracy is high and when they believe in the legitimacy of their democratic regime. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/640838/demokraatia-uksi-ei-taga-inimeste-rahulolu-eluga','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-11-15 16:29:31','2018-02-21 16:36:06','','Waiting'),(3070,'Figures show that Work-Life Balance enhances Wellbeing','Arvud räägivad: töötajakeskne tööhõivesüsteem tõstab inimeste heaolu',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article provides a short overview of the research by Helen RUssell and Frances McGinnity who used European Social Survey data to demonstrate that working conditions and feelings of work-life balance vary significantly across Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/639699/arvud-raagivad-tootajakeskne-toohoivesusteem-tostab-inimeste-heaolu','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-11-15 16:35:30','2018-02-21 16:36:52','','Waiting'),(3071,'What makes a Decent Society?','Mis muudab ühiskonna elamisväärseks? ',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article provides a short overview of the research by Pamela Abbott, Claire Wallace and Roger Sapsford who used European Social Survey data to demonstrate that Europeans vary in the extent to which they think they live in a society that promotes the wellbeing of its citizens. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/638764/mis-muudab-uhiskonna-elamisvaarseks','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-11-15 16:40:09','2018-02-21 16:37:39','','Waiting'),(3072,'Wellbeing in the European Social Survey Data: What are the Components of Wellbeing?','Heaolu Euroopa sotsiaaluuringu andmetes: millest heaolu koosneb?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article provides a short overview of the research by Bram Vanhoutte who used European Social Survey data to demonstrate that hedonism and eudemonia are both important components of individual wellbeing and are present to varying degrees across Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/637823/heaolu-euroopa-sotsiaaluuringu-andmetes-millest-heaolu-koosneb','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-11-15 16:46:43','2018-02-21 16:38:59','','Waiting'),(3073,'Better Educated People have Better Health because of Better Working Conditions','Parema haridusega inimeste parema tervise taga on paremad töötingimused',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article provides a short overview of the research article „The social determinants of inequalities in self-reported health in Europe: findings from the European social survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of healt“ by Mirza Balaj’i, Courtney L. McNamara, Terje A. Eikemo and Clare Bambra.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/615656/parema-haridusega-inimeste-parema-tervise-taga-on-paremad-tootingimused','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-11-15 16:52:29','2018-02-21 16:40:29','','Waiting'),(3074,'Eastern European would retire two Years earlier than his Western Colleague','Idaeurooplane jääks pensionile kaks aastat varem kui tema Lääne kolleeg',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article provides a short overview of the research article „When Do People Want to Retire? The Preferred Retirement Age Gap between Eastern and Western Europe Explained“ by Wouter de Tavernier and Ave Roots.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/618007/idaeurooplane-jaaks-pensionile-kaks-aastat-varem-kui-tema-laane-kolleeg','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-11-15 16:56:11','2018-02-21 16:42:37','','Waiting'),(3075,'Trust in Politicians and Satisfaction with Government – A Reciprocal Causation Approach for European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust and satisfaction with the government are the most important indicators of a functioning democratic system. Scholars diverge in their opinions of whether satisfaction causes trust or vice versa or whether both variables reinforce each other simultaneously. This study applies an instrumental variable approach to shed light on this discussion. We employ a sample of 7166 individuals in 3 European countries (i.e., Germany, France, and Great Britain) obtained from the European Social Survey to test this reciprocal relationship. By comparing these three countries with fundamentally different political systems, we investigate the contingency of the reciprocal effect with regard to the political context. The results confirm the reciprocal relationship but reveal differences between the three investigated countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','patrick.weber@wirtschaft.uni-giessen.de','2017-11-19 15:59:55','2017-12-20 09:55:05','','Waiting'),(3076,' Prospect for Knowledge in Survey Data - An Artificial Neural Network Sensitivity Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Policy making depends on good knowledge of the corresponding target audience. To maximize the designated outcome, it is essential to understand the underlying coherences. Machine learning techniques are capable of analyzing data containing behavioral aspects, evaluations, attitudes, and social values. We show how existing machine learning techniques can be used to identify behavioral aspects of human decision-making and to predict human behavior. These techniques allow to extract high resolution decision functions that enable to draw conclusions on human behavior. Our focus is on voter turnout, for which we use data acquired by the European Social Survey on the German national vote. We show how to train an artificial expert and how to extract the behavioral aspects to build optimized policies. Our method achieves an increase in adjusted R2 of 102% compared to a classic logistic regression prediction. We further evaluate the performance of our method compared to other machine learning techniques such as support vector machines and random forests. The results show that it is possible to better understand unknown variable relationships.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','patrick.weber@wirtschaft.uni-giessen.de','2017-11-19 16:06:03','2017-12-20 09:49:08','','Waiting'),(3077,'European Social Survey: Migrating from Estonia may lead to a Decrease in Happiness','Euroopa Sotsiaaluuring: Eestist väljarändamisega võib õnnelikkus langeda',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article provides a short overview of the research article by David Bartram who used European Social Survey data to demonstrate that migrating to a wealthier European country will not necessarily lead to an increase in happiness. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/643708/euroopa-sotsiaaluuring-eestist-valjarandamisega-voib-onnelikkus-langeda','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-11-20 10:36:42','2018-02-21 16:43:51','','Waiting'),(3078,'Investigating the structure of the 2006 European Social Survey measurement of wellbeing','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: In 2006, a module on personal and social wellbeing was included in the European Social Survey (ESS) questionnaire. Although, wellbeing was defined as a multidimensional construct, in the literature, to the best of our knowledge, there is no evidence on its structure (dimensionality) and psychometric properties. \nPurpose: To investigate the structure and assess the psychometric properties of the personal and social wellbeing included in Round 3 of the ESS. \nMethod:  ESS data of 2006 for Portugal and Spain were used. Each sample was split randomly into two halves. Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) was performed on one-half sample in order to assess the construct validity of the scale. Then, the structure was validated by carrying out Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) on the second half sample. Based on the total sample, subscales were constructed according to the six key dimensions proposed for ESS: evaluative wellbeing (EV); emotional wellbeing (EM); functioning (FUN); vitality (VI); community wellbeing (CW); supportive relationships (SR). The subscales’ reliabilities and internal consistencies were investigated.\nResults: In both countries, EFA resulted in a three-factor solution. CFA showed an adequate fit for both the Portuguese - EM (positive), EM (negative), FUN - and the Spanish model - EV,   EM (negative), EM (positive).\nConclusions: Although our analysis did not confirm the theoretical structure of the ESS measurement of wellbeing, it did produce reliable and valid subscales. Our results suggest that further research is necessary at country level to provide subscales suitable for use in analyses. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','natashaharal@yahoo.gr','2017-11-24 13:49:04','2018-02-21 16:49:30','','Waiting'),(3079,'How to classify political cultures? A comparison of three methods of classification','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'To study the composition of political cultures, it is necessary to classify citizens according to a theoretical typology of political subcultures. Different methods of classification have been used for confronting this challenge, but the choice of method is rarely discussed in any detail because most studies apply a method without considering implications or possible alternatives. This is unfortunate because the choice of method has important consequences for the ensuing results. With this article, we aim to determine the implications of different methods for classification and hereby call attention to the importance of this choice for comparative research on political culture. We compare three commonly used methods of classification: critical thresholds, factor analysis and cluster analysis. These methods are used for classifying respondents from the 2008 European Social Survey according to a typology of political subcultures. Based on empirical analyses, we conclude that: (a) the choice of method of classification affects the outcome of the analysis, (b) cluster analysis and factor analysis may result in classifications that do not adequately reflect the theoretical typology, and (c) cluster analysis and factor analysis provide classifications that differ depending on analytical level. While the results do not show that either method is inherently superior, they clearly demonstrate that the choice of method should be recognized as a critical part of the research process.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-29 10:44:01','2018-02-21 16:51:38','','Waiting'),(3080,'Participating Unequally? Assessing the Macro-Micro Relationship between Income Inequality and Political Engagement in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A great deal of attention has been paid to the consequences of economic inequality on political participation, yet only few empirical studies address the macro-micro relationship between income in-equality and individual engagement. Furthermore, empirical indications diverge and give rise to competing theoretical arguments to be tested. This article seeks to fill this gap and to do so by using the latest round of the European Social Survey (ESS). The contribution is twofold: on the one hand, it establishes a direct link between measures of economic and political inequality - albeit of a particular type. On the other, it provides an up-to-date picture on participatory trends in Europe. In more details, income inequality is found to depress overall political participation and, most importantly, to increase the participatory gap between rich and poor for all unconventional forms of engagement.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-29 13:00:54','2018-02-22 15:07:28','','Waiting'),(3081,'The relation between societal factors and different forms of prejudice: A cross-national approach on target-specific and generalized prejudice','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The goal of this paper was to investigate the generalizability of prejudice across contexts by analyzing associations between different types of prejudice in a cross-national perspective and by investigating the relation between country-specific contextual factors and target-specific prejudices. Relying on the European Social Survey (2008), results indicated that prejudices were indeed positively associated, confirming the existence of a generalized prejudice component. Next to substantial cross-national differences in associational strength, also within country variance in target-specific associations was observed. This suggested that the motivations for prejudice largely vary according to the intergroup context. Two aspects of the intergroup context – economic conditions and cultural values – showed to be related to generalized and target-specific components of prejudice. Future research on prejudice and context should take an integrative approach that considers both the idea of generalized and specific prejudice simultaneously.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-29 14:08:11','2018-02-22 15:20:35','','Waiting'),(3082,'The Impact of Culture on Well-Being: Evidence from a Natural Experiment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper examines the effect of culture on subjective well-being. By exploiting the natural experiment of migration we are able to separate the effect of culture (intrinsic cultural disposition, values, beliefs, norms) from other extrinsic institutional, economic and social factors. Using data from five rounds of the European Social Survey we find that holding constant the external environment (living in the same residence country) and controlling for the important socio-demographic attributes, immigrants from countries with high levels of life satisfaction report higher life satisfaction than immigrants from countries with low levels of life satisfaction. The effect of satisfaction in the birth country lasts across generations and is stronger for immigrants who are more attached to the culture of their birth country. Since any observed differences among the immigrants is their cultural background (their birth countries), the results can be interpreted as the effect of culture on life satisfaction. Our results suggest that besides economic and social variables, institutions and personal characteristics, cultural factors play an important role in satisfaction.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-29 14:11:44','2018-02-22 15:26:44','','Waiting'),(3083,'Adult participation in higher education and the ‘knowledge economy’: a cross-national analysis of patterns of delayed participation in higher education across 15 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'‘Delayed participation’ in higher education (HE) is an increasingly important feature of modern HE systems in many countries. Despite this, surprisingly little empirical research has been undertaken seeking to better understand levels of delayed adult participation in HE across Europe. The present article responds to this gap by analysing country-level data on delayed adult participation in HE across 15 European countries and by modelling associations between participation levels and a range of theoretically derived economic, social, demographic and systemic factors. The findings suggest that there is considerably more cross-national variation in levels of adult delayed participation and that prevalent typologies of HE, such as Trow’s, fail to give recognition to the importance of delayed participation. The modelling work finds that social and demographic factors exhibit relatively strong associations with delayed participation in HE. This questions the pre-eminence of economic factors within much of the academic literature, policy discourse and policy activity.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 08:49:36','2018-02-22 15:57:48','','Waiting'),(3084,'Family-friendly policies and women\'s wages – is there a trade-off? Skill investments, occupational segregation and the gender pay gap in Germany, Sweden and the UK','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent research has suggested that there is a trade-off between the ‘family-friendliness’ of jobs, occupations and welfare states on the one hand and women\'s relative wages on the other. In particular, the extensive family policies found in Scandinavia are thought to harm highly educated women by affecting occupational segregation and workplace skill development. In this article, we use pooled wage data from the European Social Survey of 2004 and 2010 to examine the mechanisms behind the gender wage gap in Germany, Sweden and the UK and compare the situation of high- and low-skilled employees. Our findings show that the gender wage gap among high-skilled employees in Sweden is larger than in the UK, but not larger than in Germany. Also, segregation and work-related training are no more important in Sweden than in the other countries. Another important finding is that the mechanisms behind the gender wage gap differ between high- and low-skilled employees in ways not predicted by the trade-off argument. In particular, the large unexplained wage gap among high-skilled employees provides new theoretical challenges.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 09:09:43','2018-02-22 16:08:17','','Waiting'),(3085,'When do people want to retire? The preferred retirement age gap between Eastern and Western Europe explained','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Debates surrounding working longer focus mainly on increasing legal and effective retirement ages, leaving the preferred retirement age largely overlooked. There is a large East-West divide in Europe regarding the latter, with individuals in Eastern Europe wanting to retire earlier. We aim to explain this gap in terms of differences in working conditions and state-level legal conditions. Using the 2010 European Social Survey data on employed individuals aged 50-70 in 24 countries enriched with country-level information, we find that part of the explanation is found in the lower levels of job control found in Eastern Europe. Moreover, the results suggest that Karasek’s job demand/control model fits better in Western than Eastern European countries. Another explanation is found at the country level, where the legal retirement age accounts for a major part of the gap in preferred retirement ages between East and West.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 09:17:58','2018-02-22 16:13:59','','Waiting'),(3086,'Breaching the Social Contract: Crises of Democratic Representation and Patterns of Extreme Right Party Support','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Why has the extreme right Greek Golden Dawn, a party with clear links to fascism, experienced a rise defying all theories that claim that such a party is unlikely to win in post-Second World War Europe? And, if we accept that economic crisis is an explanation for this, why has such a phenomenon not occurred in other countries that have similar conducive conditions, such as Portugal and Spain? This article addresses this puzzle by: (1) carrying out a controlled comparison of Greece, Portugal and Spain; and (2) showing that the rise of the extreme right is not a question of intensity of economic crisis. Rather it is the nature of the crisis – that is, economic versus overall crisis of democratic representation – that facilitates the rise of the extreme right. We argue that extreme right parties are more likely to experience an increase in their support when economic crisis culminates into an overall crisis of democratic representation. Economic crisis is likely to become a political crisis when severe issues of governability impact upon the ability of the state to fulfil its social contract obligations. This breach of the social contract is accompanied by declining levels of trust in state institutions, resulting in party system collapse.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 09:24:38','2018-02-23 11:28:54','','Waiting'),(3087,'Should ratings of the importance of personal values be centered?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research on personal values is based on persons’ ratings of the importance of values. Typically, the means of these ratings are discarded as response style artifacts through centering the data, person by person. We show that centering leads to more circular value configurations with lower Stress in MDS than using raw data. For unfolding models, we show that using raw data avoids some special issues in unfolding; the model space requires one additional dimension; after appropriate rotations, the value circle emerges in a plane; the persons’ scattering about this plane corresponds to their mean ratings. The mean ratings correspond to the first principal component of the value items. It is demonstrated that mean ratings can also be substantively meaningful.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 09:36:14','2018-02-23 11:33:44','','Waiting'),(3088,'United against a common foe? The nature and origins of Euroscepticism among left-wing and right-wing citizens','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Western European democracies opposition to the European Union is commonly found at the ideological extremes. Yet, the Euroscepticism of radical left-wing and radical right-wing parties has been shown to have distinct roots and manifestations. The article investigates whether these differences are mirrored at the citizen level. Using data from the European Election Study (2009/2014) and the European Social Survey (2008/2012) in 15 West European countries, it is found that left-wing and right-wing citizens not only differ in the object of their Euroscepticism, but also in their motivations for being sceptical of the EU. Left-wing Eurosceptics are dissatisfied with the current functioning of the EU, but do not oppose further European integration per se, while right-wing Eurosceptics categorically reject European integration. Euroscepticism among left-wing citizens is motivated by economic and cultural concerns, whereas for right-wing citizens Euroscepticism is solely anchored in cultural attitudes. These results refine the common ‘horseshoe’ understanding of ideology and Euroscepticism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 09:50:04','2018-02-23 11:44:12','','Waiting'),(3089,'Education and Social Trust: Testing a Causal Hypothesis Using the Discordant Twin Design','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One of the clearest results in previous studies on social trust is the robust positive relationship with educational attainment. The most common interpretation is that education has a causal effect on social trust. The theoretical argument and empirical results in this article suggest a different interpretation. We argue that common preadult factors such as cognitive abilities and personality traits rooted in genes and early-life family environment may confound the relationship between educational attainment and social trust. We provide new evidence on this question by utilizing the quasi-experiment of twinning. By looking at the relationship between education and social trust within monozygotic (MZ) twin pairs, we are able to avoid potential confounders rooted in genetic factors and common environmental influences because the monozygotic twins share both. The results suggest that when controlling for such familial factors the estimated effects of education on social trust are close to zero and far from reaching statistical significance. Further analyses show that the relationship between education and social trust largely is driven by common genetic factors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 10:02:46','2018-02-23 11:52:03','','Waiting'),(3090,'Losing Happily? The Mitigating Effect of Democracy and Quality of Government on the Winner–Loser Gap in Political Support','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although a winner–loser gap in political support is present in most democracies, in some countries losers are more content than in others. Earlier research has demonstrated that formal institutional arrangements may affect the size of the gap. In this article, we argue that the quality and performance of institutions are more important than type of institutional arrangements when it comes to the size of the winner–loser gap. A well-functioning democracy on the input-side of the political system and high quality of government on the output-side significantly narrows the gap in support between electoral winners and losers in European democracies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 10:15:55','2018-02-23 11:56:27','','Waiting'),(3091,'The political participation of disabled people in Europe: Rights, accessibility and activism','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper provides the first systematic cross-national assessment of disabled people\'s electoral and political participation, based on research in the 28 Member States of the European Union and in the context of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. A mixed methods approach included policy analysis, information requests to national experts and secondary analysis of European survey data. The evidence populated indicators which suggest four lines of action: (a) lifting legal and administrative barriers; (b) raising awareness; (c) making political participation more accessible; (c) expanding participation opportunities in public life. Civil society organizations as well as public institutions have an important role to play as change agents in this regard.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 11:01:14','2018-02-23 11:59:31','','Waiting'),(3092,'Discovering complex interrelationships between socioeconomic status and health in Europe: A case study applying Bayesian Networks','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Studies assume that socioeconomic status determines individuals’ states of health, but how does health determine socioeconomic status? And how does this association vary depending on contextual differences? To answer this question, our study uses an additive Bayesian Networks model to explain the interrelationships between health and socioeconomic determinants using complex and messy data. This model has been used to find the most probable structure in a network to describe the interdependence of these factors in five European welfare state regimes. The advantage of this study is that it offers a specific picture to describe the complex interrelationship between socioeconomic determinants and health, producing a network that is controlled by socio-demographic factors such as gender and age. The present work provides a general framework to describe and understand the complex association between socioeconomic determinants and health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 13:03:50','2018-02-23 12:05:53','','Waiting'),(3093,'The role of governance in realising the transition towards sustainable societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'It is widely known that governance is central to the successful implementation of sustainable development policies and measures. Yet, there is a paucity of research which explore the links between governance and sustainability. This paper attempts to address this research need by providing an analysis of the role of governance in enabling – and to some extent – fostering a transition towards sustainable societies. A set of indicators for assessing the capacity for and willingness and commitment to transition to a more sustainable society is presented, enabling identification of direction of change. This paper presents the results of a study, in the context of which sustainability governance has been comparatively investigated in a sample of European countries with, by methodological purpose, very different economic, environmental, political and social conditions (Denmark, Finland, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland). Lessons learnt and examples of good practice – which may be replicable elsewhere-are outlined. For instance, it is discussed that limited knowledge about sustainable development amongst municipal development planners and decision-makers, deficiencies in policy integration, intersectoral cooperation, municipality and stakeholder cooperation and urban management practices are major reasons for weak governance practices in sustainable development. Furthermore, some recommendations on the role of sustainability governance are made, so as to allow the integration of the principles of governance into sustainability practice and hence provide a more general basis upon which a transition towards sustainable societies may become a reality in different types of European countries and societies. The scientific value of this paper lies in identifying opportunities for integrating principles of governance into sustainability practice, as well as outlining the basis for sustainability transitions, providing a general picture of required policy measures. The paper offers a unique comparative analysis of sustainability governance in the Baltic Sea countries, outlining some of the challenges in sustainability governance in the Baltic Sea region.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-11-30 13:15:03','2018-02-23 12:26:43','','Waiting'),(3094,'Economy – Austerity – Democracy. On the interrelation between austerity measures and satisfaction with the functioning of democracy in Europe','Ökonomie – Austerität – Demokratie. Zum Zusammenhang zwischen Austeritätsmaßnahmen und der Zufriedenheit mit der Demokratie in Europa',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The political handling of the financial and economic crisis presents the European nation-states with considerable challenges. Measures to counter the effects of the crisis as well as the political process leading to those measures may have unintended consequences for the political order. This article examines the question of whether there is an interconnection between governmental austerity measures and the degree of satisfaction with the functioning of the democracy of a country. This satisfaction is important for the legitimacy of democracy. The results of a multilevel analysis show that austerity has a negative impact on the satisfaction of the people with the functioning of democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ivo.staub@unifr.ch','2017-11-30 15:52:46','2018-02-23 12:31:36','','Waiting'),(3095,'Political parties and styles of representation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper focuses on how characteristics of parties and party voters explain the styles of representation emphasised within parties. Styles of representation are defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Each style manifests due to different incentives related to the characteristics of their party and/or their party voters. The findings show that the main explanatory factors for the proportion of partisans are parties’ leadership control over nomination and party socialisation. The main determinant for the proportion of trustees is how often parties have been represented in government. For delegates the results are mixed, but it is indicated that a high proportion of party identifiers among party voters is related to a high proportion of delegates within parties.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-01 08:53:26','2018-02-23 12:41:40','','Waiting'),(3096,'Economic Hardship and Well-Being: Examining the Relative Role of Individual Resources and Welfare State Effort in Resilience Against Economic Hardship','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With the aftermath of the economic crisis starting to fold out, the extent and the conditions under which the experience of economic hardship thwarts subjective well-being spark academic interest. In this paper, we examine the cushioning impact of three immaterial buffers embedded within civil society—namely social networks, religiosity, and confidence in politics—in combination with the cushioning role of the welfare state. Analyzing the 2010 wave of the European Social Survey, the results confirm that the experience of economic hardship is inversely related to happiness. All three proposed protective measures cushion the negative impact of economic strain on happiness, whereby the positive effect of social networks and confidence in politics is stronger in countries with lower levels of social expenditure. The latter finding provides some evidence for the crowding out-thesis but mainly suggests that a strong welfare state can take over the role of protective buffers in civil society, which is helpful as such buffers are less present among the most vulnerable social groups. The results of the analysis are discussed in relation to social science research and public policy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-01 08:57:58','2018-02-23 12:44:49','','Waiting'),(3097,'Enhancing a Social Science Model-building Workflow with Interactive Visualisation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Models can help scientists study and understand phenomena. Such models need to be informed by theory. We report on the early stages of our ongoing study in which we use interactive visualisation to help improve the construction of theory-driven models, by facilitating the exploration of statistical summaries of input variables, compare the quality of alternative models and keep track of the model-building process. Later work will investigate whether machine-learning techniques can be incorporated without compromising the models\' theoretical bases.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-01 09:49:46','2018-02-23 12:55:28','','Waiting'),(3098,'Terrorism\'s effects on social capital in European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Studies have shown that major terrorist events have the potential to exert significant influence on citizens’ risk-perceptions, (in) security sentiments, values and behavioral attitudes towards state institutions and their fellow citizens. Within this growing strand of literature, this paper, allowing for a cohort of demographic and socioeconomic traits, examines the extent to which major terrorist events in four European countries affected two key aspects of social capital, namely institutional and social trust. The data used are drawn from European Social Surveys for the years 2004, 2012 and 2014. Results reported indicate that terrorist incidents can trigger social dynamics that affect trust attitudes; however, these effects are short-lived and dissipate rapidly.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-01 10:05:29','2018-02-23 13:08:32','','Waiting'),(3099,'Understanding and interpreting generalized ordered logit models','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'When outcome variables are ordinal rather than continuous, the ordered logit model, aka the proportional odds model (ologit/po), is a popular analytical method. However, generalized ordered logit/partial proportional odds models (gologit/ppo) are often a superior alternative. Gologit/ppo models can be less restrictive than proportional odds models and more parsimonious than methods that ignore the ordering of categories altogether. However, the use of gologit/ppo models has itself been problematic or at least sub-optimal. Researchers typically note that such models fit better but fail to explain why the ordered logit model was inadequate or the substantive insights gained by using the gologit alternative. This paper uses both hypothetical examples and data from the 2012 European Social Survey to address these shortcomings.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-04 08:37:38','2018-02-23 13:13:46','','Waiting'),(3100,'After migration: Acculturation of attitudes towards homosexuality among Polish immigrants in Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands and the UK','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Public opinion on homosexuality remains unfavourable in Poland, one of the main sending countries of migrants to Western Europe. This contrasts sharply with public opinion in many of the Western European receiving countries. Using data collected shortly after migration and in a second wave one and a half years later, this contribution investigates the extent to which Polish migrants’ anti-gay attitudes change over time. Focusing on four Western European countries (Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands and the UK), it examines factors that act as barriers and facilitators of acculturation. We find that intention to settle permanently and greater social integration in the host country are associated with greater acculturation, while the opposite is the case for religious involvement and negative attitudes about the host society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-04 10:19:25','2018-02-23 13:21:16','','Waiting'),(3101,'Creating a Good Question: How to Use Cumulative Experience ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Survey Methodology is becoming a more structured field of research, deserving of more and more academic attention. The SAGE Handbook of Survey Methodology explores both the increasingly scientific endeavour of surveys and their growing complexity, as different data collection modes and information sources are combined. The handbook takes a global approach, with a team of international experts looking at local and national specificities, as well as problems of cross-national, comparative survey research. The chapters are organized into seven major sections, each of which represents a stage in the survey life-cycle: Surveys and Societies Planning a Survey Measurement Sampling Data Collection Preparing Data for Use Assessing and Improving Data Quality The SAGE Handbook of Survey Methodology is a landmark and essential tool for any scholar within the social sciences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-04 11:28:41','2018-02-23 13:34:33','','Waiting'),(3102,'Diverging Patterns of Satisfaction across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Building on a decade-long comparative database of the European Social Survey the present study targets general aspects of satisfaction across larger regions of Europe with special regard to the socioeconomic changes in the recent decades. Conventionally cultivated measures like central tendency are supplemented by structural parameters of distribution based on a conceptual scheme distinguishing consensus and tightness of opinions. Dispersion-like indicators point to a stronger polarization of public mood under worse off contexts and, to a certain degree, conditions of vulnerability to economic downturn. A more rigid juncture of various mood components is also observable under less favourable circumstances. Disparities of income position in the first place, but features of cultural and ideological-political differentiation as well are intertwined with satisfaction polarization in a kind of stress syndrome exhibiting substantial divergences in both the East/West and the North/South regards.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','zkmetty@tatk.elte.hu','2017-12-04 18:28:30','2018-02-23 16:15:12','','Waiting'),(3103,'Towards Rediscovery of Social Class after the Post-Communist Transition: A Comparative Neo-Weberian Analysis of Baltic States','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Class effects in Estonia, Finland, Latvia and Lithuania are compared in the framework of the Neo-Weberian social class theory (EGP class schema), using European Social Survey (ESS) Round  4 (2008–2010) data, just at the  time when Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania completed their transition to market economy and liberal democracy. Finland, perceived in the post-communist Baltic countries as a model or a “real utopia” state, is used as benchmark for a comparative estimation of the strength of class effects. The main findings of the statistical correspondence analysis are the following: (1) Class inequality of life chances is more pronounced in the post-communist Baltics than in Finland; (2) Paradoxically, class effects on ideological orientations and party voting are more prominent in Finland, where class inequality is less pronounced.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vaidas.morkevicius@ktu.lt','2017-12-05 09:45:12','2018-02-23 13:58:44','','Waiting'),(3104,'Trust, firm organization, and the pattern of comparative advantage','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Interpersonal trust favors the delegation of decisions and tasks within firms, allowing the expansion of more productive units. We show that this interaction between trust and firm organization contributes to shaping the pattern of comparative advantage: high-trust regions and countries exhibit larger value-added and export shares in delegation-intensive industries relative to other industries. Consistent with the idea that trust allows firms to expand beyond a narrow circle of family members and friends, such effects are driven by an increase in average firm size, reflecting in turn a shift of the size distribution away from the smallest firms and toward the small-to-medium ones. According to our estimates, trust is no less relevant than human or physical capital, or institutions in shaping the pattern of comparative advantage.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-05 12:15:02','2018-02-23 14:01:39','','Waiting'),(3105,'Human capital, cultural values and economic performance in European regions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines the cross-sectional association of three value orientations (self-direction, achievement and power) and level of gross domestic product (GDP) in 289 NUTS regions. Regional value aggregates, drawn from Schwartz’s Human Value Scale included in the European Social Survey, are taken to indicate value-based human capital. Regression analysis shows that self-direction, indicating independent thought, action and creativity, is a strong predictor for regional GDP after controlling for standard control variables and spatial autocorrelation. Additionally, analysis implements welfare regimes as indicators of larger socio-historic frames and finds significant geographical variations within these frames regarding the relationship between prevailing value climate and level of economic performance. The study contrasts perspectives from economic geography and cultural studies to the literature on alternative definitions and measures for human capital and argues that a synthesis of these perspectives can enrich one’s understanding of the economic geography in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-05 13:49:28','2018-02-23 16:21:35','','Waiting'),(3106,'European Social Survey: Does parenthood bring about happiness?','Euroopa sotsiaaluuring: kas lapsevanemaks olemine teeb õnnelikuks?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Article provides a short overview of some findings from the research on the link between individuals’ subjective wellbeing and childbearing behaviour across Europe, by Arnstein Aassve, Letizia Mencarini and Maria Sironi.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://novaator.err.ee/645105/euroopa-sotsiaaluuring-kas-lapsevanemaks-olemine-teeb-onnelikuks','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2017-12-05 15:40:42','2018-02-23 16:26:37','','Waiting'),(3107,'Varieties of education and inequality: how the institutions of education and political economy condition inequality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article focuses on the relationship between equality of educational opportunity and equality of income in different institutional contexts. By combining insights from the literature on Varieties of Capitalism and education sociology, the study investigates how the educational system and the political economy jointly affect the social stratification of educational choices and condition income differentials between graduates of vocational and general education programmes. The empirical analysis contributes to the literature by contrasting the two conceptions of equality and applying a richer institutional approach than previous studies within the fields of education sociology and Varieties of Capitalism. The results reveal that tracking hinders equality of educational opportunity but is also related to higher incomes for vocational education graduates in certain contexts. Wage bargaining coordination reinforces the more equal opportunities of weakly tracked contexts and improves the relative income of vocational graduates in these contexts. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article was published online on 4 May 2017. However, it is not yet published in print.','marcus.osterman@statsvet.uu.se','2017-12-06 11:06:02','2018-02-23 16:30:46','','Waiting'),(3108,'Diversity and voice: The political participation of young people in the European Union','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'There is widespread concern about declining public involvement in established democracies. Europeans are turning away from mainstream electoral politics towards new forms of political engagement. This is particularly the case for younger citizens. If young people are ‘reinventing political activism’ (Norris, 2002), in which forms of participation and in which countries is it most true? Drawing on data from the European Social Survey, the following article compares and contrasts young people’s politics in the 15 old member states of the European Union. Youth engagement generally reflects a country’s civic-political culture. However, there are significant differences in levels of youth participation, in ratios of youth participation (compared to the adult population as a whole) and in the relative popularity of different forms of political action. The United Kingdom stands out, however, with a disturbingly large gap between the political engagement of young people and older adults.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-06 11:39:57','2018-02-23 16:35:30','','Waiting'),(3109,'Income inequality and fear of crime across the European region','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aims to take a holistic approach to studying fear of crime by testing predictors at multiple levels of analyses. Data from the European Social Survey (N = 56,752 from 29 countries) were used to test and extend the Income Inequality and Sense of Vulnerability Hypotheses. The findings confirm that (1) individuals in societies with greater income inequalities are more fearful of crime, and (2) older or disabled people as well as women report greater fear of crime. Contrary to the hypotheses, ethnic majority and not ethnic minority members report greater fear of crime, if they reside in high income inequality countries. It is further demonstrated that fear of crime explains the inverse association between income inequality and subjective well-being in this particular subsample.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2017-12-06 13:35:00','2018-02-23 16:39:03','','Waiting'),(3110,'Informal care in Europe: Findings from the European Social Survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Against the background of a rising demand for informal care in European societies, this study sets out to provide descriptive information by gender on (a) prevalence rates of (intensive) informal caregiving, (b) characteristics of (intensive) informal caregivers, and (c) consequences of (intensive) informal caregiving in terms of mental well-being.\nMethods: Data from the European Social Survey, Round 7 were analyzed with multilevel (logistic) regression techniques (N=28,406 respondents in N=20 countries).\nResults: On average, 34.3 % of the population in 20 European countries were informal caregivers and 7.6 % were intensive caregivers (providing care for minimum 11 hours a week). Countries with high numbers of caregivers had low numbers of intensive caregivers. Caregiving was most prevalent among women, 50-59 year olds, non-employed - especially those doing housework - and religious persons. Determinants of providing care hardly differed by gender. Caregivers, especially female and intensive caregivers, reported lower mental well-being than non-caregivers.\nConclusions: Our results suggest support for both crowding-in and crowding-out effects of the welfare state. Middle-aged women may become increasingly time squeezed as they are likely to be the first to respond to higher demands for informal care, while they are also the major target groups in employment policies aiming for increased labour market participation. Caregivers, and especially female and intensive caregivers, report lower levels of mental well-being. Supportive policies such as respite care or training and counselling may therefore be needed in order to sustain informal care as an important resource of our health care systems.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','e.verbakel@maw.ru.nl','2017-12-06 15:03:40','2018-02-23 16:44:09','','Waiting'),(3111,'How to understand informal caregiving patterns in Europe? The role of formal long-term care provisions and family care norms','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Aims: Motivated by ageing populations, health care policies increasingly emphasize the role of informal care. This study examines how prevalence rates of informal caregivers and intensive caregivers (i.e., those who provide informal care for at least 11 hours a week) vary between European countries, and to what extent informal caregiving and intensive caregiving relate to countries’ formal long-term care provisions and family care norms.\nMethods: Multilevel logistic regression analyses on data from the European Social Survey round 7 (N=32,894 respondents in N=19 countries) were used to test (a) contradicting hypotheses regarding the role of formal long-term care provisions based on crowding-out, crowding-in and specialisation arguments and (b) the hypothesis that strong family care norms are positively related to (intensive) informal caregiving.\nResults: Prevalence rates of informal caregiving varied between European countries from 20% to 44%. Intensive caregiving ranged from 4 to 11%. Opposite patterns regarding the role of formal long-term care provisions were revealed: generous long-term care provisions in a country were related to a higher likelihood of providing informal care, but a lower likelihood of providing intensive care. Moreover, intensive caregiving was more likely when family care norms in a country were strong.\nConclusions: This study provided support for the specialisation argument by showing that generous formal long-term care provisions crowded out intensive caregiving, but also encouraged more people to provide (some) informal care. Because especially intensive caregiving is burdensome, low levels of formal long-term care provisions might bring risks to caregivers’ well-being and health care systems’ sustainability.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','e.verbakel@maw.ru.nl','2017-12-06 15:06:35','2018-02-23 16:51:15','','Waiting'),(3112,'Survey reveals young people more likely to support universal basic income, but it’s not a left-right thing','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Attitudes towards a universal basic income using ESS Round 8. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'https://theconversation.com/survey-reveals-young-people-more-likely-to-support-universal-basic-income-but-its-not-a-left-right-thing-87554','r.fitzgerald@city.ac.uk','2017-12-07 12:44:27','2018-03-23 11:42:26','','Waiting'),(3113,'Personal Psychological Resources and Social Inequalities in Health: The Strength of the Buffer Effect in European Countries','Персональные психологические ресурсы и социальные неравенства в здоровье: выраженность буферного эффекта в европейских странах',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is devoted to the problem of the impact of personal psychological resources on social inequality in health. In developed countries, according to previous studies, such an impact is described in terms of the buffer effect: psychological resources are more conducive to maintaining good health in lower social strata, so that inequalities become less pronounced. At the same time, it is unclear whether the buffering effect is a universal mechanism for smoothing out health inequalities or is valid only in specific societal contexts of these countries. This paper analyzes the ESS 2012 data - representative surveys conducted in 27 countries, including Russia, as well as World Bank, WHO and ILO statistics and other analytical information about the economy, social welfare and culture of these countries. The application of statistical methods of two-level hierarchical modeling (linear and logistic) has shown that the state of people’s health (of their assessment of it and of the everyday problems caused by chronic disease) in all countries is socially stratified - it clearly deteriorates with decreasing social status. And in all of them psychological resources (control over life, autonomy and optimism) play an important role in maintaining health, contributing to its improvement in all social layers. The results confirm the existence of a buffer effect, the strength of which, however, depends upon societal context. The reduction of status inequalities thanks to psychological reserve capacity usually takes place in affluent societies – European countries, in which many people live without financial difficulties. In  these countries,  psychological  reserves  have  particularly  strong  beneficial  effects  on  the  health  of individuals with low status, helping them to overcome the negative emotions and stress caused by relative deprivation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2017-12-13 12:36:16','2018-03-23 11:51:31','','Waiting'),(3114,'Acquiescence Response Styles: A Multilevel Model Explaining Individual-Level and Country-Level Differences.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Acquiescence has been found to distort the psychometric quality of questionnaire data. Previous research has identified various determinants of acquiescence at both the individual and the country level. We aimed to synthesize the scattered body of knowledge by concurrently testing a multilevel model encompassing a set of presumed predictors of acquiescence. Based on a representative sample comprising almost 40,000 respondents from 20 European countries, we analyzed the effects of the country-level indicators economic wealth, corruption level, and collectivism and the individual-level indicators age, gender, educational attainment, and conservatism. Results revealed that 15% of the variance in acquiescence was due to country-level variations in corruption levels and collectivism. Differences among individuals within countries could be partially explained by conservatism and educational attainment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','beatrice.rammstedt@gesis.org','2017-12-21 10:50:57','2018-03-23 11:54:40','','Waiting'),(3115,'Great Expectations: The Effect of Democratic Ideals on Political Trust in European Democracies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While in the older literature, low levels of political trust were routinely interpreted as a lack of support for democracy, more recently authors have claimed that the value pattern of critical citizens is a hallmark for a mature and stable democratic system. In this paper we assess the empirical validity of this claim, by relying on the relative deprivation literature highlighting the relation between expectation and frustration. The 2012 wave of the European Social Survey included an extensive battery measuring democratic ideals, and using latent class analysis we identify a group with high ideals on how a democracy should function. Multilevel regression analysis shows that strong democratic ideals are associated with lower levels of political trust, and most strongly so in countries with low quality of government. We close with observations on how rising democratic ideals could be a cause for the occurrence of a new group of ‘critical citizens’.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2018-01-03 09:35:05','2018-03-23 13:30:55','','Waiting'),(3116,'Social Capital in Media Societies: The Impact of Media Use and Media Structures on Social Capital','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social capital refers to the resources inherent in social relationships; it is considered the foundation of economic, political, and social development. To explore the media’s impact on social capital, we analyze the impact of media consumption at the individual level and the effects of media system structures at the national level. Multilevel analyses were computed using individual data from the European Social Survey and national data on media structures. The results indicate that Internet use and informational media use increase social capital. Moreover, societies seem to benefit from open, free, and pluralistic media systems as they support the production of social capital. In sum, we argue for a dissociation from a culturally pessimistic, one-sided point of view when discussing media effects. In today’s societies, media imply potential rather than restrictions.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2018-01-04 10:45:05','2018-03-23 13:38:16','','Waiting'),(3117,'Pooling Time Series Based on Slightly Different Questions About the Same Topic Forty Years of Survey Research on Happiness and Life Satisfaction in The Netherlands.','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Survey research on subjective wellbeing in The Netherlands started in the early 1970s. The time series happiness and life satisfaction that have emerged since then are unfortunately based on slightly different survey items of which one part uses verbal response scales and another part uses numerical response scales. The diversity of the survey items and a number of other measurement issues, such as the effects of changes in survey mode, hamper comparison over time and make it difficult to establish whether life became any better over the last forty years. These problems can be tackled using the recently developed Reference Distribution Method with which responses to equivalent but not identical survey questions can be pooled to obtain long, consistent time series. We applied the Reference Distribution method to pool time series of happiness and life satisfaction. We conclude that in the past 40 years the Dutch have become slightly happier and satisfied with their lives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2018-01-04 11:17:13','2018-03-23 13:41:55','','Waiting'),(3118,'Financial hardship and well-being: a cross-national comparison among the European self-employed','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Based on data from the 2004 and 2010 European Social Survey, this multidisciplinary and cross-national comparative study investigates the relationship between financial hardship and subjective well-being among 9,755 self-employed individuals from 31 European countries. It also aims to identify potential mitigating factors in this relationship on both the individual and the country level. Multilevel regression analyses reveal a strong relationship between financial hardship and impaired well-being, explaining about 36% of variance in well-being between conditions (countries and time periods) and 8% of variance between individuals. In other words, economic conditions matter significantly. Additionally, education and social trust act as important buffering factors for individuals, and the relationship between financial hardship and impaired well-being is somewhat weaker for self-employed persons living in countries with a more supportive social policy in the form of unemployment allowance. Entrepreneurs can hence mitigate the consequences of financial hardship by protecting social resources, and policymakers can be advised to invest in education and social security.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2018-01-04 11:33:04','2018-03-23 13:49:57','','Waiting'),(3119,'Unconventional Participation in Time of Crisis: How Ideology Shapes Citizens\' Political Actions','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Since democracy requires the involvement of citizens, the topic of political participation has attracted great attention from both practitioners and scholars. During the current financial and economic crisis, there have been various protest movements in many European countries. In this paper, which employs data from the European Social Survey and analyzes some European countries using a longitudinal study (2002-2012), I measure unconventional political participation considering three types of action - signed a petition, participated in a lawful demonstration and joined a boycott. By linking citizens to government ideology and vote for party government to political action through a multilevel model, this paper argues that both ideology and citizens’ electoral choices have a bearing on unconventional political participation. In times of crisis, government choices do not feed the level of unconventional political participation. However, differences emerge in terms of political behavior when I consider citizens’ ideology, loser status and government ideology.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2018-01-10 11:31:09','2018-03-23 14:21:56','','Waiting'),(3120,'Gender Gaps in the Measurement of Public Opinion About Homosexuality in Cross-national Surveys: A Question-Wording Experiment ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Measures of attitudes towards homosexuality in cross-national studies have received criticism for not being ‘gender-sensitive’. The current study used a split-ballot design allowing for separate analyses of the attitudes towards ‘gay men and lesbian women’, ‘gay men’, and ‘lesbian women’ in a pooled sample of 3,381 participants from Great Britain, Hungary, and Portugal. Analyses controlling for sociodemographics showed that differences in attitudes towards male and female targets were generally small and did not interact with the gender of the rater. In addition, results showed that men’s attitudes towards homosexuality were more strongly related to their gender ideology than women’s attitudes. Implications of these findings for cross-national studies measuring attitudes towards homosexuality are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper is based on the ESS Round 8 pretesting','l.kuyper@scp.nl','2018-01-11 16:55:24','2018-03-26 11:40:55','','Waiting'),(3121,'Competing for the same value segments? Insight into the volatile Dutch political landscape','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Values are central to public debates today. Human values convey broad goals that serve as guiding principles in a person\'s life and value priorities differ across people in society. Groups in society holding opposing values (e.g., universalism versus security) will make different choices when voting in an election. Whereas over time, values are relatively stable, the number and type of political parties as well as the political values they communicate and disseminate have been changing. Groups of people holding the same human values may therefore vote for another (new) party in a later election. We focus on analyzing the relationship between human values and voting in elections, introducing a new methodology to analyze how value profiles relate to political support over time. We investigate the Dutch multiparty political system over five waves of the European Social Survey, spanning 2002 until 2010. Whilst previous research has focused on individual values separately and focused on voters only, we (1) distinguish groups holding a similar set of opposing and compatible values (value profile) instead of focusing on single values in the the entire population; (2) incorporate a correction for differences in scale use in our model; (3) compare voting over time; (4) include non-voters, a growing group in Dutch society. We find evidence that specific value profiles are related to voting for a specific set of political parties. We also find that specific value profiles distinguish non-voters from voters and that voters for populist parties resemble non-voters.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'open access article:\nhttps://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0190598','h.van.herk@vu.nl','2018-01-12 10:46:05','2018-03-26 16:10:50','','Waiting'),(3122,'Immigrant Presence, Group Boundaries, and Support for the Welfare State in Western European Societies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The intersection of group dynamics and socioeconomic status theories is applied as a framework for the puzzling relationship of immigration and support for the welfare state in Western Europe. Group dynamics theories suggest that how individuals define their group boundaries moderates the impact of immigration on support for the welfare state. Immigrant presence should have the strongest effects for those with exclusive national group boundaries; weaker for those with conditionally inclusive boundaries based on reciprocity; and weakest or non-existent for those with inclusive group boundaries. Group boundaries should interact with material self-interest, leading individuals with less material security who are more likely to face social risks to be more supportive of the welfare state. Using data from the 4th European Social Survey linked to regional and national data, we find that group boundary salience plays a large moderating role in the relationship between immigration and native support for the welfare state, and that this role is intricately linked to material self-interest. Group dynamics should therefore be viewed in conjunction with existing structural welfare state theories as opposed to an alternative or isolated mechanism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','breznau.nate@gmail.com','2018-01-15 18:36:25','2018-03-26 16:23:02','','Waiting'),(3123,'Introducing the Euro in Estonia and Slovakia: Did it affect people’s satisfaction? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Analysing the effect of societal events on the population is essential to better understand the quality of life and interaction between society and individuals. Although the event effect is well-know phenomena in economy (MacKinlay, 1997) the empirical results on the effect of events on social attitudes and well-being are still scarce and contradicting. The aim of the current study is to analyse the changes of satisfaction of people in both countries during the Euro introduction period. It will allow understand better the influence of external events on individuals.\nIn January 2009 Slovakia and in January 2011 Estonia changed their national currency to the Euro. In both countries introduction of Euro was accompanied with positive media coverage and general acceptance of Euro as tool to achieve better living standard and large benefits from common European currency. However, because of lower European Union scepticism and higher acceptance of Euro in Slovakia we expect that the adoption of Euro have stronger positive effect in Slovakia than in Estonia.\nBoth countries also carried out the ESS fieldwork during the currency exchange period. This allows us to study influence of the events in society on subjective satisfaction of people. We use data from European Social Survey (ESS) for Estonia and Slovakia from the rounds four and five to analyses (ESS Round 4: European Social Survey Round 4 Data, 2008; ESS Round 5: European Social Survey Round 5 Data, 2010). \nIn conclusion the results demonstrated some positive effect of euro for Slovakia. However, the negative effects in Estonia cannot be attributed solely to euro change, because we found occasional negative episodes also from the reference year and media claims described the New Year season in 2010-11 in Estonia also as politically critical.\nMonitoring the contextual data and examining the effect of societal events helps to understand processes in society and plan better measurement tools, as far as timing of measurement might have an essential effect in society. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'http://www.clovekaspolocnost.sk/en/rocnik-20-rok-2017/4/studie-a-clanky/introducing-the-euro-in-estonia-and-slovakia-did-it-affect-people-s-satisfaction/\n\n','mare.ainsaar@ut.ee','2018-01-22 17:06:44','2018-03-26 16:27:05','','Waiting'),(3124,' In what sense left behind by globalisation?  Looking for a less reductionist geography of the populist surge in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Brexit, the wider populist surge in Europe and Trumpism all seem to involve interesting geographies that have been taken as clues to the worrying puzzle facing a political/academic establishment about what’s driving the surge and how might it be abated.  One major theme has been that of the places left behind economically by an opening up to competition from cheap (migrant or overseas) labour – counterpointed by the idea that specific types of people have been left behind culturally.  This paper attempts a less reductive approach, starting with examination of oddities in the Brexit geography and then investigating how populist support across European regions  is influenced by the interaction of economic/demographic change with varying cosmopolitan/localist influences',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','I.R.Gordon@lse.ac.uk','2018-01-22 18:15:50','2018-03-26 16:33:06','','Waiting'),(3125,'“I do not mind immigrants; it is immigration that bothers me”: The inconsistency of immigration attitudes in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the European Social Survey data we studied migration attitudes in 19 European countries, including Czechia. We introduced and tested the assumption about the bi-dimensional nature of migration attitudes, where personalized attitudes towards immigrants as individuals might differ from the generalised attitudes toward immigration as a phenomenon. The results of our analysis have provided arguments to suggest that one person may in fact has rather positive attitudes towards individual immigrants (in term of willingness to accept them in closer contacts in everyday life) and at the same time express reservations about immigration as a phenomenon (be more sceptical about the positive outcomes of international migration). The article also contributes to the discussion about the country context, which seems to have an important effect on migration attitudes. People in CEE countries tend to express considerably greater social distancing from individual immigrants than people in those European countries with relatively longer immigration experience. But when it comes to attitudes towards immigration as a phenomenon, here the feelings are rather reserved all across Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Our main massage in our article is: one  person  may  in  fact  have  rather  positive  attitudes  towards individual immigrants (in terms of  willingness to accept them in closer contacts  in  everyday  life)  and  at  the  same  time  express  reservations  about  immigration  as  a  phenomenon  (be  more  sceptical  about  the  positive  outcomes  of   international migration). ','dita.cermakova@soc.cas.cz','2018-01-25 11:00:33','2018-03-26 16:38:21','','Waiting'),(3126,'Measuring the quality of democracy. Why include the citizens\' perspective?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'New indices measuring the quality of democracy constitute a significant innovation in comparative political science. They might, however, provide a biased perspective because they largely focus on macro-level criteria. Thus, the question is whether the measurement of the quality of democracy can be improved by complementing the evaluations of these indices with assessments based on individual-level survey data. Using data from 20 established democracies in the European Social Survey 2012 and the Democracy Barometer, we compare the understandings and evaluations of the quality of democracy underlying these two measurement approaches. We demonstrate that while the results coincide to a certain extent, individual-level data provide an important complementary perspective that adds to the validity of the measurement of the quality of democracy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','susanne.pickel@uni-due.de','2018-01-25 14:16:19','2018-03-26 16:59:07','','Waiting'),(3127,'Who Fears Crime and How Does This Fear Infl uence Trust in Selected Social Institutions in the Czech Republic?','Kdo se obává kriminality a jak tyto obavy ovlivňují důvěru ve vybrané společenské instituce v České republice?',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Over the years both scientists and scholars have been interested in fear of crime because it ranks among the most important indicators of the effectiveness of the fi ght against crime. Although this phenomenon is widely studied abroad, there are only a handful of Czech studies that discuss it in depth. The aim of this article is to broaden the scope of research in this area. The article maps the possible causes and consequences of fear of crime in reference to the literature and the specifi c milieu of the Czech Republic. The author draws on a representative sample of 2836 respondents from the fifth wave of the European Social Survey. Consistent with findings in international research the data suggest that a perceived risk of victimisation is a signifi cant factor infl uencing respondents’ fear. Conversely, indicators of vulnerability, such as gender and satisfaction with family income or victimisation, although statistically significant, explain only a small part of the variability of the dependent variable. Rather they act vicariously right through the perceived risk of victimisation. Finally, the data suggest that fear of crime can play an important role in shaping attitudes towards different social institutions, in particular the police. A higher fear of crime correlates with/is associated with a worse assessment of police effectiveness.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.krulichova@soc.cas.cz','2018-01-30 14:48:50','2018-03-26 17:00:43','','Waiting'),(3128,'Immigrant life satisfaction in Europe: the role of social and symbolic boundaries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The cross-national investigation of immigrant subjective well-being remains an understudied field, especially with regard to the link between institutional settings and individual outcomes. We approach this gap by investigating the role of policies regulating immigrant integration for life satisfaction. Immigrants’ status and life chances depend on the inclusiveness of integration policies in forms of rights given to immigrants in the receiving country. These policies differentiate immigrants from natives: exclusionary integration policies understood as social boundaries should result in lower levels of well-being. We also consider an alternative policy type (i.e. multicultural policies) as well as symbolic boundaries (i.e. natives’ attitudes towards immigrants). We distinguish between national citizens, EU citizens and third-country nationals (TCNs). Results based on up to five rounds of data from the European Social Survey indicate that in terms of life satisfaction only TCNs profit from inclusive integration policies. Furthermore, while political multiculturalism does not play a role, we find that EU migrants appear more susceptible to the negative impact of natives’ anti-immigrant attitudes. Policy-making is more important for TCNs, while a migrant-friendly opinion climate is more important for EU migrants. These findings are robust to controlling for unobserved time-constant country heterogeneity via country fixed effects.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','boris.heizmann@gesis.org','2018-02-16 10:21:59','2018-03-26 17:02:41','','Waiting'),(3129,'“I do not mind immigrants; it is immigration that bothers me”: The inconsistency of immigration attitudes in Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the European Social Survey data we studied migration attitudes in 19 European\ncountries, including Czechia. We introduced and tested the assumption about the bi-dimensional\nnature of migration attitudes, where personalized attitudes towards immigrants as individuals\nmight differ from the generalised attitudes toward immigration as a phenomenon. The results\nof our analysis have provided arguments to suggest that one person may in fact has rather\npositive attitudes towards individual immigrants (in term of willingness to accept them in closer\ncontacts in everyday life) and at the same time express reservations about immigration as a\nphenomenon (be more sceptical about the positive outcomes of international migration). The\narticle also contributes to the discussion about the country context, which seems to have an\nimportant effect on migration attitudes. People in CEE countries tend to express considerably\ngreater social distancing from individual immigrants than people in those European countries\nwith relatively longer immigration experience. But when it comes to attitudes towards immigration\nas a phenomenon, here the feelings are rather reserved all across Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dita.cermakova@soc.cas.cz','2018-03-01 13:44:32','2018-03-26 16:39:11','','Waiting'),(3130,'Personal Psychological Resources and Health Inequalities: The Strength of the Buffer Effect in European Countries','Персональные психологические ресурсы и неравенства в здоровье: выраженность буферного эффекта в европейских странах',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is devoted to the problem of the impact of personal psychological resources on social inequality in health.  In developed countries, according to the previous studies, such an impact is described in terms of the buffer effect: psychological resources are more conducive to maintaining good health in lower social strata, so that inequalities become less pronounced.  At the same time, it is unclear whether the buffering effect is a universal mechanism for the smoothing of health inequalities or it is valid only in specific societal contexts of these countries.  This paper analyzes the ESS 2012 data - representative surveys conducted in 27 countries, including Russia, as well as World Bank, WHO, ILO statistics and other analytical information about economy, welfare state and culture of these countries.  The application of statistical methods of two-level hierarchical modeling (linear and logistic) has shown that health of the population (assessment of health and problems in everyday life caused by chronic disease) in all countries is socially stratified - it clearly deteriorates with decreasing social status.  And in all of them psychological resources (control over life, autonomy and optimism) play an important role in maintaining health, contributing to its improvement in all social layers.  The results confirm the existence of a buffer effect, the strength of which, however, depends upon societal context.  Reducing status inequalities due to psychological reserve capacity takes place usually in affluent societies – European countries, in which many people live without financial difficulties.  In these countries, psychological reserves have particularly strong beneficial effects on health of individuals with low status, helping them to overcome negative emotions and stress caused by relative deprivation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2018-03-06 10:33:55','2018-03-26 17:04:55','','Waiting'),(3131,'Social Survey: Women and men do not understand society very differently','Sotsiaaluuring: naised ja mehed ei saagi ühiskonnast nii erinevalt aru',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'To celebrate the International Women’s Day, Estonian European Social Survey team analysed the ESS data to find out how similarly or differently women and men look at the society.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://novaator.err.ee/688060/sotsiaaluuring-naised-ja-mehed-ei-saagi-uhiskonnast-nii-erinevalt-aru','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2018-03-08 10:03:06','2018-03-26 17:06:21','','Waiting'),(3132,'An empirical analysis regarding the influence of individual health on party voting in democratic elections','Eine empirische Studie zum Einfluss des individuellen Gesundheitszustands auf die Parteipräferenz bei demokratischen Wahlen',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Individual level health variables have gained importance in the social sciences in the last decades. With electorates of most industrialized countries growing older and chronic diseases being an increasing challenge for public health, political scientists have sought to understand possible links between one’s health condition and political participation. Strong cross-border evidence suggests that poor health operationalized by self-assessment or clinical measures lowers a person’s probability to vote in democratic elections and also effects other types of political participation. This, in turn, could lead to an inferior democratic representation of these people. However, only few studies explore how negative health evaluation affects political preferences and consequent party preferences in democratic elections. Employing data from the ESS4 and the ESS8 this study investigates for the first time on a large sample basis how subjective individual health variables affect the party preferences of German participants in nation-wide elections (“Bundestagswahlen”). Building on a rational voter model it is assumed that those who report poor health or health restraints should favor parties which embrace social welfare as public service provision is crucial for this segment of the population. Accordingly, multinomial logistic estimations show that a negative health evaluation decreases the probability to cast a vote for parties which support public welfare to a lesser degree than competitors and increases the voting probability of the social democratic party which is widely seen as an historic advocate of social security schemes in Germany. Furthermore, there is evidence that the influence of individual health on voting is contingent to the current political context in which the election takes place. Party positions on social welfare could serve as political cues helping people with health issues adjust electoral decisions considering their medical conditions. These results should encourage political scientists to explore links of individual health and political preferences in other countries and include health variables in their studies more frequently.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','tobias-lentz@gmx.de','2018-03-11 13:11:18','2018-03-26 17:08:18','','Waiting'),(3133,'European health inequality through the ‘Great Recession’: Social policy matters','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper investigates the association between the Great Recession and educational inequalities in self-rated general health in 25 European countries. We investigate four different indicators related to economic recession: GDP; unemployment; austerity and a ‘crisis’ indicator signifying severe simultaneous drops in GDP and welfare generosity. We also assess the extent to which health inequality changes can be attributed to changes in the economic conditions and social capital in the European populations. The paper uses data from the European Social Survey (2002–2014). The analyses include both cross-sectional and lagged associations using multilevel linear regression models with country fixed effects. This approach allows us to identify health inequality changes net of all time-invariant differences between countries. GDP drops and increasing unemployment were associated with decreasing health inequalities. Austerity, however, was related to increasing health inequalities, an association that grew stronger with time. The strongest increase in health inequality was found for the more robust ‘crisis’ indicator. Changes in trust, social relationships and in the experience of economic hardship of the populations accounted for much of the increase in health inequality. The paper concludes that social policy has an important role in the development of health inequalities, particularly during times of economic crisis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kjetil.wel@oslomet.no','2018-03-23 16:07:18','2018-03-26 17:14:05','','Waiting'),(3135,'New social risk groups, industrial relations regimes and union membership','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The literature on new social risk (NSR) groups, such as single parents and temporary workers, has argued that they are less likely to join trade unions than other employees. It has been suggested that this is due to the unions’ incapacity or unwillingness to promote policies that mediate NSRs. We argue that there are differences in unionization between different NSR groups, and that country-level institutional structures, operationalized here as industrial relations (IR) regimes, have effects on how likely NSR groups are to unionize. Our multilevel logistic models using European Social Survey (ESS) data produce three main results: (1) family policy-related NSR groups (single parents, female employees with children and female caregivers) are more – not less – unionized than the average worker; (2) precarious workers (low-skilled service employees, temporary employees and part-timers) are, indeed, less unionized than average but (3) this result concerns mostly the liberal and transitional IR regimes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','young.shin@helsinki.fi','2018-04-12 20:38:15','2018-04-20 13:47:09','','Waiting'),(3136,'Which Inequality Makes People Dissatisfied with Their Lives? Evidence of the Link Between Life Satisfaction and Inequalities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This paper aims at establishing a clear link between different types of inequality and life satisfaction in Europe. We analyse the relationship between life satisfaction and both income inequality and inequality of opportunity using seven waves of the European Social Survey. The results show that in Europe both income inequality and inequality of opportunity reduce people’s life satisfaction. Our main results suggest that all socio-economic groups are dissatisfied with income inequality, whereas primarily low socio-economic individuals worry about inequality of opportunity. We find that expected mobility is very important in explaining the link between inequality and life satisfaction for all socio-economic groups in Europe. We advance the hypothesis that life satisfaction is conditioned by a mix of normative arguments against inequality and by the fear/possibility to lose/gain a good social position. This result complements findings on the mediating role of social mobility in the relationship with subjective well-being.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','laura.ravazzini@fors.unil.ch','2018-04-17 15:01:42','2018-04-20 13:49:18','','Waiting'),(3137,'Educational inequalities as indicators for human capital and development','Образователните неравенства като индикатори за човешкия капитал и развитие',17,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter aims to show the heuristic potential of the inequalities and their measurement as indicators for human capital and development and to discuss the place of Bulgaria in a cross-national comparative perspective. Building upon the complementarity of the human capital theory and the capability approach, we argue that the educational inequalities are important indicators for the human capital as they capture the loss in human development in two aspects: absolute and interactive. On the one hand, the inequalities have a cumulative character: the socioeconomic inequalities lead to educational inequalities i.e. there is an absolute loss in human capital. On the other hand, the educational inequalities influence on other aspects on the human/social capital – eg. they are associated with lower levels of trust. Drawing on data from the European social survey, Eurostudent and PISA and by using a wide range of measures of educational inequalities, our study shows that the loss in human capital and the human development potential in Bulgaria are determined to a great extent by the socioeconomic inequalities in education. Given this, the decreasing of the educational inequalities caused by socioeconomic factors can be seen as a way to stimulate human development and to enhance the human capital. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2018-04-17 18:54:07','2018-04-20 13:50:39','','Waiting'),(3138,'Knowledge Workers and Job Satisfaction: Evidence from Europe','Knowledge Workers and Job Satisfaction: Evidence from Europe',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyzes the determinants of job satisfaction among knowledge workers (KWs). Data from a representative sample of 14,096 employed workers from the European Social Survey (2010) are used for an empirical analysis drawing on multiple binary logistic regression models. Job satisfaction among KWs in 21 EU countries is found to be explained better by non-financial characteristics than by monetary rewards. Career advancement opportunities, flexible work schedules, colleague support, and work–family relations, as well as job security, emerge as central in explaining job satisfaction among KWs in our sample. Unlike the case for other workers (OWs), opportunities for further training and career experience are not determinants of job satisfaction among KWs. Management divisions in companies employing KWs would be well-advised to take these points into account.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','cvinasb@uoc.edu','2018-04-24 10:44:26','2018-05-14 15:39:41','','Waiting'),(3139,'Satisfaction with democracy and social capital in Greece','Satisfaction with democracy and social capital in Greece',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to investigate how different types of social capital contribute to the satisfaction with democracy (SWD) in Greece. Understanding the relationship between different variants of social capital and SWD allows one to situate the Greek democracy in the continuum of democracy types, from primary to modern.\nDesign/methodology/approach: The study uses microdata extracted from the European Values Surveys of 2002-2010 and multivariate regression analysis.\nFindings: The results are compatible with a conception of the Greek political organization as a civil virtue democracy. A change in the nature of the relationship is observed after the recent economic crisis in the country.\nResearch limitations/implications: The study contributes to the empirical knowledge regarding the relationship between different variants of social capital and SWD. Originality/value – Using a typology approach, the micro-relationship between democracy and social capital is analyzed as embedded in a continuum of different democracy types. In addition, this is the first study that uses microdata to analyze the effect of social capital upon SWD in Greece. The results of the study provide valuable understanding of the social and institutional arrangements that might sustain Greece’s efforts to meet its overall developmental challenges.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daskal@uop.gr','2018-04-24 12:37:39','2018-05-14 16:02:11','','Waiting'),(3140,'Attitudes towards Welfare and Economy: Israel in the ESS survey','עמדות כלפי רווחה וכלכלה: ישראל בסקר החברתי האירופי (ESS)',21,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report presents the attitudes of respondents, in Israel and in Europe, towards their personal and general economic position, pensioners and unemployed living standard and the efficiency of local welfare services. The core of this report is welfare attitudes, modules that were fielded in 2008 and 2016 and allow comparison over time in Israel and across Europe. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','bicoheness@tauex.tau.ac.il','2018-04-26 08:15:14','2018-05-14 16:10:13','','Waiting'),(3141,'The corrosive effect of corruption on trust in politicians: Evidence from a natural experiment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Empirical studies do not provide a univocal answer about the effects of corruption on political attitudes and behaviour. Focusing on the relationship between corruption and political trust, in this article we explore whether real-world corruption scandals have a negative causal effect on trust in politicians; whether the impact of scandals decays over time; and whether corruption scandals have a weaker impact among the supporters of the party involved in the scandal. We address these questions through a natural experiment generated by the coincidence of the uncovering of a corruption scandal in Spain (the Bárcenas scandal) and the fieldwork of the European Social Survey. Given that the day at which survey interviews were conducted is as-if random, the uncovering of the scandal represents a unique opportunity to assess the causal effect of corruption on individuals’ trust in politicians. The results indicate that: (i) the corruption scandal had a substantial negative effect on trust in politicians; (ii) the effect of the scandal was stronger in the days following its disclosure; (iii) the effect of the scandal was independent from individuals’ partisan preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','enrique.hernandez@uab.cat','2018-04-29 19:26:54','2018-05-14 16:17:23','','Waiting'),(3142,'Democratic discontent and support for mainstream and challenger parties: Democratic protest voting','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The literature disagrees over the extent to which defection from mainstream parties and support for challenger parties are related to individuals’ discontent with the functioning of democratic political systems. This article develops the democratic protest voting model, a theoretical framework to analyze how different forms of democratic discontent relate to the chance of defecting from mainstream parties and supporting left- and right-wing challenger parties. The empirical results reveal that voters tend to support parties that are aligned with the specific nature of their democratic discontent. These results imply that voting for challenger parties should not be conceptualized as a mere expression of protest decoupled from political preferences, but as a process of democratic protest voting that is informed by normative democratic preferences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','enrique.hernandez@uab.cat','2018-04-29 19:29:31','2018-05-14 16:22:33','','Waiting'),(3143,'Life satisfaction and happiness: discussing the impact of fear of crime and victimization','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Subjective well-being is usually studied with respect to marital and occupational status, income or subjective health. Conversely, research examining the relationship between this phenomenon and crime related factors is still relatively limited. This study therefore aims to extent the current knowledge in this area. Using data from the fifth wave of the European Social Survey for the Czech Republic, in which 2386 respondents participated, we conduct a hierarchical regression analysis to find out to what extent victimization experience and fear of crime influence life satisfaction and happiness of Czechs. The results of the analysis reveal a direct relationship between fear of crime and subjective well-being. On the contrary, victimization affects life satisfaction and happiness indirectly via the fear of crime. Surprisingly, a decrease in life satisfaction is greater for fearful men than fearful women, whereas there are no gender differences regarding the fear of crime – happiness link.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.krulichova@soc.cas.cz','2018-05-17 14:28:24','2018-05-29 15:48:10','','Waiting'),(3144,'The relationship between fear of crime and risk perception across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cross-national comparisons of fear of crime have been gaining in popularity within the academic community, as they allow for the examination of both individual and country-level correlates of this phenomenon. Nevertheless, the role of perceived victimization risk in fostering fear of crime with respect to various country specifics is often neglected. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey Round 5 (ESS R5), the aim of this study is to explore the relationship between fear of crime and risk perception in the context of 23 European countries. Risk perception is positively correlated with fear of crime in all of the analysed countries, although the strength of the relationship differs. Contrary to expectations, countries with a higher victimization rate exhibit a weaker relationship between fear of crime and risk perception, while in countries with a lower victimization rate, risk perception plays a relatively important role in shaping fear of crime. No effect of unemployment rate, size of migrant population or income inequality was found in the data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.krulichova@soc.cas.cz','2018-05-17 14:51:09','2018-05-17 14:51:09','','Waiting'),(3145,'Part-time work and gender inequality in Europe: a comparative analysis of satisfaction with work–life balance','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Part-time work is an increasingly common strategy for handling work and family – but is it an effective strategy everywhere and for everyone? To answer this question, we examine satisfaction with work–life balance (SWLB) of workers in 22 European countries. Our results show that part-time workers have higher SWLB than full-time workers; the more so, the fewer hours they put in. Yet, we find an important gender difference: women in marginal part-time work are more satisfied than men in a similar situation, and conversely men in full-time work have higher SWLB than women working full-time. Further, the societal context plays an important role: substantial part-time work is more conducive to SWLB in more gender-egalitarian countries than in countries with low gender equality. Hence, a supportive gender climate and institutional support may entice workers to reduce working hours moderately, which results in markedly increased levels of SWLB.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','patrick.prag@sociology.ox.ac.uk','2018-05-20 15:47:20','2018-05-29 16:03:49','','Waiting'),(3146,'Family and Health','Rodina a zdraví',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The book explores the link between individual’s family situation and health. The book is divided into 8 chapters. They focus on the data description, definition of health, and link between health and healthy life style and partnership status, parenthood, or quality of partnership. The final chapter is devoted to the caring function of the family.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dana.hamplova@soc.cas.cz','2018-05-24 14:43:24','2018-05-24 14:43:24','Y','Waiting'),(3147,'Deviant Value Structures – Random or Systematic?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Theory-based MDS analyses of values data from the European Social Survey (ESS, rounds 1 to 3) widely corroborate Schwartz´s structural model of human values (Bilsky, Janik & Schwartz, 2011). However, data of some countries showed deviations from the hypothesized value structure. We analyzed the values data of rounds 4 and 5 and focused on these countries. The results of our analyses are outlined, and recurring structural deviations are discussed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Permalink: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:hbz:6-77219714411\nDOI: 10.17879/87219503184 ','bilsky@uni-muenster.de','2018-05-24 17:00:48','2018-05-24 17:00:48','','Waiting'),(3148,'Political Culture in the Baltic Region','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter compares indicators of political culture in the nine countries of the Baltic region: Quality of governance, life satisfaction, political involvement, support for democracy and attitudes on international issues. Feelings of social inclusion or exclusion and integration in intermediary associations are determined by national traditions and vary considerably across the region, while life satisfaction is strongly influenced by the actual level of socio-economic development. Three country groups can be made out regarding political involvement and support for democracy: The four consolidated democracies (Denmark, Finland, Germany and Sweden), four post-communist EU member countries (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland), and Russia. Russia is an outlier in the region with an exceptionally low support for democracy and lower levels on all other indicators.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ursula.hoffmann-lange@uni-bamberg.de','2018-05-28 12:03:23','2018-05-28 12:03:23','','Waiting'),(3149,'Political Culture in the Baltic Region','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter analyzes several aspects of political culture in the nine countries of the Baltic region (Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Russia and Sweden). Indicators are the governance indicators of the World Bank, feelings of social exclusion, life satisfaction, social and political involvement, support for democracy and attitudes on international issues. While patterns of social exclusion and political involvement vary according to country-specific conditions, life satisfaction depends primarily on socio-economic factors. Support for democracy is strongest in the long-standing democracies, somewhat lower in the post-communist EU member countries and lowest in Russia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ursula.hoffmann-lange@uni-bamberg.de','2018-05-28 14:12:31','2018-05-28 14:12:31','','Waiting'),(3150,'Measures of Ageism in the Labour Market in International Social Surveys. ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Population ageing is becoming more common around the globe. Having more older people in a country does not have to bring a negative future, it is something to become adjusted to. Recognising and measuring ageism in the labour market are therefore needed. We identified eighteen self-reported indicators of ageism in the labour market from several international surveys. These indicators measure attitudes, perceptions, values and experiences with regard to older adults’ labour market participation, and are grouped into the following five aspects of ageism in the labour market: recruitment/retention; performance; training; interaction with older colleagues; and structural ageism. A descriptive international comparison by each indicator is given in the chapter. Finally, taxonomy of measures of ageism in the labour market is outlined.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liili@tlu.ee','2018-05-28 18:32:21','2018-05-28 18:32:21','','Waiting'),(3151,'The Trade Origins of Economic Nationalism: Import Competition and Voting Behavior in Western Europe ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We investigate the impact of globalization on electoral outcomes in 15 Western European countries over 1988–2007. We employ both official election results at the district level and individual-level voting data, combined with party ideology scores from the Comparative Manifesto Project. We compute a region-specific measure of exposure to Chinese imports, based on the historical industry specialization of each region. To identify the causal impact of the import shock, we instrument imports to Europe using Chinese imports to the United States. At the district level, a stronger import shock leads to (1) an increase in support for nationalist and isolationist parties, (2) an increase in support for radical-right parties, and (3) a general shift to the right in the electorate. These results are confirmed by the analysis of individual-level vote choices. In addition, we find evidence that voters respond to the shock in a sociotropic way. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','piero.stanig@unibocconi.it','2018-05-31 13:54:01','2018-05-31 13:54:01','','Waiting'),(3152,'Social Protests, Discontent and Politics in Southern and Eastern Europe: Trends, Patterns and Polarisation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Taking into consideration the debate on the role of social movements and of trade unions in organising social protests, in the light of contentious and conventional politics, this article examines participation in demonstrations in Europe and the political attitudes of the participants. The article uses data from the European Social Survey to examine the differences and similarities between European countries in respect of mobilisation levels over the past decade, arguing that distrust and dissatisfaction with political institutions might be a necessary condition but not a sufficient one to justify resorting to contentious politics. The article reveals the contrasts between the levels of mobilisation in Southern European countries (Portugal and Spain) and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Hungary and Poland) and examines the patterns and (re)configuration of the profile of the protestors in the 2002–2014 period.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Thanks for your work, which it is very important for research','antonio.martin@uab.es','2018-06-01 08:08:56','2018-07-24 16:10:41','','Waiting'),(3153,'The (ir)relevance of unemployment for labour market policy attitudes and welfare state attitudes','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Typically, associations between being unemployed and policy attitudes are explained with reference to economic self-interest considerations of the unemployed. Preferences for labour market policies (LMP) and egalitarian preferences are the prime example and the focus of this study. Its aim is to challenge this causal self-interest argument: self-interest consistent associations of unemployment with policy preferences are neither necessarily driven by self-interest nor necessarily causal. To that end this article first confronts the self-interest argument with a broader perspective on attitudes. Given that predispositions (e.g. value orientations) are stable and influence more specific policy attitudes, it is at least questionable whether people change their policy attitudes simply because they get laid off. Second, this article derives a non-causal argument behind associations between unemployment and policy attitudes arguing that these might be spurious associations driven by individuals’ socio-economic background. After all, the entire socio-economic background of a person is simultaneously related to both the risk of getting unemployed (“selection into unemployment”) and distinct political socialization experiences from early childhood on. Third, this article uses methods inspired by a counterfactual account on causality to test the non-causal claims. Analyses are carried out using the fourth wave of the European Social Survey and applying entropy balancing to control for selection bias. In none but two of the 31 analysed countries unemployment effects on egalitarian orientations remain significant after controlling for selection bias. The same holds for effects on active LMP attitudes with the exception of six countries. Attitudes towards passive LMP are to some degree an exception since here effects remain in one third of the countries. Robustness checks and bayes factor replications showing evidence for the absence of unemployment effects support the general impression from these initial analyses. After discussing this article’s results and limitations, broader implications of this article are considered. On the one hand, this article offers a new perspective on the conceptualization and measurement of unemployment risk. On the other hand, this article’s theoretical argument, as well as its treatment of the resulting selection bias, can be broadly applied. Thus, this article can contribute to many other research questions regarding the (ir)relevance of individual life events for political attitudes and political behaviour.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nadja-kani.wehl@uni-bamberg.de','2018-06-05 17:47:52','2018-07-24 16:28:28','','Waiting'),(3154,'Learning to Trust: Generalised Social Trust in Estonia from 1990 to 2016','Õppides usaldama: Üldine usaldus Eestis aastatel 1990–2016',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Generalised social trust (social trust), that is the willingness to trust others, even total strangers, without the expectation that they will immediately reciprocate that trust or favour, is like a glue that holds a society together and fosters cooperation among individuals. Social trust, which is often considered one of the key elements of social capital, is extremely important for the smooth functioning of democratic societies and appears to be an important factor that may make a new democracy more likely to succeed. This article focuses on the trends in levels of social trust in one relatively young democracy – Estonia – from the beginning of 1990s until 2016. The analyses are based on data from several waves of the European Social Survey (ESS), the World Value Survey (WVS), and European Value Survey (EVS). \n\nIt has been claimed that differences in trust levels across countries may be driven by their cultural, political, and historical differences. Indeed, trust levels vary considerably between European countries and the strong impact of the past political and institutional context becomes evident when looking at the levels of social capital in the former Eastern Bloc: people in post-communist societies are generally less trusting than people in Western, and most notably, in Northern parts of Europe. In the beginning of the nineties, Estonia seemed to fit in this pattern, but in the second half of the nineties, all of the sudden Estonia started behave rather unexpectedly in terms of increasing social trust. Whereas low levels of social trust were easily explained with the Soviet past, this article attempts to explain the fast growth of social trust in Estonia from the second half of the nineties.\n  \nThe fast growth in social trust levels in Estonia is unprecedented in international comparison. We propose that an explanation may lie in theories, which conceptualise trust as a feature of social environment, suggesting that individuals become more trusting by experiencing trustworthy behaviour in their daily life. The rising levels of social trust in Estonia indicate that the people living in Estonia have indeed learned from their experience that in general, most people can be trusted. Considering that higher levels of social trust indicate ‘healthier’ society both in economic, social, and political sense, the fast growth of the levels of social trust during the last two decades is a very good and promising news for the 100-year-old Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2018-06-06 16:32:59','2018-07-24 16:36:51','','Waiting'),(3155,'Determining the structure and assessing the psychometric properties of multidimensional scales constructed from ordinal and pseudo-interval items','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Determining the structure and assessing the psychometric properties of multidimensional scales before their application is a prerequisite of scaling theory. This involves splitting randomly a sample of adequate size into two halves and first performing exploratory factor analysis (EFA) on one half-sample in order to assess the construct validity of the scale. Secondly, this structure is validated by carrying out confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) on the second half.  As in any statistical analysis -whether univariate, bivariate or multivariate - the first and most important consideration is to ascertain the level of measurement of the input variables, in this instance the defining items of the scale. This guides the correct choice of the methods to be used. In this paper, we carry out the investigation and assessment of the 2006 European Social Survey (ESS) six-dimensional instrument of wellbeing for Germany and Netherlands when items are considered as ordinal and pseudo-interval.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','acharalampi@panteion.gr','2018-06-27 21:00:35','2018-07-24 16:43:34','','Waiting'),(3156,'The importance of items\' level of measurement in investigating the structure and assessing the psychometric properties of multidimensional constructs','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Investigating the structure and assessing the psychometric properties of multidimensional scales before their application is a prerequisite of scaling theory. This involves splitting a sample of adequate size randomly into two halves and first performing Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) on one half-sample in order to assess the construct validity of the scale. Then the structure identified by EFA is validated by carrying out Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) on the second half.  As in any statistical analysis - whether univariate, bivariate or multivariate - the first and most important consideration is to ascertain the level of measurement of the input variables, in this instance the defining items of the scale. This guides the correct choice of the methods to be used. In this doctoral dissertation, we carry out the investigation and assessment of Schwartz’s human values scale included in the European Social Survey (ESS) when items are considered as pseudo-interval and the 2012 ESS measurement of wellbeing when items are considered as both ordinal and pseudo-interval. It is a methodological study aiming at demonstrating the importance of items’ level of measurement in carrying out a psychometric validation of multidimensional constructs.\nSchwartz’s human values scale has been widely used by social and cross-cultural psychologists in order to study differences in values among individuals and includes the ten motivationally distinct basic values which encompass the major value orientations recognized cross-culturally: power, achievement, hedonism, stimulation, self-direction, universalism, benevolence, tradition, conformity and security. The measurement of wellbeing provides an important indicator of the welfare of nations and presents opportunities for policy making. Researchers generally share the view of wellbeing as a multidimensional concept. The 2012 ESS measurement of personal and social wellbeing, a combination of theoretical models and evidence from statistical analysis, is defined as a six-dimensional construct: evaluative wellbeing, emotional wellbeing, functioning, vitality, community wellbeing and supportive relationships. The theoretical structure of both scales has been thoroughly documented.\nThe analysis was based on the ESS Round 1 to Round 7 Data (2002-2014) for 16 European countries: Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the UK.  In the case of Schwartz’s human values scale, EFA resulted in a two-factor solution for 41 cases, a three-factor solution for 51 cases and a four-factor solution for 20 cases. In the case of wellbeing scale, EFA resulted in a four-factor solution and a five-factor solution for seven countries, respectively, and a six-factor solution for two countries. These results were supported by CFA performed on the second half-samples. Subscales were constructed based on analysis of the total samples, and reliabilities, convergent and discriminant validities and internal consistencies were investigated. \nAlthough the definition of each subscale differs from the documented theoretical structures and across countries the analysis contributes to the growing research on the measurement of Schwartz’s human values and wellbeing by providing reliable and valid subscales for each country that can be used by social researchers in their analyses. The methodology presented may be easily applied to other Likert-type scales or scales using both ordinal and pseudo-interval items which are defined as multidimensional by theory. In the case of theory development, the preliminary considerations and the sequence of decisions for performing EFA may be applied with the appropriate modifications.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','acharalampi@panteion.gr','2018-06-27 21:08:44','2018-07-24 16:54:46','','Waiting'),(3157,'Attitudes towards Immigration in Spain through the European Social Survey','Actitudes Hacia la Inmigración en España a Través de la Encuesta Social Europea',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Following the scientific literature about the attitudes towards immigration, this article attempts to evaluate a series of indicators related with the perceived problems attached to the material well-being and cultural threat by Spaniards that have been extracted from the Seventh Edition of the European Social Survey (ESS). The perception that immigration has a negative cultural and economic impact is something that predominates in the collective imaginary of European citizens. In order to explain this, it is necessary to take into account the threat theory, which has had an important reception on the contemporary scientific production, and can explain attitudes through two concrete dimensions (Stephan and Stephan, 1996; Stephan, Ybarra and Bachman, 1999, Stephan et al., 2002, Stephan et al., 2005). On one hand, realistic threats are induced by the perception of proxi - mity of the foreign out-group and referred to threats to the native ingroup existence. Thus, threats to political and economic power are considered the most common risk factors for a reluctant attitude towards the external group (Moldes-Anaya et al., 2017). Realistic threats frequently emerge as a result of competition for scarce economic and material resources such as competitiveness in the labour market, threats to health, physical well-being, the perceived size of the out-group (Stephan et al., 1998; Stephan et al., 2002; Quillian, 1995; McLaren, 2003) or other threats attached to the material aspects of social life. On the other hand, symbolic threats are related to threats to the worldview of a particular native in-group. Hence, external groups that adhere to different views and interpretations of the world can be considered a threat to the worldview of the native group from where the external group has been inserted, which as a counterpart can lead to reluctant attitudes and behaviours from the native in-group (Stephan et al., 1998; Stephan et al., 2002). In accordance with this logic it should be emphasised that symbolic threats focus on inter-group di - fferences of an axiological nature such as those concerning morality, values, norms, customs or beliefs. From this frame of reference, the present study aims to analyze how Spanish society is facing the phenomenon of immigration as well as to explore the role played by the different types of threats described above on attitudes towards immigrants. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to evaluate how Spaniards represent themselves on immigration, analysing the problems of most concern to them (risk factors) and how they modulate their response to immigration. In line with this, there are two main hypotheses which have guided this work. It is pointed out that a negative response from Spaniards on issues concerning the threat to material well-being (realistic threat) and to cultural identity (symbolic threat) will operate as risk factors for the outcome of a pessimistic attitude to the question of whether the arrival of immigrants contributes to Spain being a better or worse place to live. Moreover, we propose that the strength of the risk factors related to the threat to material well-being for the outcome of a reluctant attitude towards immigration will, in all cases, be greater than the strength of the perceived symbolic threat factors. To verify this, the analysis procedure has been as follows. A factorial analysis has been carried out using the principal components factorization method with the oblimin rotation (Tabachnick and Fidell, 2001). Then and taking into account the logical and orderly sequence between each of the levels of the response (negative or positive) as to whether the arrival of immigrants contributes to making Spain a worse or better country to live, a discrete response Logit model was designed (Agresti, 2013; 2017; Collet, 1981) according to whether the explanatory variables considered were of a socio-demographic or threat (perceived or symbolic) type. A stepwise forward model using the Wald method, which contrasts the input of the variables based on the significance of the scoring statistic and contrasts the elimination of them derived from the probability of the Wald statistic, was considered as the model that best fitted to these data. The goodness of fit at the population level was contrasted with the likelihood ratio test, the pseudo-square test (Agresti, 1985), Pearson\'s Chi-square test, and point-to-point with the analysis of studentised residuals by means of the corresponding normal test. The statistical significance of the parameters in the model was studied with their respective Wald test. The exponential of the parameters (Odds Ratio) that came out significant (Poole, 2001) was interpreted in terms of the prognosis ratio of a negative response versus to a positive response, based on changes in the explanatory variables considered. According to the data evaluated, it can be said that a negative response from Spaniards to questions about the threat of material well-being (realistic threat) and cultural identity (symbolic threat) (Stephan et al., 1998, Stephan et al., 2002) predicts the outcome of a negative attitude towards immigration due to subjects who have a reluctant or ambiguous attitude towards threats of a material or cultural nature are more susceptible to thinking negatively about the issue of the arrival of immigrants contributes to Spain being a better or worse place to live. On the other hand and according to the results, we proposed that the strength of the risk factors related to the threat of material welfare for the outcome of a reluctant attitude towards immigration, in all cases, is greater than the strength of the symbolic threat factors perceived. This does not fulfil our expectations at all since for the individuals classified as reluctant as well as for the ambiguous the strength of the symbolic threat factor is greater than the strength of the economic-material threat factors as long as when these are compared with subjects classified as tolerant. Furthermore, in terms of the influence of the sociodemographic variables that have entered the model after the analysis, it could be detected that women are more likely to have a positive attitude as apposed to men who are more likely to have a negative attitude towards immigration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sergiomoldesanaya@gmail.com','2018-06-28 16:27:36','2018-07-24 17:00:38','','Waiting'),(3158,'Social State of the Netherlands 2017','De sociale staat van Nederland 2017',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Changes in the size and profile of the Dutch population have consequences in a host of societal domains. The labour market is an example: who is in work? Are there barriers to labour market entry? Until what age do people continue working? Another example is care and support: how have care needs changed in the light of the increase in the number of old people, and are there enough ‘hands around the bed’ to meet those needs? What new homes need to be built to meet changing housing needs? A changing population also has consequences for societal, social and cultural participation. A wide range of societal domains are discussed in this publication. This concluding chapter presents the key findings in an overarching review of the last 25 years, starting with the demographic context in which these developments have taken place.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2018-07-02 14:40:57','2018-07-26 14:44:20','','Waiting'),(3159,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2017/4','Burgerperspectieven 2017|4',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2018-07-02 14:57:25','2018-07-26 14:48:15','','Waiting'),(3160,'Opinions on sexual and gender diversity in the Netherlands and Europe','Opvattingen over seksuele en genderdiversiteit in Nederland en Europa',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This report describes the attitudes of the Dutch public to sexual and gender diversity based on the most recent and reliable figures. It looks at opinions on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) persons in the Netherlands, and at developments in those opinions over time.\n\n It also describes differences between various groups in society, including school students. Several themes receive attention, such as opinions on equal rights (for example to marriage or adoption), intimacy (such as women kissing or men walking hand in hand), and gender diversity (e.g. gender reassignment surgery or people who do not feel unambiguously male or female). The opinions of the Dutch are also compared with those in other European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2018-07-02 15:08:33','2018-07-26 14:55:09','','Waiting'),(3161,'Subjective well-being in Europe: a multidimensional statistical analysis of ESS data  ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Subjective well-being (SWB) refers to peoples own evaluations of their lives, evaluations that are both affective and cognitive where the affective part is better known as happiness and the cognitive as life satisfaction. Many studies have been conducted to discover the determinants of well-being and most of them have outlined the importance of households income. Nevertheless, the relationship of income and SWB is not so simple and many other factors can intervene. In this study, the main source of the data analyzed is ESS, a large multi-country survey, which has as the main scope to evaluate social characteristics of European citizens. We attempted to discover the most important social factors that influence two determinants of SWB, happiness(H) and life satisfaction(LS) and whether H and LS have the same impact on other variables. For the analysis of the data a method from the multidimensional field is applied, Correspondence analysis (CA). The final results extracted, seem to prove that LS and H display the similar attitude with most variables of the study and it was deduced that income is not the most important determinant of SWB.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is accepted for publication and is a forthcoming article.\n(http://www.inderscience.com/info/ingeneral/forthcoming.php?jcode=ijhd)','vasismir@gmail.com','2018-07-04 11:14:53','2018-07-26 16:47:19','','Waiting'),(3162,'Perceived Safety and its socio-psychological contexts','Vnímané bezpečie a jeho sociálno-psychologické kontexty ',41,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Perceived safety is a multidimensional construct that encompasses emotional, cognitive and behavioral dimension. Part of the perceived safety is a cognitive evaluation of safety, fear of crime and preventive behavior. The present book consists of two parts. The first part consists of three consecutive studies. The aim of the first study is to examine the relationship between perceived safety (emotional dimension) and preventive behavior (behavioral dimension), age and gender. The aim of the second study is to examine the relationship between perceived safety (cognitive dimension), preventive behavior (behavioral dimension), the perceived disorder in the neighborhood, gender and age. The aim of the third study is to make a detailed analysis of the perceived safety with respect to gender, gender roles of respondents (masculinity, femininity, androgyny undifferentiated), age and perceived disorder in the neighbourhood, and further describe relationships between variables. The aim of the second part of this book is to verify the explanatory power of social - psychological model of Van der Wurff et al. (1989) for respondents of Slovak Republic, to compare the explanatory power of the socio-demographic model (the combination of variables Van der Wurff et al. (1989) and Farrall et al. (2000)) and a modified model. Modified socio-demographic model explaining the level of perceived safety is enriched by variables concerning the residence of respondents and perceived disorder in the neighborhood. We created a holistic model explaining the level of perceived safety, which consists of variables from socio - psychological model as well as socio-demographic model. We worked with two samples. The first research sample consisted of 1,847 respondents (59.5% women and 40.5% men) from the Slovak Republic\'s population aged 15 to 91 years (M = 49.28, SD = 16.53). The second research sample consisted of 316 respondents from the population of the Slovak Republic. The sample consisted of 63.6% women and 36.4% men. The average age of respondents in the second sample is M = 35.38 (SD = 15.84) years (15-83 years). Using the method of structural equation modeling, we found that the combination of variables gender, age and preventive behaviors explained 20.9% of variance emotional dimension of perceived safety (fear of crime). We have further found that the combination of variables, gender, age, preventive behavior and perceived disorder in neighborhood explain 34.4% of the cognitive dimension of the perceived safety and 25.8% of the variance of preventive behavior. Gender roles (masculinity, feminity) affect the level of perceived safety of individuals. In the second part, we found that the socio - psychological model Van der Wurff et al. (1989) explains a certain level of perceived safety of subjects (R2= ,219), but it is not such strong explanatory device as modified socio-demographic model (R2=,304). Socio - psychological model is gender-sensitive and explained higher levels of variance of perceived safety in women (17.6%) than men (13.2%). Finally, we have created a holistic model explaining 32.9% of the perceived safety. This book provides a comprehensive and integrative view of the construct of perceived safety and it is governed by the principles of simplicity - an explanation of the greatest variance in the perceived safety with just few constructs.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mirka.bozoganova@gmail.com','2018-07-04 13:38:47','2018-07-26 16:49:42','','Waiting'),(3163,'Learning about Democracy at Work: Cross-National Evidence on Individual Employee Voice Influencing Political Participation in Civil Society','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using European Social Survey data, this paper analyzes the extent to which individual autonomy and participation in decision-making at the workplace is linked empirically to individual political behaviors in civil society. The results are consistent with the hypothesis of “positive outward democratic spillover” from the workplace to the political arena, pointing to the possibility of a learning effect. In contrast with much of the literature that is limited to small samples in a single country, we analyze over 14,000 workers across 27 countries. The results do not appear to be driven by specific countries, which suggests that this is a general phenomenon across a variety of institutional contexts, although some features of a country’s electoral system moderate some of the results.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jbudd@umn.edu','2018-07-31 18:58:31','2018-08-14 14:51:23','','Waiting'),(3164,'Political Confidence and Democracy in Europe. Antecedents and Consequences of Citizens’ Confidence in Representative and Regulative Institutions and Authorities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book examines the antecedents and consequences of citizens’ confidence in different political institutions and authorities. Its main argument states that a distinction between confidence in representative and regulative institutions and authorities is of crucial importance in order to gain novel insights into the relevance of political confidence for the viability of democratic systems. Relying on individual-level data from the European Social Survey (ESS), the author provides empirical evidence that citizens from a total of twenty-one European countries make a distinction between confidence in representative institutions and authorities and confidence in regulative institutions and authorities. Furthermore, the author shows that both types of political confidence emanate from different sources and are associated with varying consequences. Overall, these findings indicate that confidence in representative and confidence in regulative institutions and authorities establish two qualitatively different types of political confidence, each with distinct implications for the functioning and well-being of modern democracies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','christian.schnaudt@gesis.org','2018-08-02 09:39:25','2018-08-14 15:03:39','','Waiting'),(3165,'Investigating the structure of Schwartz’s Human Values Scale','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Purpose: To investigate the dimensionality and psychometric properties of the Schwartz Human Values Scale Short Form included in the European Social Survey (ESS) questionnaire.\nMethod:  Greek and Slovenian ESS data of 2002 were used. Each sample was split randomly into two halves and Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) was performed on one half-sample in order to assess the construct validity of the scales. The structure was validated by carrying out Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) on the second half.  \nResults: In both countries, EFA resulted in a three-factor solution but the third subscale was found not to be reliable. CFA showed better fit for the model defined by two first-order correlated factors - Openness to change/Self-enhancement and Self-transcendence/Conservation – which provided reliable and valid subscales.\nConclusions: Although our analysis did not confirm the dimensionality of the Schwartz Human Values Scale as proposed in the literature, it did produce two subscales that were both reliable and valid. Our results suggest that further research is necessary in each country and each round of the ESS in order to provide subscales suitable for use in analyses.  \n\nKeywords: Schwartz’s human values scale (PVQ-21); Reliability; Validity; Exploratory Factor Analysis; Confirmatory Factor Analysis',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','acharalampi@panteion.gr','2018-08-12 13:37:51','2018-08-14 15:25:29','','Waiting'),(3166,'Competitive Threat and Temporal Change in Anti-Immigrant Sentiment: Insights from a Hierarchical Age-Period-Cohort Model','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study focuses on over-time change in anti-immigrant attitudes across European societies and on the role played by cohorts in producing the change in attitudes. We assembled data from four waves ofthe European Social Surveys for 14 countries between2002 and2014. The data analysis is conducted within the framework of a hierarchical age-period-cohort model (HAPC) to estimate the dynamic relations between anti-immigrant sentiment and country\'s social and economic conditions, while taking into consideration variations across individuals and birth-cohorts. The analysis lends support to expectations derived from the ‘competitive threat’ theoretical model. The ?ndings show that a higher share of non-European ethnic minorities in the country\'s population is associated with a higher level of ant-immigrant attitudes. Anti-immigrant sentiment was found to be more pronounced in the ‘old immigration countries’ than in the ‘new immigration countries.’ The impact of economic conditions on anti-immigrant sentiment becomes evident through the e?ect of cohort in the ‘new immigration countries’: cohorts that entered the labor market when the unemployment rate was high are likely to hold more negative attitudes toward immigrants.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anastasiag@tau.ac.il','2018-09-08 18:18:02','2018-09-19 14:05:20','','Waiting'),(3167,'More Selfies? A Picture of Self-Employment in the UK','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Self-employment in the post-War period in the UK was stable, at times rising, at others falling, but the level increased rapidly during the 1980s and again over the last 15 years. About one in seven of those in employment are currently self-employed. The increase in self-employment between March 2008 and March 2017 accounted for almost a third of total employment growth. Historically, the self-employed have been disproportionately male and aged over 50. They have tended to work longer hours than employees and be concentrated in specific industries (agriculture, construction) and occupations (especially skilled trades). However, the relative and absolute growth of selfemployment has been accompanied by a rise in the share of those who are female and who work part-time, and by growth in a broader range of industries and occupations providing personal services and professional advice. The self-employed have seen the gap in earnings with employees widen (to their disadvantage) rather than narrow over this period. Nevertheless, a higher proportion of the self-employed (than employees) have the very highest levels of job satisfaction: they derive greater value from the nature of their work and say they have more control over it, appearing to find it easier to manage work pressures and reconcile their business with other aspects of their lives. Self-employment in the UK is close to the European average. It has been increasing, whereas, measured as a share of total employment, it has continued to decline in many other countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','m.beatson@cipd.co.uk','2018-09-11 13:43:40','2018-09-19 14:09:29','','Waiting'),(3168,'Welfare Chauvinism, Economic Insecurity and the Asylum Seeker “Crisis”','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Immigration has been a major trend in the last decades in Europe. However, immigrant access to the social security systems has remained a contentious issue having gained additional salience in light of the recent asylum-seeking developments. We focus on welfare chauvinism, the idea that immigrants should not participate in welfare resources, as an attitudinal dimension. We seek to answer two primary questions: To what extent are different types of objective and subjective material deprivation related to welfare chauvinism? What is the role of the recent asylum seeker influx? Using European Social Survey data and employing binary and generalized ordered logit models with country fixed effects, we find perceptions of deprivation to be more meaningful than objective factors related to potential job loss, and some relationships depend on the specific type of deprivation. On the country level, in line with the deservingness of asylum seekers as a group, higher levels of asylum seeking are related to lower levels of welfare chauvinism, while GDP per capita is not associated with welfare chauvinism. Finally, the generalized ordered logit model shows that some relationships vary according to the strictness of welfare chauvinism, which would not be visible in a conventional ordered logit model. View Full-Text ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','boris.heizmann@gesis.org','2018-09-17 09:40:46','2018-09-19 14:16:43','','Waiting'),(3169,'Ethnic diversity and attitudes towards refugees','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The recent surge in refugee arrivals to Europe has underscored the importance of identity concerns, with politicians and ordinary citizens alike expressing fear that admitting foreigners may result in unacceptable demographic and cultural change. However, scholars have not systematically examined the impact of ethnic diversity on attitudes towards refugees. Group threat theory and the contact hypothesis offer competing predictions: The former would expect diversity to be associated with opposition to refugees, while the latter would expect diversity to generate support for them. We explore individual-level attitudes in nineteen countries using the 2014 wave of the European Social Survey, combined with country-level data from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators, the Manifesto Project Dataset, and five different databases of ethnic diversity measures. Crucially, we employ multiple approaches to measuring diversity, including various measures of ethnic fractionalisation, linguistic heterogeneity, polarisation, and other relevant constructs. We find that greater ethnic diversity is associated with decreased support for refugees, but this relationship is not consistent across all measures of diversity. Since the relationship between ethnic diversity and support for refugees is highly dependent on the measure of diversity used, scholars should be wary of drawing strong conclusions about the effects of ethnic diversity without comparing different measures.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lsteele@alumni.princeton.edu','2018-09-17 17:15:46','2018-09-19 14:20:28','','Waiting'),(3170,'The Welfare State and the Democratic Citizen: How Social Policies Shape Political Equality','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This book examines the ways in which the welfare state impacts levels and distributions of political participation and democratic support in Western democracies. Going beyond the traditional contextual accounts of political behaviour, which primarily focus on political institutions or the socio-economic climate, this book looks specifically at the impact of public policy on a variety of political behaviours and attitudes. \nDrawing on the theoretical insights from the policy feedback approach, the author argues and empirically demonstrates that generous social policy offerings can not only foster democratic citizenship by promoting a more inclusive political culture, but are most beneficial to citizens who are otherwise excluded from political life in many societies.  \nThis book will appeal most to scholars in the fields of political science and sociology who are especially interested in the welfare state, public policy, political sociology, and inequality. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jennifer.shore@mzes.uni-mannheim.de','2018-09-21 13:45:44','2018-10-02 16:53:33','','Waiting'),(3171,'A Culture of Hostility and Crime Motivated by Bias: A Cross-National Multilevel Analysis of Structural Influences','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examines the impact of macrolevel indicators of social environment on officially recorded crime motivated by racial bias and xenophobia across 44 regions in 7 European nations between 2002 and 2011. In doing so, we estimate multilevel Poisson regression growth models where time is nested within subnational units, which avoids direct comparison of biased crime across different nations. We test the utility of various theoretical frameworks that have proven to be of relevance in explaining crime motivated by bias. The results reveal that the role of a hostile social climate is of particular interest, as xenophobic and racially motivated crimes are higher in regions with higher levels of anti-immigrant sentiment and higher levels of ethnic discrimination, in line with the “Doing Difference” approach developed by Perry. Consistent with the Power-Differential Hypothesis and Group Contact Theory, xenophobic and racially motivated crime rates are negatively associated with the percentage of the foreign-born population. Finally, the results reveal that xenophobic and racially motivated crime rates are higher in regions with lower levels of social integration, which is congruent with social disorganization theory. We conclude with a discussion of the effects of social climate on crime motivated by bias.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ahoevermann@posteo.de','2018-09-21 19:39:24','2018-10-02 16:58:43','','Waiting'),(3172,'Civic Participation of Estonian Youth in Comparison with Other Countries','Eesti noorte kodanikuosalus võrdluses teiste maadega',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the data of the European Social Survey (ESS), this chapter examines the changes in the civic participation of young people in Estonia in 2004–2016. The chapter discusses various forms of participation starting with interest in politics and the most common forms of political participation (e.g., participation in elections) to consumer choices and boycotting certain products as the form of civic participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.noorteseire.ee/system/resources/BAhbBlsHOgZmIjYyMDE4LzA5LzI1LzEwXzQxXzQ5XzIyM19Ob29ydGVzZWlyZV8yMDE3XzIwMTgucGRm/10_41_49_223_Noorteseire_2017_2018.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2018-09-25 11:52:01','2018-10-02 17:03:30','','Waiting'),(3173,'Social State of the Netherlands 2018','De sociale staat van Nederland 2018',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In ‘Social State of the Netherlands’ (De sociale staat van Nederland – SSN), the Netherlands Institute for Social Research (SCP) describes how the Dutch population has fared since 2001 and what developments have taken place in the fields of education, employment, income, health, leisure activity, social participation, social safety and housing. The report covers people’s objective life situation, but also describes the subjective situation, i.e. how the Dutch themselves feel things are going. How satisfied are the Dutch with different aspects of their lives, and what are their views on society and politics?',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2018-09-28 10:48:28','2018-10-02 17:08:30','','Waiting'),(3174,'Citizens’ Outlooks Barometer Quarterly 2018/3','Burgerperspectieven 2018|3',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Citizens\' Outlooks Barometer (COB) brings together the findings of quarterly surveys based on questionnaires and focus groups. Key aspects are citizens\' satisfaction with and expectations of society and politics. Among the topics covered in these surveys are political confidence and cynicism, the support for Europeanisation, subjective happiness and citizenship.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2018-09-28 11:32:49','2018-10-02 17:14:23','','Waiting'),(3175,' Sharing the Same Political Ideology Yet Endorsing Different Values: Left- and Right-Wing Political Supporters Are More Heterogeneous Than Moderates','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Members of extreme political groups are usually perceived as more homogeneous than moderates. We investigated whether members of the general public who share the same political ideology would exhibit different levels of heterogeneity in terms of human values across 20 European countries and Israel. We directly compared the variability across moderate-, left-, and right-wing groups. Our findings suggest that the values of more extreme (left-wing or right-wing) supporters are usually more heterogeneous than those with more moderate views. We replicated this finding for politics-related variables such as attitudes toward immigrants and trust in (inter)national institutions. We also found that country-level variables (income, religiosity, and parasite stress level) did not moderate the pattern of value variability. Overall, our results suggest that endorsing the same political ideology is not necessarily associated with sharing the same values, especially in the case of common citizens holding extreme political attitudes.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','p.hanel@bath.ac.uk','2018-10-02 18:33:16','2019-01-08 15:39:58','','Waiting'),(3176,'Investigating the comparability of the 2006 and 2012 ESS measurement of wellbeing','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In 2006 (Round 3), a module on personal and social wellbeing was included in the European Social Survey (ESS) questionnaire, representing one of the first systematic attempts to develop a coherent set of subjective well-being measures for use in national and cross-national studies. This module was repeated with certain changes in 2012 (Round 6). The theoretical structure of the ESS measurement of wellbeing, a compromise of theoretical models and evidence from statistical analysis, is defined as a six-dimensional construct: evaluative wellbeing, emotional wellbeing, functioning, vitality, community wellbeing and supportive relationships. However, there is no evidence of validating its theoretical structure and reporting on its psychometric properties. In this study, such an investigation and assessment would be carried out for both Rounds of the survey for Germany and Poland. This involves splitting randomly the sample of both countries into two halves. First, Exploratory factor analysis would be performed on the first half-samples in order to assess the construct validity of the scale. Secondly, the structure would be validated by carrying out Confirmatory factor analysis on the second half-samples. Based on the full samples, the psychometric properties of the resulting subscales would be assessed. The proposed methodological study aims to contribute to the growing research on the measurement of wellbeing by providing summary measures of wellbeing for the designing of social policy in each country.\n\nKeywords: Wellbeing; Exploratory factor analysis; Confirmatory factor analysis; Reliability; Construct validity; European Social Survey\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','acharalampi@panteion.gr','2018-10-12 11:57:38','2018-10-12 11:57:38','','Waiting'),(3177,'Values and attitudes [of Waldorf school parents]','Werte und Einstellungen',5,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In order to give an impression of the variety, but also of the specifics, of Waldorf school parents\' personal values and attitudes, the Portraits Value Questionnaire (PVQ21) was applied to a representative sample of German parents of students attending Waldorf schools. The results are compared with those of the European Social Survey Wave 7 for Germany. Waldorf school parents are found to score signficantly higher on self-transcendence values and openness to change, and in particular appear far more self-directed, than a comparable cross-section of the population. A large amount of variety exists, though, and some types of Waldorf school parents also favor tradition or power as personal values.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','lars.petersen@alanus.edu','2018-10-16 11:36:10','2018-10-16 11:36:10','','Waiting'),(3178,'Volunteering, income and health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Separate literatures have related volunteering to health gains and income gains. We study the association between volunteering, income and health within one statistical framework. A state-of-the-art mediation analysis is conducted on data concerning the health, volunteering and sociodemographic characteristics of 42926 individuals within 29 European countries. We find that volunteering is positively associated to self-rated health. This association is partially mediated by household income.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Summary to society: Researchers of Ghent University analysed data on volunteering, employment and health of more than 40000 European citizens. Their results, just published in PLOS ONE, show that volunteering is associated with better employment and health outcomes.','Stijn.Baert@UGent.be','2018-10-27 18:26:16','2018-10-27 18:26:16','','Waiting'),(3179,'Hiring Discrimination against Pro-Union Applicants: The Role of Union Density and Firm Size','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We study the causal impact of revealing pro-unionism during the recruitment stage on hiring chances. To this end, we conduct a randomised field experiment in the Belgian labour market. When matched with employer and sector data, the experimentally gathered data enable us to test the heterogeneity of discrimination against pro-union applicants by the union density in the sector and the size of the firm. We find that disclosure of pro-unionism affects hiring chances in a negative way and that – in line with our expectations based on the literature – this negative impact is stronger in highly unionised sectors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Stijn.Baert@UGent.be','2018-10-27 18:38:30','2018-10-27 18:38:30','','Waiting'),(3180,'Does it pay to care? Volunteering and employment opportunities','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We investigate whether volunteering has a causal effect on individual employment opportunities. To this end, a field experiment is conducted in which volunteering activities are randomly assigned to fictitious job applications sent to genuine vacancies in Belgium. We find that volunteers are 7.3 percentage points more likely to get a positive reaction to their job applications. The volunteering premium is higher for females but invariant with respect to the number of engagements.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Stijn.Baert@UGent.be','2018-10-27 19:29:37','2018-10-27 19:29:37','','Waiting'),(3181,'Why Are Employers Put Off by Long Spells of Unemployment?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent evidence from large-scale field experiments has shown that employers use job candidates’ unemployment duration as a sorting criterion. In the present study, we investigate what underlies this pattern. To this end, we conduct a survey experiment in which employers make hiring decisions concerning fictitious job candidates who have experienced spells of unemployment of different length. In addition, candidates are rated on several statements that are central to four signals often associated with unemployment: (i) a signal of trainability, (ii) a signal of other fixed skills, (iii) a signal of skill loss, and (iv) a signal of negative evaluation by other employers. We use these ratings to estimate a multiple mediation model, in which the effect of the duration of unemployment on hiring intentions is mediated by the four signals. Our findings indicate that longer unemployment spells are mainly perceived by employers as a signal of lower motivation and, as a result, the long-term unemployed (LTU) have lower chances to be hired or even be invited to a job interview. Understanding the reasons why employers are reluctant to hire the LTU is crucial to devise proper activation measures to facilitate their re-employment. Our study is a contribution in this direction.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Stijn.Baert@UGent.be','2018-10-27 19:34:13','2018-10-27 19:34:13','','Waiting'),(3182,'The association between cultural distance and migrants’ self-rated health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We study whether migrants\' health in Europe is associated with the cultural distance between their host country and country of origin. To this end, we run multilevel regression models on data merging (i) self-rated health and social background of more than 3,800 migrants from the European Social Survey with (ii) an index of cultural distance based on country differences in values, norms and attitudes measured in the World Values Survey. We find that higher levels of cultural distance are associated with worse health of migrants. This association is comparable in size to the negative association between health and female gender (compared to male gender) but less important than the association between health and education level. In addition, this association is less significant among second-generation migrants than among first-generation migrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Stijn.Baert@UGent.be','2018-10-27 19:39:38','2018-10-27 19:39:38','','Waiting'),(3183,'What does European Social Survey data say about work-life balance satisfaction, working time and work attachment in V4 countries?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The growing importance of everyday work-life balance (WLB) focuses attention on a fair time distribution between the work, life and family domains. Despite the global perception of the crucial role work-life balance plays in everyday routine there are still cross-country differences in WLB satisfaction. The aim of this study was to examine cross-country differences and similarities among a group of four neighbouring European countries; the Visegrad group (V4) countries. More specifically the study aimed to describe the level, changes within rounds of data collection and between-group comparisons of selected ESS variables: WLB satisfaction, working time, and work attachment. The correlation analysis was applied to explain and understand relations between selected variables.\nThe Visegrad Group was established in 1991 in a castle in the Hungarian town of Visegrad and after the dissolution of Czechoslovakia in 1993 it turned into the Visegrad Four – Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic (Czechia) and Slovakia. Slovakia is the only V4 country that has adopted the euro (in 2009), but all V4 countries are members of the EU. The economies of the V4 countries are similar to each other; while some believe that the Visegrad Group countries are closer politically than economically (Gadomski, 2016) others, Dallago and Rosefielde (2016)pointed out that V4 countries are similar in their relatively low levels of earnings in comparison to the EU average. The European Social Survey1 Round 5 (ESS R5, 2010) and Round 6 (ESS R6, 2012) data from the V4 countries,Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, was used. The final sample was specified according to the following criteria: selected respondents were in employment, working hours were controlled for extreme cases and weekly working hours were restricted between 20 to 70. Results of current study indicate that the level of WLB satisfaction is about average in all countries and stable or fairly increasing in Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. In Czechia the level of WLB satisfaction was lower in round 5 when compared to the rest of the V4 countries, but increased significantly in round 6. The average weekly working time in all V4 countries was above the 40 (working) hours´ norm with the highest numbers in Czechia.\nComparing ESS R5 and ESS R6 figures the amount of working hours decreased significantly in Czechia and Hungary whereas in Slovakia and in Poland there were no significant changes in the amount of reported weekly working hours. The correlation analysis revealed significant negative relationships between WLB satisfaction and both working hours and work attachment in all V4 countries. The strongest negative correlation between WLB satisfaction and working hours and WLB satisfaction and work attachment was measured in Hungary. The descriptive statistics indicated mean scores for the work attachment variable as follows: Czechia M=2,76; Hungary M=2,62; Poland M=2,79 and Slovakia M=2,92. All values were about the middle point of the response scale (value 3, meaning sometimes). The highest score of work attachment was reported in Slovakia. When comparing respondents having children at home or not, a higher level of work attachment was reported by respondents with a child at home in all V4 countries and the difference was significant for all countries except for Slovakia. To sum up, the results show a similar pattern for Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Czechia, with a significant between-round of WLB satisfaction increase, was the exception. There were almost no differences in level of satisfaction with work-life balance between respondents living with and without children across time in V4 countries. In R5 a significantly higher level of satisfaction with WLB was measured in Poland and in R6 in Slovakia. In both countries a higher level of WLB satisfaction was reported by those living without children. The findings of the current study contrast with the findings based on the ESS data in the Czech Republic indicating that a lower level of WLB satisfaction was reported by respondents living alone and without children (Klímová Chaloupková, 2013). Results on working time suggest that people in V4 countries work weekly more than 40 hours. There was a significant negative correlation between weekly working hours and WLB satisfaction confirmed in all V4 countries. On the positive side there is the finding that in between–round comparison there was evidence about slight decrease in weekly working hours. According to European Working Conditions Survey Report people working more than 48 hours a week report more problems in terms of work–life balance and health than those who do not. More specifically, they are less likely to report that they have a good work-life balance (EWCS, 2012). Additionally, the findings of the current study indicated V4 countries´ respondents encounter worries about work when not working. The level of work attachment was similar in all four countries but as measuring the work attachment was not part of the ESS questionnaire in R6 there are no between-round indicators of work attachment available so far. The comparative analysis revealed a difference between respondents with and without children at home when reporting work attachment. A higher level of work attachment was reported by people with childcare duties indicating that parents are often attached to work even staying with children and having family time. Reflecting this, Kinnunen et al. (2017) emphasize the lack of psychological detachment from work during off –job time.\nTo conclude, more similarities than differences were found when analysing WLB satisfaction, working time and work attachment in the V4 countries. For a deeper understanding further analysis should be done in the future with the focus on time use patterns in the context of work and non-work activities with an emphasis on work and family values in the V4 countries.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dfedak@saske.sk','2018-11-15 11:10:36','2018-12-03 16:05:17','','Waiting'),(3184,'Human Values as Predictors of Attitudes to Social Security','Hodnoty ako Prediktory Postojov k Sociálnemu Zabezpeceniu',41,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The aim of this paper was to examine which human values allow us to predict level of social solidarity and social differentiation. Respondents were assigned to 4 distinctive types of attitude to social security: conservative, liberal, social-democratic, radical; based on the scores on social solidarity and differentiation scales. Creating value profiles for groups mentioned above was under the scope of this paper. A sample consists of 1810 Slovaks who participated in the 4th round of European Social Survey (ESS). Subsequently, in order to create well-defined attitude types the sample was reduced to 364. Data for verifying hypothesis were obtained from the ESS database. The results of linear regression have shown that while values Benevolence and Tradition are significant predictors of social solidarity, values Power and Security allow us to predict the level of social differentiation. Created value profiles for given groups provide an opportunity for better understanding of the attitudes towards social security.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','piterova@saske.sk','2018-11-15 14:22:33','2019-01-25 12:50:40','','Waiting'),(3185,'The Reversal of the Gender Gap in Education: What Does it Mean for Gender Differences in the Relationship between Education and Health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Recent studies have indicated that the relationship between education and health differs between men and women. In line with the resource substitution theory, these studies demonstrate that women receive greater health returns to an additional year of schooling than men do. In this article, we argue that this female advantage in the effect of education can change across different socio-historical contexts. In particular, we investigate the impact of the reversal of the gender gap in education on gender differences in the relationship between education and health. Using data from the European Social Survey (eight waves: 2002–2016) for individuals of age 25–75 years (N = 265,299) in 31 European countries, we find evidence for our central hypothesis: it appears that the female advantage in the effect of education on health decreases as the gender gap reverses. According to our results, however, this situation could be seen as a cost that does not outweigh the benefits provided by the unprecedented gains that female education has brought about in terms of population health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katrijn.delaruelle@ugent.be','2018-11-16 10:07:23','2019-01-11 14:18:41','','Waiting'),(3186,'Individual-Level Evidence on the Causal Relationship Between Social Trust and Institutional Trust','Individual-Level Evidence on the Causal Relationship Between Social Trust and Institutional Trust',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study accounts for the presence of endogeneity in the interdependence between social and institutional trust. Using Greece as a case study we provide valuable insights regarding the bidirectional nature of this relationship and its sign. Consequently, more accurate results might be provided regarding the determinants of both types of trust and the way in which these may be discerned in a given society. We use microdata extracted from the European Values Surveys (2002-2010) and instrumental variables techniques. Social trust is constructed as a three-item scale variable comprising generalized trust, fairness and helpfulness. The institutional trust variable is constructed as the sum of seven variables referring to trust in key institutions such as political institutions, civil security institutions and, supranational political institutions. In line with the hypothesis formed here, the results indicate the presence of endogeneity in the social and institutional trust interrelationship. When accounted for, this endogeneity entails quite different results as regards the sign of the effect that social and institutional trust exert upon one another. The study contributes to the limited empirical knowledge regarding the micro level two-way causal relationship between social trust and institutional trust. The study’s findings provides us with a more informative and accurate picture of the underlying dynamics of building trust in a society. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daskal@uop.gr','2018-12-05 13:17:28','2018-12-14 11:16:09','','Waiting'),(3187,'Social and Political Citizenship in European Public Opinion: An Empirical Analysis of T.H. Marshall’s Concept of Social Rights','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Normative democratic theory assumes that political systems should ensure civil, political and social rights, and this claim has become more salient since the economic crisis that began in 2008. This conception of citizenship was developed most prominently by T.H. Marshall (1950), and it has been further elaborated by numerous other authors, resulting in a clear division between procedural/electoral democracy concepts and authors emphasizing egalitarian concepts of democracy. We use latent class analysis to assess democratic ideals among European citizens as reported in the 2012 European Social Survey. The findings demonstrate that a majority of Europeans consider political and social rights as equally important, while some citizens predominantly emphasize either political or social rights. Furthermore, the focus on social rights is not limited to those with left-leaning ideologies. Considering current manifestations of discontent about the politics of austerity, we discuss the implications of social citizenship concepts for democratic legitimacy in Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','oser@post.bgu.ac.il','2018-12-09 11:41:11','2018-12-14 11:19:11','','Waiting'),(3188,'Democratic ideals and levels of political participation: The role of political and social conceptualisations of democracy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Concerns about democratic legitimacy in contemporary democracies bring new urgency to understanding how citizens\' attitudes and ideals affect their political activity. In this article, we analyse the relationship between citizens\' democratic ideals and political behaviour in the European Social Survey\'s 2012 uniquely extensive questions on these topics in 29 countries. Using latent class analysis, we identify two groups of citizens who emphasise different citizenship concepts as discussed by T.H. Marshall, namely, a political rights and a social rights conception. The multilevel regression analyses indicate that those who emphasise social rights have relatively high levels of non-institutionalised political participation, but are less involved in institutionalised participation. In contrast, those who emphasise political rights are more active in all forms of participation. We conclude by discussing the implications of the findings that, even in an era of economic austerity, those who emphasise social rights are not the most politically active.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','oser@post.bgu.ac.il','2018-12-09 12:14:32','2018-12-14 15:22:19','','Waiting'),(3189,'Give me your tired, your poor? Support for social citizenship rights in the United States and Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article investigates whether the commitment to social rights as integral to a well-functioning democracy exists among Americans in comparison with their European counterparts. In our comparison of data from the European Social Survey in 2012 with a special parallel module of the U.S. Cooperative Congressional Election Survey in 2014, the findings suggest that similar conceptions of ideal democracy are found on both sides of the Atlantic. Although Americans are less likely than Europeans to consider fighting poverty and reducing income inequality as important democratic ideals, the analysis shows that the United States is not exceptional in the existence of a social rights conception of democracy. A distinct feature of U.S. public opinion is that support for social rights is more strongly associated with a left-right divide than in Europe. The observed congruence between policy and public opinion in the United States highlights the importance of investigating the direction of causality between both phenomena.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','oser@post.bgu.ac.il','2018-12-09 13:44:33','2018-12-14 15:26:29','','Waiting'),(3190,'A Multilevel Analysis of Anti-Immigrant Sentiments in France','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the most recent European Social Survey (ESS7) data collected in France in 2014 from a representative sample of the population age 15 and over, the present study examines the French residents’ sentiments toward immigrants when individual and contextual factors at the region level are considered. Results show that immigrants are more likely to be perceived as socioeconomic, cultural, and safety threats by persons who experience economic hardship, show low levels of social attachment, are not concerned with the welfare and interests of others, live in ethnically homogeneous communities, tend to distance themselves at work and in the family from immigrants belonging to ethnic minority groups, overestimate the size of the immigrant population in the country, are politically conservative, are females, and belong to younger or older cohorts. At the region level, while employment effects on public attitudes are negligible, the natives’ aggregated personal economic circumstances appear to affect the residents’ sentiments toward immigrants, as economic theories of attitude formation would predict. In support of one of the contact theory’s versions, larger the proportion of foreign-born residents in a region, less intense anti-immigrant sentiments are.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Thank you and happy holidays!','v0andr01@yahoo.co.uk','2018-12-17 16:41:20','2018-12-17 19:39:37','','Waiting'),(3191,'The French Exception: A Survey-by-Survey Account','The French Exception: A Survey-by-Survey Account',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The European Social Survey and the values theories of Shalom Schwartz provide a robust conceptual framework to compare values espoused in 21 European countries. The case of France sheds light on contemporary challenges to European Union (EU) policy, considering a mounting populist base that struggles for preserving national identity problematized by a changing employment market, globalization, and immigration headlines. In light of the European Social Survey’s human values data for 21 European nations and other mainstream cross-cultural surveys, France is a striking example of a mature democracy confronted with core identity challenges, asserting one worldview in its macro-economic orientation but another in the street and public forum. France provides an interesting barometer within Europe, where antagonisms between the polity and the people exacerbate EU integration, challenging the priorities of political leadership in a struggle to modify historical arrangements that no longer prove feasible.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anne.witte@edhec.edu','2018-12-19 07:31:16','2018-12-28 14:27:36','','Waiting'),(3192,'Educational systems matter: differences across European countries in how young people with secondary education experience job insecurity','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article examines the importance of education in creating differences across European countries with regard to how young people experience job insecurity during their transition from school to work. On a theoretical level, two sets of educational system features which influence job insecurity are identified: institutional (stratification, vocational orientation, standardisation) and structural (expansion of education, development of lifelong learning, education spending). On an empirical basis, data from the Labour Force Survey (2009), the European Social Survey Round 5 (2010/2011), the official statistics, and previous research are analysed. The results show that higher vocational prevalence in secondary education is associated with lower levels of early job insecurity. Our findings contrast previous studies which have not yet revealed any effects of standardising input and output on experiencing qualification mismatches. We found that in countries where the standardisation of the output of educational systems is higher, individuals are less likely to be unemployed. However, the standardisation of input is associated with increased job insecurity. Our analysis also revealed that educational expansion has a negative effect on the likelihood of young people to work part-time jobs and that government expenditure on education is negatively associated with early job insecurity.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','petya.ilievat@gmail.com','2018-12-22 22:24:03','2018-12-28 14:15:52','','Waiting'),(3193,'Christians in the Netherlands','Christenen in Nederland',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Secularisation and falling numbers of adherents to the Christian faith will continue in the Netherlands. On the other hand, younger churchgoers are becoming more religious in many respects. Christian migrants also represent an increasingly important Christian faith group.\n\nThese are some of the main findings from \'Christians in the Netherlands’, a report that attempts to identify major shifts in religion in the Netherlands, such as those identified in past decades using population surveys. In addition to population surveys and figures provided by the churches themselves, interviews with religious leaders and observations were also used.\n\nThe study sought to explore the following questions. Which developments have occurred in the church and the Christian faith in our country? To what extent are these developments consistent the international picture, and what is the international picture? Do these developments vary between denominational environments? Are there differences between Roman Catholics and Protestants? Are they happening to the same extent and in the same way among younger and older people? What implications do they have for Dutch society?\n\nThis publication is the second of three studies on religion and spirituality. The first part, The religious experience of Muslims in the Netherlands. A focus on diversity and change, described religious developments within the Muslim community in the Netherlands. The third part will focus mainly on the spread and impact of forms of spirituality outside the church and on the views and values of non-churchgoers and non-believers.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2018-12-28 15:59:15','2019-01-02 14:28:49','','Waiting'),(3194,'(Un)healthy lifestyles','Een (on)gezonde leefstijl',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Education as a dividing line is a digital report (‘card stack’) that consists of several standalone chapters. It studies educational differences in six health related behaviors in Europe (smoking, drinking alcohol regularly, being overweight, consuming vegetables, consuming fruit, engaging in sufficient physical activity) with an emphasis on the Netherlands. Differences in individual behavior, the accumulation of multiple (un)healthy behaviors, the role of social context (e.g. the neighborhood where people live, the educational level of parents and partners) and the national context (in a comparison of educational differences in European countries) are discussed. The card stack is based on information from the 7th round of the European Social Survey (ESS) which was conducted in 2014/2015. This publication, written by Stéfanie André, Gerbert Kraaykamp and Roza Meuleman (all affiliated to the Radboud University Nijmegen), describes both health risk factors and health promoting behavior. Educational differences in both of these aspects are discussed under the heading (un)healthy lifestyles.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2018-12-28 16:11:17','2019-01-02 14:59:41','','Waiting'),(3195,'Generations and Protest in Eastern Germany: Between Revolution and Apathy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How is the protest behavior of citizens in new democracies influenced by their experience of the past? Certain theories of political socialization hold that cohorts reaching political maturity under dictatorship are subject to apathy. Yet, it remains unclear whether mobilization during the transition can counterbalance this effect. This article examines the protest behavior of citizens socialized in Eastern Germany, a region marked by two legacies: a legacy of autocracy and, following the 1989-90 revolution, a legacy of transitional mobilization. Using age-period-cohort models with data from the European Social Survey, the analysis assesses the evolution of gaps in protest across generations and time between East and West Germans. The results demonstrate that participation in demonstrations, petitions, and boycotts is lower for East Germans socialized under communism in comparison with West Germans from the same cohorts. This participation deficit remains stable over time and even increases for certain protest activities.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jolyphil@hu-berlin.de','2019-01-02 11:19:54','2019-01-02 15:28:49','','Waiting'),(3196,'A New Way to Look at the Data: Similarities Between Groups of People Are Large and Important','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Most published research focuses on describing differences, while neglecting similarities that are arguably at least as interesting and important. In Study 1, we modified and extended prior procedures for describing similarities and demonstrate the importance of this exercise by examining similarities between groups on 22 social variables (e.g., moral attitudes, human values, and trust) within 6 commonly used social categories: gender, age, education, income, nation of residence, and religious denomination (N = 86,272). On average, the amount of similarity between 2 groups (e.g., high vs. low educated or different countries) was greater than 90%. Even large effect sizes revealed more similarities than differences between groups. Studies 2–5 demonstrated the importance of presenting information about similarity in research reports. Compared with the typical presentation of differences (e.g., barplots with confidence intervals), similarity information led to more accurate lay perceptions and to more positive attitudes toward an outgroup. Barplots with a restricted y-axis led to a gross underestimation of similarities (i.e., a gross overestimation of the differences), and information about similarities was rated as more comprehensible. Overall, the presentation of similarity information achieves more balanced scientific communication and may help address the file drawer problem. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved)',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Study with ESS data is reported in the Supplemental Materials and replicates Study 1.','p.hanel@bath.ac.uk','2019-01-03 15:22:19','2019-01-08 15:22:35','','Waiting'),(3197,'What makes workers happy: Empowerment, unions or both?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Does the negative effect of union membership on job satisfaction, as shown in Anglophone countries, also hold for Continental Western Europe? Given the differences in industrial relations, I hypothesize that the effect will be different. I also test hypotheses about the effect of empowerment on job satisfaction, which might explain the negative union effect, and broaden the analysis to include pay satisfaction. Analyses of European Social Survey data show that the negative union effect does not exist for Continental Western Europe and that this can be explained by empowerment of employees.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','p.h.van.der.meer@rug.nl','2019-01-08 09:49:16','2019-01-08 15:30:18','','Waiting'),(3198,'The socioeconomic distribution of non-communicable diseases in Europe: findings from the European Social Survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: A range of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) has been found to follow a social pattern whereby socioeconomic status predicts either a higher or lower risk of disease. Comprehensive evidence on the socioeconomic distribution of NCDs across Europe, however, has been limited. Methods: Using cross-sectional 2014 European Social Survey data from 20 countries, this paper examines socioeconomic inequalities in 14 self-reported NCDs separately for women and men: heart/circulatory problems, high blood pressure, back pain, arm/hand pain, foot/leg pain, allergies, breathing problems, stomach/digestion problems, skin conditions, diabetes, severe headaches, cancer, obesity and depression. Using education to measure socioeconomic status, age-controlled adjusted risk ratios were calculated and separately compared a lower and medium education group with a high education group. Results: At the pooled European level, a social gradient in health was observed for 10 NCDs: depression, diabetes, obesity, heart/circulation problems, hand/arm pain, high blood pressure, breathing problems, severe headaches, foot/leg pain and cancer. An inverse social gradient was observed for allergies. Social gradients were observed among both genders, but a greater number of inequalities were observed among women. Country-specific analyses show that inequalities in NCDs are present everywhere across Europe and that inequalities exist to different extents for each of the conditions. Conclusion: This study provides the most up-to-date overview of socioeconomic inequalities for a large number of NCDs across 20 European countries for both women and men. Future investigations should further consider the diseases, and their associated determinants, for which socioeconomic differences are the greatest.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2019-01-09 11:15:36','2019-01-10 11:35:02','','Waiting'),(3199,'Prevalence of physical and mental non-communicable diseases in Europe: findings from the European Social Survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of health ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Previous studies examining physical and mental non-communicable diseases (NCDs) in Europe have so far largely either focused on limited numbers of countries or on fairly limited ranges of NCDs, with mental health in particular often being ignored. This article has three aims: (i) To provide a recent, comprehensive overview of a broad range of NCDs across a range of countries in all European regions; (ii) To give an overview of measures of physical and mental health in the new special rotating module in the European Social Survey (ESS); and (iii) To offer the first comprehensive comparison of estimates on physical and mental NCDs across European countries in this new promising data source. Methods: We use data from the 7th wave of the ESS. Results are presented separately for men and women. All results were age-standardized by weighting up or down the unstandardized (crude) prevalence rates for 5-year age groups in each country to a common standard. We present pooled estimates for the combined cross-national sample as well as country-specific results. Results: Overall, 74.1% of men and 79.7% of women reported at least one physical NCD. Across the 21 countries were observed that these percentages varied between 45.2% (for men in Hungary) and 91.6% (women in Finland). Serious depressive symptoms were reported by 10.2% of men and 18.8% of women, with percentages ranging between 6.2% (men in Ireland) and 30.9% (women in Portugal). Conclusions: A substantial share of Europeans experience the burden of NCDs, and the extent to which people report these conditions varies across countries. However, all physical and mental NCDs in this rotating module are reported by considerable percentages in each of the 21 country samples, which emphasizes that these conditions are not marginal phenomena but public health concerns.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2019-01-09 11:24:59','2019-01-10 11:40:17','','Waiting'),(3200,'Subjective perceptions of unmet need for health care in Europe among social groups: Findings from the European Social Survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Unmet need can be defined as the individually perceived subjective differences between services judged necessary to deal with health problems and the services actually received. This study examines what factors are associated with unmet need, as well as how reasons for unmet need are distributed across socioeconomic and demographic groups in Europe. Methods: Multilevel logistic regression models were employed using data from the 7th round of the European Social Survey, on people aged 25–75. Self-reported unmet need measured whether respondents had been unable to get medical consultation or treatment in the last 12 months. Reasons for unmet need were grouped into three categories: availability, accessibility and acceptability. Health status was measured by self-reported health, non-communicable diseases and depressive symptoms. Results: Two-thirds of all unmet need were due waiting lists and appointment availability. Females and young age groups reported more unmet need. We found no educational inequalities, while financial strain was found to be an important factor for all types of unmet need for health care in Europe. All types of health care use and poor health were associated with unmet need. Low physician density and high out-of-pocket payments were found to be associated with unmet need due to availability. Conclusion: Even though health care coverage is universal in many European welfare states, financial strain appeared as a major determinant for European citizens’ access to health care. This may suggest that higher income groups are able to bypass waiting lists. European welfare states should, therefore, intensify their efforts in reducing barriers for receiving care.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2019-01-09 11:30:40','2019-01-10 11:51:26','','Waiting'),(3201,'Informal care in Europe: findings from the European Social Survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Against the background of a rising demand for informal care in European societies, this study sets out to provide descriptive information by gender on (i) prevalence rates of (intensive) informal caregiving, (ii) characteristics of (intensive) informal caregivers and (iii) consequences of (intensive) informal caregiving in terms of mental well-being. Methods: Data from the European Social Survey, Round 7 were analysed with multilevel (logistic) regression techniques (n = 28 406 respondents in n = 20 countries). Results: On average, 34.3% of the population in 20 European countries were informal caregivers and 7.6% were intensive caregivers (providing care for minimum 11 h a week). Countries with high numbers of caregivers had low numbers of intensive caregivers. Caregiving was most prevalent among women, 50–59 year olds, non-employed—especially those doing housework—and religious persons. Determinants of providing care hardly differed by gender. Caregivers, especially female and intensive caregivers, reported lower mental well-being than non-caregivers. Conclusions: Our results suggest support for both crowding-in and crowding-out effects of the welfare state. Middle-aged women may become increasingly time squeezed as they are likely to be the first to respond to higher demands for informal care, while they are also the major target groups in employment policies aiming for increased labour market participation. Caregivers, and especially female and intensive caregivers, report lower levels of mental well-being. Supportive policies such as respite care or training and counselling may therefore be needed in order to sustain informal care as an important resource of our health care systems.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2019-01-09 11:40:20','2019-01-10 11:55:12','','Waiting'),(3202,'The social determinants of inequalities in self-reported health in Europe: findings from the European social survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Health inequalities persist between and within European countries. Such inequalities are usually explained by health behaviours and according to the conditions in which people work and live. However, little is known about the relative contribution of these factors to health inequalities in European countries. This paper aims to investigate the independent and joint contribution of a comprehensive set of behavioural, occupational and living conditions factors in explaining social inequalities in self-rated health (SRH). Method: Data from 21 countries was obtained from the 2014 European Social Survey and examined for respondents aged 25–75. Adjusted rate differences (ARD) and adjusted rate risks (ARR), generated from binary logistic regression models, were used to measure health inequalities in SRH and the contribution of behavioural, occupational and living conditions factors. Result: Absolute and relative inequalities in SRH were found in all countries and the magnitude of socio-economic inequalities varied considerably between countries. While factors were found to differentially contribute to the explanation of educational inequalities in different European countries, occupational and living conditions factors emerged as the leading causes of inequalities across most of the countries, contributing both independently and jointly with behavioural factors. Conclusion: The observed shared effects of different factors to health inequalities points to the interdependent nature of occupational, behavioural and living conditions factors. Tackling health inequalities should be a concentred effort that goes beyond interventions focused on single factors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2019-01-09 11:46:20','2019-01-10 12:08:42','','Waiting'),(3203,'The Psychological Mediators of Social Inequalities in Health: Self-efficacy in Europe and Russia','Психологические медиаторы  социальных неравенств в здоровье: «уверенность в себе» в Европе  и России',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The study is devoted to psychological mediation of social structuring of health.  According to theoretical views, which have not yet received a convincing justification, the decline in the social status of an individual is accompanied by the loss of the psychological resources necessary to overcome the difficulties of life and the stresses caused by them, which affects the deterioration of health in the lower social strata.  The verification of this assumption was carried out using data from the European Social Survey - representative surveys of the population of 27 countries conducted in 2012-2013.  The study of indirect psychological effects has demonstrated that in many of these countries such a psychological characteristic as self-efficacy is indeed a mediator of the social structuring of health, especially distinctly in many postcommunist societies, but not in the most developed western countries where mediating effects turned out to be weak or completely absent.  A two-level analysis of psychological mediation, depending on the factors of the economic well-being of countries, the development of a social state and cultural identity, does not support the assumption of the importance of an individualistic culture for the manifestation of mediation and convincingly demonstrates that indirect effects are related to the social and economic context.  In countries with strong economy and social state, the distribution of psychological resources is weakly related to the social structure - the relative well-being of the lower social strata due to the developed system of state social guarantees allows many of them to maintain self-respect and optimism. Psychological resources, the distribution of which does not reflect social stratification, lose the role of a mediator.  In the less developed part of Europe, where the lower strata can not rely on serious government assistance, the hardships of life and the stresses they generate lead to a loss of faith in themselves and in the possibility of changes for better among people with low status, resulting in psychological resources acting as a mediator of health social structuring.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','nrusinova@gmail.com','2019-01-09 15:51:07','2019-01-10 12:22:30','','Waiting'),(3204,'Occupational inequalities in self-rated health and non-communicable diseases in different regions of Europe: findings from the European Social Survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Socioeconomic inequalities in the prevalence of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are evident across European populations. Several previous studies have addressed the question of whether occupational inequalities in health differ across European regions. It is uncertain however, the degree to which occupational inequalities in NCDs are similar or dissimilar across different European regions. Methods: Using 2014 European Social Survey data from 20 countries, this article examines occupational inequalities in poor self-rated health (SRH) and 14 self-reported NCDs separately for women and men, by European region: heart/circulatory problems, high blood pressure, back pain, arm/hand pain, foot/leg pain, allergies, breathing problems, stomach/digestion problems, skin conditions, diabetes, severe headaches, cancer, obesity and depression. Age-controlled adjusted risk ratios were calculated and separately compared a working class and intermediate occupational group with a salariat group. Results: Working class Europeans appear to have the highest risk of reporting poor SRH and a number of NCDs. We find inequalities in some NCDS to be the largest in the Northern region, suggesting further evidence of a Nordic paradox. Like some previous work, we did not find larger inequalities in poor SRH in the Central/East region. However, we did find the largest inequalities in this region for some NCDs. Our results do not align completely with previous work which finds smaller health inequalities in Southern Europe. Conclusions: This work provides a first look at occupational inequalities across a range of NCDs for European men and women by region. Future work is needed to identify the underlying determinants behind regional differences.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2019-01-10 11:24:33','2019-01-10 12:46:18','','Waiting'),(3205,'Does Economic Insecurity Predict Religiosity? Evidence from the European Social Survey 2002–2014','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Economic development and increases in material security have been suggested as primary causes of secularization in the West. However, the relationship between economic insecurity and religion is both under-theorized and under-explored. The recent economic recession, and the financial insecurity faced by many households in Europe, both increase the relevance of such questions, and the availability of data to address them. The European Social Survey (ESS) has data on religiosity from 31 countries over seven waves, covering the period from 2002 to 2014. Using a multilevel model, we find that lower income, GDP, and social welfare availability are associated with more religiosity, and increases in social security through government welfare expenditure reduces country levels of religiosity over the 12 year period. Further we find that religious people are more likely to feel economically secure regardless of their income levels, which lends support to the hypothesized mechanism of religious stress buffering.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2019-01-10 11:28:46','2019-01-10 13:04:53','','Waiting'),(3206,'Regional inequalities in self-reported conditions and non-communicable diseases in European countries: Findings from the European Social Survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of health ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Within the European Union (EU), substantial efforts are being made to achieve economic and social cohesion, and the reduction of health inequalities between EU regions is integral to this process. This paper is the first to examine how self-reported conditions and non-communicable diseases (NCDs) vary spatially between and within countries. Methods: Using 2014 European Social Survey (ESS) data from 20 countries, this paper examines how regional inequalities in self-reported conditions and NCDs vary for men and women in 174 regions (levels 1 and 2 Nomenclature of Statistical Territorial Units, ‘NUTS’). We document absolute and relative inequalities across Europe in the prevalence of eight conditions: general health, overweight/obesity, mental health, heart or circulation problems, high blood pressure, back, neck, muscular or joint pain, diabetes and cancer. Results: There is considerable inequality in self-reported conditions and NCDs between the regions of Europe, with rates highest in the regions of continental Europe, some Scandinavian regions and parts of the UK and lowest around regions bordering the Alps, in Ireland and France. However, for mental health and cancer, rates are highest in regions of Eastern European and lowest in some Nordic regions, Ireland and isolated regions in continental Europe. There are also widespread and consistent absolute and relative regional inequalities in all conditions within countries. These are largest in France, Germany and the UK, and smallest in Denmark, Sweden and Norway. There were higher inequalities amongst women. Conclusion: Using newly available harmonized morbidity data from across Europe, this paper shows that there are considerable regional inequalities within and between European countries in the distribution of self-reported conditions and NCDs.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2019-01-10 12:37:45','2019-01-10 12:54:50','','Waiting'),(3207,'The social and behavioural determinants of health in Europe: findings from the European Social Survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of health','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: Previous studies comparing the social and behavioural determinants of health in Europe have largely focused on individual countries or combined data from various national surveys. In this article, we present the findings from the new rotating module on social determinants of health in the European Social Survey (ESS) (2014) to obtain the first comprehensive comparison of estimates on the prevalence of the following social and behavioural determinants of health: working conditions, access to healthcare, housing quality, unpaid care, childhood conditions and health behaviours. Methods: We used the 7th round of the ESS. We present separate results for men and women. All estimates were age-standardized in each separate country using a consistent metric. We show country-specific results as well as pooled estimates for the combined cross-national sample. Results: We found that social and behavioural factors that have a clear impact on physical and mental health, such as lack of healthcare access, risk behaviour and poor working conditions, are reported by substantial numbers of people in most European countries. Furthermore, our results highlight considerable cross-national variation in social and behavioural determinants of health across European countries. Conclusions: Substantial numbers of Europeans are exposed to social and behavioural determinants of health problems. Moreover, the extent to which people experience these social and behavioural factors varies cross-nationally. Future research should examine in more detail how these factors are associated with physical and mental health outcomes, and how these associations vary across countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','sustainUL2016@gmail.com','2019-01-10 12:46:18','2019-01-10 13:16:58','','Waiting'),(3208,'Till multiculturalism do us part: Multicultural policies and the national identification of immigrants in European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How do multicultural policies affect immigrants\' identification with the country of destination? Theory suggests that these policies may have two opposite effects and either widen or diminish the gap between the national identification of natives and immigrants. In addition to these opposite effects, I expect that the effects of multicultural policies are also diverse depending on immigrants\' cultural and social distance from the host society. In this study, immigrants are categorised based on generations and origins. Using newly constructed measurements for multicultural policies, as well as European Social Survey Round 7 with 20 European countries, I conduct a multilevel analysis. The results indicate that multicultural policies diminish the gap between the national identification of natives and immigrants. However, these effects are evident only for non-European immigrants and not for European immigrants. Furthermore, I find no evidence that the effects differ for the first and second generations.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','opovrebo@gmail.com','2019-01-22 15:38:22','2019-01-22 15:41:53','','Waiting'),(3209,'Validating of the 2012 European Social Survey Measurement of Wellbeing in Seventeen European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The measurement of wellbeing provides an important indicator of the welfare of nations and presents opportunities for policy making. Researchers generally share the view of wellbeing as a multidimensional concept. The 2012 European Social Survey (ESS) measurement of personal and social wellbeing, a combination of theoretical models and evidence from statistical analysis, is defined as a six-dimensional construct: evaluative wellbeing, emotional wellbeing, functioning, vitality, community wellbeing and supportive relationships. In this paper, the proposed theoretical structure is investigated and the psychometric properties of the measure are assessed for 17 European countries. This involved splitting each country’s sample randomly into halves and performing Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) on the first half-samples. EFA resulted in a four-factor solution for Germany, Netherlands, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Switzerland and the UK, a five-factor solution for Belgium, Finland, France, Ireland, Norway, Poland, Russian Federation and Sweden, and a six-factor solution for Denmark and Hungary. These results were supported by Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) performed on the second half-samples. Subscales were constructed based on analysis of the total samples, applying a simple transformation in order to deal with the different number of response categories used for the wellbeing items. Reliabilities and internal consistencies were investigated. Although the definition of each subscale differs from the proposed structure and across countries, the analysis did produce reliable and valid summary measures (subscales) of wellbeing for informing social policy in each country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','acharalampi@panteion.gr','2019-01-22 23:55:59','2019-01-25 12:52:59','','Waiting'),(3210,'Privileges in old-age pensions in Poland','Przywileje w zabezpieczeniu na starosc w Polsce',10,NULL,NULL,NULL,'One of the tasks of the state is providing its citizens with old-age pensions. In order to ensure proper income during old age, the state should enable a proper financial flow within what is generally called old-age pension system. Although no such system can be homogenous, the Polish one is characterized by a number of privileges when it comes to unequal treatment of the equal, as well as equal treatment of the unequal. In the context of aging society, the existing privileges will have a major influence on the future budget situation in Poland. State expenses require the collection of public revenues, i.e. involve the need to collect – from citizens – pension contributions, taxes or other contributions allowing for the financing of these costs. State budget subsidization of privileges is just a part of this very complicated issue. Age privileges result in a fall in professional activity, which, in term, leads to reduced labour market participation. \nThus, my main goal was to present old-age pension privileges in Poland and define their economic, mainly financial, impact.   \nThe book consists of an Introduction, followed by six chapters and Conclusions. The structure of the monograph results from and reflects the research objective and hypotheses. \n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I have used data from all countries from round 8, because I presented data for Europe, not for selected countries. ','dwalczak@umk.pl','2019-01-29 08:39:42','2019-01-29 09:46:55','','Waiting'),(3211,'Who Wants Demanding Active Labour Market Policies? Public Attitudes towards Policies that put Pressure on the Unemployed','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The literature addressing attitudes about social policy and the welfare state has been telling us for decades that welfare interventions are supported by those individuals who benefit from a specific measure. The diffusion of ‘demanding’ active labour market policies (ALMPs), however, challenges this relationship. Using a novel dataset, I analyse which individual- and country-level factors explain public support for demanding ALMPs in five Western European countries. The results show that labour market risk and ideological orientation influence public attitudes towards these ALMPs. Thereby, unemployed individuals sympathising with the political right are more strongly opposed to demanding measures than employed individuals with the same political preferences. Moreover, aggregate support is found to be correlated with the country\'s ALMP legacy, varying from high levels in Germany and the UK to low levels in Denmark and France. The findings suggest that most ALMPs are in fact implemented despite the opposition of their beneficiaries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference entered by the Swiss NC','Flavia.Fossati@unil.ch','2019-01-29 18:39:03','2019-01-30 12:33:58','','Waiting'),(3212,'Economic grievances and political protest','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'How do economic grievances affect citizens’ inclination to protest? Given rising levels of inequality and widespread economic hardship the Great Recession has brought over many citizens in advanced capitalist democracies, this question is crucial for political science: if adverse economic conditions depress citizens’ engagement, as many contributions have argued, then the economic crisis may well feed into a crisis of democracy. However, the existing research on the link between economic grievances and political participation remains empirically inconclusive. In this article, it is argued that this is due to two distinct shortcomings, which are effectively addressed by combining the strengths of political economy and social movement theories. Based on ESS and EU-SILC data from 2006 until 2012, as well as newly collected data on political protest in 28 European countries, the article first shows that a novel, more fine-grained conceptualisation of objective economic grievances considerably improves understanding of the direct link between economic grievances on protest behaviour. While structural economic disadvantage (i.e., the level of grievances) unambiguously demobilises individuals, the deterioration of economic prospects (i.e., a change in grievances) instead increases political activity. Revealing these two countervailing effects provides an important clarification that helps reconcile many seemingly conflicting findings in the existing literature. Second, the article shows that the level of political mobilisation substantially moderates this direct link between individual hardship and political activity. In a strongly mobilised environment, even structural economic disadvantage is no longer an impediment to political participation. The article concludes that there is a strong political message in this interacting factor: if the presence of organised and visible political action is a decisive signal for citizens that conditions the micro-level link between economic grievances and protest, then democracy itself – that is, organised collective action – can help sustain political equality and prevent the vicious circle of democratic erosion.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference entered by the Swiss NC','kurer@ipz.uzh.ch','2019-01-29 18:47:32','2019-01-30 12:36:52','','Waiting'),(3213,'The working class left behind? The class gap in life satisfaction in Germany and Switzerland over the last decades','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The 1990s and 2000s were a gloomy period for Germany’s working class, hit by mass unemployment, welfare retrenchment and wage stagnation. We examine whether the growing economic disparity between the top and the bottom of Germany’s class structure was accompanied by a widening class gap in life satisfaction. We analyse whether there is a social class gradient in life satisfaction and whether, over the last decades, this class gradient increased in Germany, relative to the comparison case of Switzerland. We use panel data for Germany (1984–2014) and Switzerland (2000–2015) and check the robustness of our results by replicating our analysis with the pooled German and Swiss samples of the European Social Survey (2002–2014). In both countries, respondents in higher classes report substantially higher life satisfaction than those in lower classes. The class gap is twice as large in Germany than in Switzerland. In Germany, the class gap in life satisfaction narrowed between 1984 and 1990, strongly widened between 1990 and 2005 and then decreased again after 2010. In Switzerland, the class gap did not follow a clear time trend, but remained basically constant. In Germany, differences in unemployment risks and household income account for half of the class gap and its evolution over time.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference entered by the Swiss NC','daniel.oesch@unil.ch','2019-01-29 18:55:50','2019-01-30 12:41:42','','Waiting'),(3214,'The radical right, the labour movement and the competition for the workers’ vote','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses the capacity of radical right parties to attract support from union members in recent elections in Western Europe. It is argued that unionized voters resist the appeals of the radical right better than non-union members. Using data from the European Social Survey 2010–2016, the article shows that union members are overall less likely to vote for the radical right than non-union members. Even though it is found that unionized working-class and middle-class voters are less likely to vote radical right than their non-unionized peers in the pooled sample, it is also observed that these subgroups of unionized voters and especially unionized working-class voters are not immune to radical right voting in all the countries analysed. The article thus indicates a growing capacity of the radical right to attract unionized working-class segments of the electorate in some countries and to directly compete with left parties for these voters.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference entered by the Swiss NC','nadja.mosimann@unige.ch','2019-01-29 19:02:22','2019-01-30 12:45:24','','Waiting'),(3215,'Attitudes towards highly skilled and low-skilled immigration in Europe: A survey experiment in 15 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'To what extent do economic concerns drive anti-migrant attitudes? Key theoretical arguments extract two central motives: increased labour market competition and the fiscal burden linked to the influx of migrants. This article provides new evidence regarding the impact of material self-interest on attitudes towards immigrants. It reports the results of a survey experiment embedded in representative surveys in 15 European countries before and after the European refugee crisis in 2014. As anticipated by the fiscal burden argument, it is found that rich natives prefer highly skilled over low-skilled migration more than low-income respondents do. Moreover, the study shows that these tax concerns among the wealthy are stronger if fiscal exposure to migration is high. No support is found for the labour market competition argument predicting that natives will be most opposed to migrants with similar skills. The results suggest that highly skilled migrants are preferred over low-skilled migrants irrespective of natives’ skill levels.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'reference entered by Swiss NC','naumann@uni-mannheim.de','2019-01-29 19:16:37','2019-01-30 12:52:00','','Waiting'),(3216,'Measures that increase social equality are effective in improving life satisfaction in times of economic crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background: The financial crisis of 2008/2009, for some also in 2011, was accompanied by increasing social inequality and unemployment, which strained the welfare generosity systems in many countries. Welfare generosity redistributes internal resources to decrease poverty and increase equal opportunities. This was used by many countries to combat the crisis. We investigated the effects of increased social inequality, unemployment and welfare generosity on life satisfaction (LS) before and after the crisis. \nMethods: A representative sample from the European Social Survey (2002 to 2014) with data from 26 countries was used (N = 301,559). Time from start of crisis (either 2008 or 2010-2012) was determined separately for each case. LS was measured with a single question with 11 response alternatives. Social inequality was measured using the Gini index. Unemployment was measured by a single question (No/Yes). Welfare generosity was measured using expenditure on social protection (PPS) per inhabitant (Eurostat). Data were analyzed by multilevel analysis and multilevel mediation analysis. \nResults: Welfare generosity was associated with decreased levels of social inequality. The negative relationship between social inequality and LS was weakened when controlling for welfare generosity after the financial crisis. This effect of welfare generosity was not seen for the negative impact of unemployment on LS. \nConclusion: The financial crisis stimulated the use of welfare generosity in Europe and strengthened the positive relationship between welfare generosity and LS. Social inequality, unemployment and welfare generosity played significant mediator roles between the crisis and LS, with increased welfare generosity far more strongly associated with increased LS. Measures that increase social equality in a country and thereby increase equal opportunity for all social classes, may be assumed to be effective in improving the general LS of the population in a country in times of economic crisis.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Jocelyne.Clench-Aas@fhi.no','2019-02-04 16:14:42','2019-02-11 13:24:29','','Waiting'),(3217,'The relationship between fear of crime and risk perception across Europe ','The relationship between fear of crime and risk perception across Europe ',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Cross-national comparisons of fear of crime have been gaining in popularity within the academic community, as they allow for the examination of both individual and country-level correlates of this phenomenon. Nevertheless, the role of perceived victimization risk in fostering fear of crime with respect to various country specifics is often neglected. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey Round 5 (ESS R5), the aim of this study is to explore the relationship between fear of crime and risk perception in the context of 23 European countries. Risk perception is positively correlated with fear of crime in all of the analysed countries, although the strength of the relationship differs. Contrary to expectations, countries with a higher victimization rate exhibit a weaker relationship between fear of crime and risk perception, while in countries with a lower victimization rate, risk perception plays a relatively important role in shaping fear of crime. No effect of unemployment rate, size of migrant population or income inequality was found in the data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','eva.krulichova@soc.cas.cz','2019-02-11 11:05:05','2019-02-11 13:28:11','','Waiting'),(3218,'Excluding Europe’s Muslims: Symbolic Boundaries and Anti-immigrant Attitudes Along a Racial–Ethnic Hierarchy','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Research has shown that immigrants in Europe face exclusion in an increasingly hostile political climate. However, few studies comprehensively investigate whether exclusionism is patterned by a pervasive race–ethnicity hierarchy. This article bridges anti-immigrant attitudes research with the symbolic boundaries literature, which identifies Islam and Muslim “otherness” as a bright ethnic boundary. I use 2014 European Social Survey data to test whether immigrants of different racial–ethnic profiles are excluded along a preference hierarchy and whether this hierarchy structures intergroup contact, a well-known depressor of anti-immigrant sentiment. In all sample countries, I find that same race and Muslim immigrants are the most and least preferred immigrant groups, respectively. Further, while natives’ residential isolation is typically mediated by interethnic contact, both forces exert a dual influence on anti-Muslim exclusionism only. Results qualify the optimism of intergroup contact theories and indicate an extensive targeting of Muslims for exclusion beyond xenophobia or general racist sentiment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','ponceaar@msu.edu','2019-02-11 19:01:21','2019-02-11 19:28:40','','Waiting'),(3219,'Educational inequalities in general health: Does the curricular tracking system matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Educational tracking amplifies social inequalities in a wide range of outcomes. From an institutional perspective, the current study examines whether this holds for educational disparities in general health. To investigate this question, we use information from the European Social Survey (Rounds 1–8: 2002–2016) for individuals between the ages of 18 and 45 years (N = 99,771) in 22 European countries. The estimated three-level hierarchical models indicate that tracking is indeed associated with larger educational inequalities in overall health. Individuals who have attained vocational education fare worse in terms of general health than do individuals who have pursued academic qualifications. However, the strength of association is much higher in countries with highly tracked systems (e.g. Germany and Czech Republic) than it is in countries with more comprehensive systems (e.g. the United Kingdom and Scandinavian countries). This result suggests that health inequalities between educational groups can be reduced by reorganizing secondary educational systems.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katrijn.delaruelle@ugent.be','2019-02-14 15:42:43','2019-02-15 09:37:02','','Waiting'),(3220,'Intergenerational Educational Mobility in European Societies Before and After the Crisis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Social mobility studies traditionally investigate how parental status affects the status of their offspring. In terms of class mobility several recent analyses use ESS data and investigate absolute / relative mobility and social fluidity, comparing European societies. This paper deals with the connection between parental education and respondents’ education, using Rounds 1-7 of ESS. Examination of unequal opportunities for educational attainment is essential from policy perspective because reproduction of advantages / disadvantages in education is a vital driving force of class mobility / immobility. \nFour indicators are developed for the purpose of mapping educational chances by social origin: 1) Absolute mobility rates; 2) Correlation between parental education and respondents’ education; 3) Educational premium based on higher level of parental schooling; 4) Odds of obtaining a college degree. These indicators are suitable to display country variation in the stronger or weaker role of parental education in offspring’s educational achievement – similarly to PISA studies. The rank orders are generated for the 16 countries investigated; those which participated in all 7 rounds. An age selection between 25-95 years is applied; no. of observation is cca. 170.000. Data also allow temporal comparison between the period before and after of the crisis (2002, 2004, 2006, 2008 vs. 2010, 2012, 2014).\nResults (country rankings) for social openness / closeness in educational opportunities mirror only moderately typical similarities / differences for country groups like the Scandinavian, the Anglo-Saxon, the Mediterranean ones. When looking at the four indicators on chances in educational mobility, more consistency appears in the lower part of the rank orders, while the variation of the countries is higher on the top. The analysis does not reveal any strong crisis effect for the second part of the whole period (2002-2014) covered by the data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','robert@tarki.hu','2019-02-20 11:16:19','2019-03-05 17:11:03','','Waiting'),(3221,'Voting for Radical Right Parties in Europe: The Role of Cultural Change and Party Polarization (Part 2)','Голосование за радикальные правые партии в Европе: роль культурного изменения и партийной поляризации (Часть 2)',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article is devoted to the problem of rapid growth in recent decades of electoral support for radical right-wing parties in Western, Central and Eastern Europe.  It presents the results of empirical testing of the theory of silent counterrevolution and two-dimensional party polarization.  Data from the European Social Survey (ESS 2006-14) and content analysis of electoral party manifestos (CMP/MARPOR), and statistics on migrants, electoral institutions and liberal culture for 56 parliamentary elections in 24 European countries were analyzed using two-level logistics modeling.  The results show that anti-immigration attitudes and distrust of parliament are the most important distinguishing features of supporters of nationalists and populists.  In accordance with the silent counter-revolution theory, the voting mobilization of nationalist supporters in parliamentary elections, according to the facts revealed, depends on the spread of liberal culture in society.  The analysis also revealed that the conditions for their mobilization are favorable when party positions in the economic dimension converge and cultural polarization increase at the same time, although this conclusion needs further verification.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2019-02-20 12:24:24','2019-03-05 17:14:21','','Waiting'),(3222,'How do you know? | Are immigrants taking our jobs?','Kust sa tead? | Kas sisserändajad võtavad meie töö ära?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Short animation based on ESS data shows how people in different European countries feel about immigrants.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'https://novaator.err.ee/914716/kust-sa-tead-kas-sisserandajad-votavad-meie-too-ara#comment','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-03-01 11:29:24','2019-03-05 17:15:47','','Waiting'),(3223,'How do you know what Estonian people think about supporting pensioners?','Kust sa tead, mida arvavad Eesti elanikud pensionäride toetamisest?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Short animation based on ESS data shows what Estonian people think about social benefits for pensioners, unemployed, and families with children.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'https://novaator.err.ee/912232/kust-sa-tead-mida-arvavad-eesti-elanikud-pensionaride-toetamisest','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-03-01 11:33:32','2019-03-05 17:16:38','','Waiting'),(3224,'How do you know? | Are migrants from Estonia really \"comfort refugees\"?','Kust sa tead? | Kas Eestist välja rändajad on tõesti \"mugavuspagulased\"?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Data from ESS and other research projects is used in this short animation to portrait people who have migrated from Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://novaator.err.ee/914715/kust-sa-tead-kas-eestis-valja-randajad-on-toesti-mugavuspagulased','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-03-05 16:40:34','2019-03-05 17:17:41','','Waiting'),(3225,'How do you know? | Young people don\'t care about politics','Kust sa tead? | Noori poliitika ei huvita',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'European Social Survey data is used in this short animation to show how young people participate in civil society and politics in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://novaator.err.ee/916745/kust-sa-tead-noori-poliitika-ei-huvita','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-03-06 09:45:22','2019-03-07 16:08:15','','Waiting'),(3226,'In the name of the people: left populists versus right populists','In the name of the people: left populists versus right populists',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Using the 8th Round of the European Social Survey, we analyse the electoral competition between left-wing (LWPPs) and right-wing populist parties (RWPPs) in the six European countries where this type of competition has occurred (France, Germany, Iceland, Italy, Lithuania and The Netherlands). By focusing on the competition between populist parties in the same sample of countries we can resolve what tells apart a LWPP voter from a RWPP voter. Thus, we study the factors that explain their different voting behaviour and confine our attention to the four main factors that affect populist competition: anti-elite attitudes, material deprivation, euro-scepticism and anti-immigration attitudes. Our results show that LWPPs and RWPPs voters are similar in their attitudes towards immigration and the European Union (EU) but differ in their attitudes towards elites and material deprivation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23745118.2019.1596583','andres.santana@uam.es','2019-03-22 16:10:45','2019-03-25 13:22:21','','Waiting'),(3227,'Learning to Trust: Generalised Social Trust in Estonia from 1990 to 2016','Luottamaan oppiessa. Yleinen luottamus Virossa vuosina 1990–2016',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Generalised social trust (social trust), that is the willingness to trust others, even total strangers, without the expectation that they will immediately reciprocate that trust or favour, is like a glue that holds a society together and fosters cooperation among individuals. Social trust, which is often considered one of the key elements of social capital, is extremely important for the smooth functioning of democratic societies and appears to be an important factor that may make a new democracy more likely to succeed. This article focuses on the trends in levels of social trust in one relatively young democracy – Estonia – from the beginning of 1990s until 2016. The analyses are based on data from several waves of the European Social Survey (ESS), the World Value Survey (WVS), and European Value Survey (EVS).\n\nThe fast growth in social trust levels in Estonia is unprecedented in international comparison. We propose that an explanation may lie in theories, which conceptualise trust as a feature of social environment, suggesting that individuals become more trusting by experiencing trustworthy behaviour in their daily life. The rising levels of social trust in Estonia indicate that the people living in Estonia have indeed learned from their experience that in general, most people can be trusted. Considering that higher levels of social trust indicate ‘healthier’ society both in economic, social, and political sense, the fast growth of the levels of social trust during the last two decades is a very good and promising news for the 100-year-old Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'https://www.tuglas.fi/luottamaan-oppiessa','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-03-27 12:09:41','2019-04-02 15:26:09','','Waiting'),(3228,'Vertical integration and social capital: Theory and empirics','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We study the impact of social capital on vertical integration using information at the four-digit level for manufacturing sectors in 30 European countries. According to transaction cost theory, firms buy their inputs in the market rather than produce them internally if they do not fear to be cheated by their suppliers. Since social capital promotes trust and trustworthiness, we expect that the higher the level of social capital, the higher the reliance on external procurement of inputs. This prediction is confirmed by empirical analyses. Furthermore, we show that the impact of social capital is differentiated among industrial sectors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'I have used ESS data only for some robustness checks in chapter 2 of the thesis. Since there is no abstract for the whole thesis (and the introduction to the thesis is more than one page long), I have copy-pasted the abstract of the second chapter in the \"Abstract\" section of this form. If You prefer to have the introduction just let me know.','castellani.marco.1@spes.uniud.it','2019-03-29 10:42:15','2019-04-02 15:43:52','','Waiting'),(3229,'Determining the Structure and Assessing the Psychometric Properties of Multidimensional Scales Constructed from Ordinal and Pseudo-Interval Items ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Determining the structure and assessing the psychometric properties of multidimensional scales before their application is a prerequisite of scaling theory. This involves splitting a sample of adequate size randomly into two halves and first performing exploratory factor analysis (EFA) on one half-sample in order to assess the construct validity of the scale. Secondly, this structure is validated by carrying out confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) on the second half.  As in any statistical analysis - whether univariate, bivariate or multivariate - the first and most important consideration is to ascertain the level of measurement of the input variables, in this instance the defining items of the scale. This guides the correct choice of the methods to be used. In this paper, we carry out the investigation and assessment of the 2006 European Social Survey six-dimensional instrument of wellbeing for Germany and the Netherlands when items are considered as both ordinal and pseudo-interval.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','acharalampi@panteion.gr','2019-03-31 12:32:31','2019-04-02 15:48:22','','Waiting'),(3230,'Investigating the comparability of the 2006 and 2012 ESS measurement of wellbeing ','',18,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In 2006 (Round 3), a module on personal and social wellbeing was included in the European Social Survey (ESS) questionnaire, representing one of the first systematic attempts to develop a coherent set of subjective well-being measures for use in national and cross-national studies. This module was repeated with certain changes in 2012 (Round 6). The theoretical structure of the ESS measurement of wellbeing, a compromise of theoretical models and evidence from statistical analysis, is defined as a six-dimensional construct: evaluative wellbeing, emotional wellbeing, functioning, vitality, community wellbeing and supportive relationships. However, there is no evidence of validating its theoretical structure and reporting on its psychometric properties. In this study, such an investigation and assessment would be carried out for both Rounds of the survey for Germany and Poland. This involves splitting randomly the sample of both countries into two halves. First, Exploratory factor analysis would be performed on the first half-samples in order to assess the construct validity of the scale. Secondly, the structure would be validated by carrying out Confirmatory factor analysis on the second half-samples. Based on the full samples, the psychometric properties of the resulting subscales would be assessed. The proposed methodological study aims to contribute to the growing research on the measurement of wellbeing by providing summary measures of wellbeing for the designing of social policy in each country.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','acharalampi@panteion.gr','2019-03-31 12:41:05','2019-04-02 15:52:11','','Waiting'),(3231,'Wellbeing and unemployment','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'“Both economic and psychological research provides convincing evidence that unemployment adversely affects a person’s wellbeing”. In this presentation, we investigated the contingency problems between the 2012 European Social Survey (ESS) measurement of the personal and social wellbeing and the employment status. The analysis was based on the datasets of Hungary, Spain and the United Kingdom. \nFor the measurement of wellbeing, we used the proposed in our previous work subscales that had resulted from the investigation of the structure and the assessment of the psychometric properties of the 2012 ESS measurement of wellbeing. Six subscales of wellbeing were defined for Hungary: emotional wellbeing, vitality, functioning specific, functioning general, community wellbeing and supportive relationships. Four subscales of wellbeing were defined for Spain and the UK: emotional wellbeing positive, emotional wellbeing negative, functioning specific and functioning general. The employment status was measured in the ESS by a perception question as is the case in all large-scale social sample surveys. \nThe results of comparing the mean scores on the wellbeing subscales of the unemployed and employed showed that in all three countries, the mean scores of the unemployed on the wellbeing subscales were lower than those of the employed in all subscales. Although, these findings confirmed relevant theory, this was not the case for other datasets that were tested (Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia, Sweden and Switzerland) and therefore further research is necessary.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','acharalampi@panteion.gr','2019-03-31 12:49:41','2019-04-02 15:55:00','','Waiting'),(3232,'The Issue of Social Inequality in Terms of Health: A Comparative Study of Russia within the European Context','Проблема социальных неравенств в здоровье: сравнительное исследование России в европейском контексте',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article discusses the problem of social inequalities in health and presents the main results of its empirical study, obtained in the analysis of data from the European Social Survey (ESS) for several dozen countries, including Russia, and statistics on their economy and welfare state using the methods of two-level linear and logistic modeling.  Indicators of general health and risks of depression differ markedly in different parts of Europe - in Russia, as in many other relatively less developed countries, the health of the population is clearly worse than in the most developed social democracies.  These indicators also vary widely within countries, for individuals occupying different positions in demographic and social structures.  Natural health disparities between younger and older age cohorts are particularly pronounced in the less developed European states such as the Russian Federation, while in countries with high levels of welfare and state social guarantees age differences are largely smoothed out.  Social capital and psychological resources of personality play an important role in maintaining good health of individuals.  Psychosocial resources have a positive impact on the health of people belonging to any social strata, but in developed Europe, the vulnerable individuals with low status benefit most from it.  In developed countries, the negative impact on their health is largely due to relative deprivation – the stresses of social comparison with the well-off majority, not just to the lack of material resources and limited access to high-quality health services, as is the case in Russia and less developed Europe. It is in these countries that the reserves of personality and social ties are especially important for people from the lower strata to overcome the negative impact of such stresses on health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2019-04-01 13:37:34','2019-04-02 15:57:01','','Waiting'),(3233,'A reply to “Do surveys accurately report voters over 80 years old?”: testing for bias in probability-based surveys of private households','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article is a reply and extension to a paper published by Jean-Yves Dormagen and Laura Michel in this journal in early 2018. In their paper “Do surveys accurately report voters over 80 years old?”, the authors examined the deviations of aggregated self-reported turnout in three French electoral surveys from the factual turnout in the French presidential elections of 2002, 2007 and 2012. The tested election studies used a quota sampling method, which suffers most likely from selection bias. Indeed, the authors found a clear underrepresentation of the oldest population older than 85 years in all three studies and a strong overestimation of voting in this age cohort. In this article, I replicate their analysis with probability-based surveys and test whether the bias in turnout of the elderly also occurs in randomly drawn samples. For this purpose, I analysed data of three cross sections of the European Social Survey (ESS-1, ESS-4 and ESS-6). My results show that the probability-based surveys are indeed closer to true values derived from large-scale administrative data. The bias in turnout in the ESS data is nevertheless still stronger in the oldest age cohorts compared to all the other age cohorts. This could be the cause of a higher nonresponse among the elderly. Moreover, the ESS does not cover the institutionalised population. In France, more than 13% of the population older than 80 years are institutionalised and live in retirement and nursing homes. I assume that this part of the population has a lower probability to vote than the elderly living in private households. Their exclusion from the ESS therefore increases the distortion of self-reported voting behaviour compared to the factual turnout of old-aged residents.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jan-lucas.schanze@gesis.org','2019-04-04 10:33:58','2019-04-08 12:51:53','','Waiting'),(3234,'Finnish Immigration Attitudes 2002-2016 – Changes in Attitudes and The Factors Related To The Immigration Attitudes','Suomalaisten Maahanmuuttoasenteet 2002-2016 - Maahanmuuttoasenteiden muutokset sekä asenteisiin yhteydessä olevat tekijät',9,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The Master\'s thesis examines Finnish immigration attitudes and the factors related to them be-tween 2002 and 2016. Biennially collected repeated cross-sectional European Social Survey data is used in the study. Herbert Blumer\'s theory of prejudice as a group position (group threat the-ory) is the theoretical background in the study. In the group threat theory prejudice is understood as a result of societal group positioning. Research questions are: how have Finnish immigration attitudes changed during the period under examination? Which factors influence the Finnish immigration attitudes at the time period when the data was collected? How do the factors related to the immigration attitudes vary between dif-ferent time-points? The study uses a deductive approach. It builds upon the previously conducted studies of immigra-tion attitudes that are based on the group threat theory. Linear regression analysis, correlation analysis, and variance analysis are used as a method of analysis. For the regression models the factors related to the attitudes have been selected based on previous research. The most important result of the study is that there has been no significant change in Finnish im-migration attitudes during the period under review. There are only small variations in attitudes during the years examined and thus no clear trend in attitudes can be observed. However, Finnish immigration attitudes have started to scatter in 2014 and 2016. The most important factors influ-encing immigration attitudes are satisfaction and trust in national decision-makers, human values, interest in politics and the years of schooling.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','hanna-liinu.herranen@hotmail.com','2019-04-14 12:21:58','2019-04-30 13:05:34','','Waiting'),(3235,'Effects of majority members\' positive intergroup contact on minority members\' support for ingroup rights: Mobilizing or demobilizing effects?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'While some research suggests that ethnic and cultural diversity hinders societal cohesion, other studies show that it promotes intergroup contact opportunities, which, if exploited, help to overcome intergroup prejudice. Recently, however, intergroup contact theory has been criticized for neglecting the wider social context as well as for ignoring potential demobilizing contact effects for minority members. Using two cross-sectional general population surveys (European Social Survey in 22 countries, Swiss MOSAiCH), we address these criticisms by examining whether ethnic majority members\' positive contact influences ethnic minority members\' support for ingroup rights at the social context level. Applying multilevel path analysis, we show that minority members are more likely to support anti-discrimination laws and immigrant rights when living in social contexts in which majority members have positive intergroup contact experiences. Theoretical and practical implications of our findings are discussed for understanding how minority groups are affected by the climate of the social context they reside in.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'Entered by Swiss NC, not by the authors','mathias.kauff@fernuni-hagen.de','2019-04-30 18:12:23','2019-05-06 18:40:30','','Waiting'),(3236,'Ethnic and cultural diversity in Europe: validating measures of ethnic and cultural background','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Socio-cultural and ethnic origin can be a powerful predictor of social attitudes and behaviours but, unlike the situation in the classical countries of immigration such as Australia, Canada and the USA, there is no standard measure in Europe for measuring ethnic background. The paper reports a new measure and classification, developed for the ESS and trialled in the ESS wave 7 (2014/2015). It describes the underlying theoretical concepts, structure and classification criteria and reports a range of substantive findings. The paper shows that the new measure of ethnic origins has both criterion and predictive validity: it predicts whether respondents identify themselves as belonging to an ethnic minority and whether they feel that theirs is a group which is discriminated against. It also predicts strength of national identity and attitudes towards immigration. A particular strength of the new measure is that it identifies both indigenous and (sub)national minorities as well those with a migration background. The paper shows that in some countries subnational minorities are quite distinctive, for example in their feelings of being discriminated against and in their low levels of national attachment.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','silke.schneider@gesis.org','2019-05-03 12:22:55','2019-05-06 18:43:43','','Waiting'),(3237,'Can we assess representativeness of cross-national surveys using the education variable?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Achieving a representative sample is an important goal for every survey. High response rates are often referred to as an indicator of representativeness in survey methodology research. However, a low response rate does not necessarily imply low representativeness, so that alternative ways of assessing representativeness are needed in times where low response rates are almost ubiquitous. This study asks whether education, a socio-demographic variable covered by virtually every survey of individuals, is a good variable for assessing the representativeness of a realised survey sample. We examine this issue in two steps: Firstly, the distributions of the harmonised education variable in six official and academic cross-national surveys by country-year combination are compared with the respective education distributions in a high-quality reference dataset. Doing so, we identify many substantial inconsistencies. Secondly, we try to identify the sources of these inconsistencies, looking at both measurement errors in the education variables and errors of representation. Since in most instances, inconsistent measurement procedures can probably explain the observed inconsistencies, we conclude that the education variable as currently measured in cross-national surveys is, without further processing, unsuitable for assessing sample representativeness, and constructing nonresponse weights. The paper closes with recommendations for achieving a more comparable measurement of the education variable.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','verena.ortmanns@gesis.org','2019-05-03 12:35:23','2019-05-06 18:53:14','','Waiting'),(3238,'Trusting the Police: Comparisons accross Easter and Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The underlying question posed in this book asks: What shapes people’s perception of the police? The book aims to contribute to the field of trust and attitudinal research in several ways. Firstly, institutional approaches are considered, identifying the police as part of wider governmental institutions. Secondly, theories of procedural justice are examined. They argue that fair decisions and respectful treatment largely contribute to institutional legitimacy and trustworthiness. In contrast, arguments treating police’s effectiveness as central to people’s trust in them are called “instrumental”. Whether the police are doing a good job, i.e. fighting crime effectively, is more important than the use of appropriate procedures and correct behavior. These approaches enter into the analyses in such a way that the global notion of trust in the police is linked to global statements about police’s procedural fairness and effectiveness. Moreover, the level of satisfaction in concrete interactions with the police is taken into account.\nInstitutional representatives play an important role in the trust-building process, as mentioned in procedural justice theories. Going one step further, interactions with police officers are expected to be influenced by social trust. A culture marked by a general openness toward strangers may contribute not only to a higher trust in interactions with ordinary people, but may also be transferred to institutional representatives. Diverse research has confirmed the link between social trust and institutional trust, especially with regard to trust in political institutions, such as the government or political parties. However, the causal direction is unclear. Nevertheless, since studies dealing primarily with institutional trust in the police are rare, social trust is taken into account as an explanatory force in the upcoming analyses. \nStudies within the field of police research are often based on local surveys. Cross-country analyses with data from large opinion polls are rather rare. Another aim is to link cross-national analyses to a concrete in-depth country study. A country study of Switzerland follows the search for correlations at a cross-country level. It tests whether the links can be proven in a single country marked by high levels of trust in the police. Finally,not only people’s trust in the police, but also views of crime victims and victim-initiated police contacts, are analyzed.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','staubli.silvia@gmail.com','2019-06-06 15:38:08','2019-06-06 15:38:08','','Waiting'),(3239,'Gender Role Attitudes and Religious Denomination: Context Matters','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Traditional gender role attitudes are often associated with specific religious denominations. However, members of religious denominations are also impacted by other institutions in society. This research uses the European Social Survey to determine how the impact of religious denominations on traditional gender role attitudes varies across welfare regimes. Macro-level analysis examines this relationship with national-level indicators. Religious denomination impacts gender role attitudes, though not uniformly. Public expenditures on social services and working-age cash benefits are negatively related to traditional gender role attitudes, with the strongest impact on attitudes toward men’s right to paid work among Muslims and Eastern Orthodox.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','Amy.Healy@mic.ul.ie','2019-06-23 12:19:12','2019-06-23 12:19:12','','Waiting'),(3240,'French people, happiness and money','Les Français, le bonheur et l\'argent',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Happiness, satisfaction in life, confidence and optimism: where are the French? There is a French specificity in terms of well-being and this book highlights several paradoxes.\nThe French say they are less happy and more pessimistic than most citizens of other European countries; this malaise concerns above all economic questions; and it is in France that the relationship between happiness and money is the strongest. This is no doubt due to their distrust of institutions: they can no longer rely on them to organize their collective destiny and protect them against the main risks of life, the French would fall back on their personal resources. Collective misfortune then opposes a private happiness.\nMalaise and distrust are reflected in a process of political polarization, with the rise of the extreme right in particular. In the last presidential elections, the vote in favor of Emmanuel Macron or Marine Le Pen marked the split between optimists and pessimists. Regardless of his posterity, the burst of optimism of June 2017 shows that, even if the state of mind of the French is so old that it ends up being confused with a cultural attitude, it is not irreversible.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mathieu.perona@cepremap.org','2019-06-26 09:46:37','2019-08-05 16:42:39','','Waiting'),(3241,'Unexpected Event during Survey Design: Promise and Pitfalls for Causal Inference','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'\nAn increasing number of studies exploit the occurrence of unexpected events during the fieldwork of public opinion surveys to estimate causal effects. In this paper, we discuss the use of this identification strategy based on unforeseen and salient events that split the sample of respondents into treatment and control groups: the Unexpected Event during Survey Design. In particular, we focus on the assumptions under which unexpected events can be exploited to estimate causal effects and we discuss potential threats to identification, paying especial attention to the observable and testable implications of these assumptions. We propose a series of best practices in the form of various estimation strategies and robustness checks that can be used to lend credibility to the causal estimates. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey, we illustrate the discussion of this method with an original study of the impact of the Charlie Hebdo terrorist attacks (Paris, 01/07/2015) on French citizens’ satisfaction with their national government.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','enrique.hernandez@uab.cat','2019-07-20 20:09:38','2019-08-05 14:49:44','','Waiting'),(3242,'Singled Out or Drawn In? Social Polices and Lone Mothers’ Political Engagement','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Although it is no longer a symbol of socially degenerate behavior in many societies, single motherhood remains associated with numerous risks and disadvantages. In addition to their disadvantages in the labor market and their greater risk of poverty, single mothers also tend to be less politically active. This article explores the patterns of single mothers’ electoral participation across 25 European countries. In addition to the individual-level characteristics that shape the likelihood of taking part in an election, public policies can also do a great deal to encourage political involvement. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey combined with national family and labor market policies, I examine the ways in which policies aiming to reconcile the responsibilities at work and home can draw single mothers into political engagement. I find that early childhood expenditures and cash benefits to families are positively related to single mothers’ political participation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','jennifer.shore@mzes.uni-mannheim.de','2019-07-24 13:57:48','2019-08-05 17:12:15','','Waiting'),(3243,'Does Work Make Mothers Happy?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The paper explores the link between employment and subjective well-being among mothers with children under 3 years of age. It uses a pooled sample from the ESS 2004–2014 data from 30 European countries. Analyzing multiple measures of subjective well-being, the paper shows that homemakers are generally happier than full-time workers. No significant differences between homemakers and part-time workers were found. Contrary to our expectations, homemaking was positively associated with happiness particularly among mothers who left higher quality employment for childcare. Though some variation across countries exists, it is not linked to the provision of formal childcare, duration of parental leave, or tax system.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dana.hamplova@soc.cas.cz','2019-08-19 16:38:18','2019-09-19 16:08:09','','Waiting'),(3244,'Conflict in the Family of Origin, Subjective Wellbeing, and Mental Health in Adulthood','Konflikty v rodině původu, osobní pohoda a duševní zdraví v dospělosti',16,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article explores the relationship between conflict in the family of origin and an individual’s wellbeing in adulthood. It examines to what extent the negative effects of a childhood spent in a conflict-ridden family can be explained by economic deprivation in childhood, a disrupted life course, and a person’s sociodemographic situation in adulthood. Empirical analyses are conducted on data from the 7th wave of the ESS from 2014 and three indicators of personal wellbeing are used: a depression scale, self-reported happiness,and life satisfaction. The analyses show that spending childhood in a conflict-ridden family affects mainly the emotional side of personal wellbeing (happiness, depressive symptoms). The relationship between the cognitive side of personal wellbeing (satisfaction with life) and a high-conflict environment in childhood can be explained by sociodemographic factors.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','dana.hamplova@soc.cas.cz','2019-08-19 16:41:57','2019-09-19 16:22:36','','Waiting'),(3245,'Worry about crime in Europe: A model-based small area estimation from the European Social Survey','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Worry about crime is known to be higher in some European regions than others. However, cross-national surveys, which are the main source of information to map worry about crime across Europe, are designed to be representative of large areas (countries), and regions often suffer from small and unrepresentative sample sizes. This research produces reliable model-based small area estimates of worry about crime at regional level from European Social Survey data, in order to map the phenomenon and examine its macro-level predictors. Model-based small area estimation techniques borrow strength across areas to produce reliable estimates of parameters of interest. Estimates of worry about crime are higher in most South and East European regions, in contrast to Northern and Central Europe.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','david.builgil@manchester.ac.uk','2019-08-22 19:02:01','2019-09-19 16:25:47','','Waiting'),(3246,'European Regional Welfare Attitudes: a Sub-National Multi-Dimensional Analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Public attitudes to welfare are key issues in social policy research and practice given their important roles in shaping demands for different types of welfare policies as well as the political parameters within which those welfare decisions are made by governments. Research into headline trends has shown important hardenings in public attitudes to welfare cross-nationally. However, more detailed geographical analysis of these patterns of welfare attitudes sub-nationally remains an important and surprisingly neglected area of understanding, in part due to the lack of suitable survey datasets with which to create sufficiently reliable direct sub-national comparative estimates. Responding to these gaps, this article employs small area estimation techniques to present reliable sub-national estimates and analyses of distinct economic, moral and social welfare attitudes across European regions for the first time in the literature. Compared to previous national analyses the richer spatial understanding enabled in these original analyses reveals previously neglected variation in welfare attitudes within as well as across national boundaries. Five geodemographic ‘families’ of regional welfare attitudes are found across Europe’s regions – from strong welfare supporters to consistent welfare sceptics – with their regional memberships cutting across national boundaries and current welfare typologies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','angelo.moretti@manchester.ac.uk','2019-08-23 13:27:03','2019-09-19 16:30:01','','Waiting'),(3247,'Development and Evaluation of an Optimal Composite Estimator in Spatial Microsimulation Small Area Estimation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'A range of data is of geographic interest but is not available at a small area level from existing data sources. Small area estimation (SAE) offers techniques to estimate population parameters of target variables to detailed scales based on relationships between those target variables and relevant auxiliary variables. The resulting indirect small area estimate can deliver a lower mean squared error compared to its direct survey estimate, given that variance can be reduced markedly even if bias increases. Spatial microsimulation SAE approaches are widely utilized but only beginning to engage with the potential of composite estimators that use a weighted combination of indirect and direct estimators to reduce further the mean squared error of the small area estimate compared to an indirect SAE estimator alone. This article advances these approaches by constructing for the first time in the microsimulation literature an optimal composite estimator for such SAE approaches in which the combining weight is calculated from the mean squared errors of the two estimators; thus, optimizing the reduction in MSE of the resulting small area estimates. This optimal composite estimator is demonstrated and evaluated in a model-based simulation study and application based on the real data.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','angelo.moretti@manchester.ac.uk','2019-08-23 13:31:01','2019-09-19 16:37:05','','Waiting'),(3248,'The effect of Same-Sex marriage policy on social acceptance of LGBT: Evidence from Spain','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The question whether laws have any impact on social norms or attitudes has inspired research across diverse areas and disciplines, often associated with moral values or attitudes towards social minorities. However, empirical evidence on such causality is still scarce. This paper studies the impact of the introduction of Same-Sex Marriage rights on mass attitude towards the LGBT community in Spain. It does so by exploring and comparing the response to this policy across personality traits and social groups. Drawing on survey data from the European Social Survey (ESS) for twenty European countries and using a Difference-in-Differences approach I find that the introduction of Same-Sex Marriage policy that took place in 2005 in Spain had a positive and significant effect on mass attitude towards the LGBT community. Further, I find that such effects are extensive to traditionally less tolerant social groups such as Male and Religious people. Yet, the same cannot be confirmed for Far-right wing individuals, for which there is not enough evidence that the intervention had any effect.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','albert.pierres@barcelonagse.eu','2019-08-28 12:30:53','2019-09-19 16:56:41','','Waiting'),(3249,'At the origins of populism','Les origines du populisme',4,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Populism is the result of two fundamental shocks. The first: a huge wave of resentment against political parties and institutions. With both traditional left and right parties unable to contain the excess of capitalism, against-the-system radicality has broken the compromises either camp managed to set up. \nSecond shock: the end of a class society, which evolved into a society of individuals who assess their social standing in subjective terms. As a result, the political space is structured by a new polarization, which separates \"trustful\" and \"trustless\" people. The populist right combines a double distrust - distrust of institutions and distrust of society at large. It thrives on disenchantment about democracy, and renews the terms of the left-right political conflict. Using new data, this book is key to understand the current and future states of democratic societies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','mathieu.perona@cepremap.org','2019-08-28 15:38:05','2019-09-19 17:04:39','','Waiting'),(3250,'Are personal values associated with preferences in seeking health advice or treatment in Europe?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This study examined the associations of personal value priorities and country-level personal freedom with individuals’ preferences to seek health advice or treatment from either conventional medical experts (doctors) or practitioners of complementary and alternative medicine (CAM). Data came from the European Social Survey round 2 (14 countries, N = 21,810) and round 7 (12 countries, N = 20,903). Valuing conservation (vs. openness to change) was positively associated with preferring to consult doctors and negatively associated with preferring to consult CAM practitioners and the use of CAM treatments. Valuing self-transcendence (vs. self-enhancement) was positively associated with CAM use. Living in countries characterised by a higher level of personal freedom was negatively associated with preferring doctors’ consultations, and positively associated with preferring CAM practitioners and CAM use. The results highlight the importance of considering individual-level motivational factors and context-specific factors when aiming to understand healthcare utilisation.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','salla.ahola@gmail.com','2019-08-29 10:24:26','2019-09-19 17:11:30','','Waiting'),(3251,'Public support for sanctioning older unemployed – a survey experiment in 21 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The public opinion literature has found that the age of the benefit recipient is an important determinant in the formation of welfare state attitudes. Older people are perceived as more deserving of help and also punished less for not accepting a job. We argue that such a preferential treatment of older people depends on the social and economic context. In this article, we examine public support for demanding active labour market policies in 21 European countries. Relying on a survey experiment varying the age of the unemployed person, our analysis confirms that older unemployed are punished less than younger unemployed for not accepting a job offer. However, this effect varies between countries and our evidence suggests that support for exempting older individuals from demanding active labour market policies disappears as societies age. Moreover, support for stricter sanctions in general is higher in countries with a higher unemployment rate and in countries that already have rather strict active labour market policies. These findings question the public’s role as a veto player in the reform process as it seems unlikely that public opinion will block attempts to further strengthen demanding active labour market policies.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','naumann@uni-mannheim.de','2019-09-08 22:40:52','2019-09-19 17:34:55','','Waiting'),(3252,'Knockin’ on heaven’s door? Reframing the debate on temporary employment and wages: evidence from Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article reframes the debate on the consequences of flexibilization in European labour markets focusing on the unexplored impact of temporary employment on occupational wages for permanent workers. Exploiting the variation in the temps’ density within occupation and age groups across European countries between 2003 and 2010, we find that temporary contracts negatively affect occupational average wages for insiders’ workers. These results are still robust using a dynamic system based on generalized method of moments (GMM-SYS) to account for potential endogeneity issues. We also explore the existence of heterogeneity across different occupational clusters and institutional settings. Our estimates indicate that the knock-on effect is large in countries with low employment protection legislation and it is driven by occupations characterized by untechnical work logics.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daniela.bellani@unifi.it','2019-09-15 16:39:29','2019-09-19 17:42:06','','Waiting'),(3253,'Do comprehensive school reforms impact the health of early school leavers? Results of a comparative difference-in-difference design','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In the current article, we examine whether and how reforms in tracking age affect educational inequalities in health among people between the ages of 25–75 years. Particular attention is paid to the health consequences for early school leavers. The study combines data from the European Social Survey (2002–2016) on 21 countries with country-cohort information on education policies. Moreover, a difference-in-difference design is used, which takes advantage of both the cross-national and cross-temporal variability in the implementation of comprehensive schooling reforms. The results reveal statistically significant, but very small effects of de-tracking policies on people\'s health. That is, comprehensive education leads to slight improvements in health among people who have attained upper secondary or tertiary education, but these improvements are achieved at the expense of the health of those with the lowest levels of education. Our study should encourage future research to further explore the institutional impact of educational systems on the health of individuals.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','katrijn.delaruelle@ugent.be','2019-09-17 14:35:59','2019-09-19 17:44:05','','Waiting'),(3254,'Voting turnout in Greece: expressive or instrumental?','Voting turnout in Greece: expressive or instrumental?',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Voting turnout is a core element of political democracy as it constitutes the so-called hard evidence of citizens’ engagement in the wider political processes. Thus, increasing voting abstention rates in the developed countries and the emergence of abstract types of political and civic engagement raise concerns over the ways in which participation evolves in modern democracies and the underlying socio-political mechanisms and dynamics that govern its development. Within this context, we analyse the micro-level determinants ofvoting turnout rates in Greece using ESS data for the 2002-2011 period. In particular, we test for the effects of formal and latent political participation, activism and trust  as pointing to either an expressive or instrumental voting decision process. After controlling for the individuals’ socio-demographic and economic profile evidence is found of instrumental voting in Greece. Important policy level implications arise as a result of these findings. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','daskal@uop.gr','2019-09-18 15:25:26','2019-09-19 17:50:44','','Waiting'),(3255,'Changes or Cross-National Differences? Effects of Economic Inequality on Protest Participation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Objective: The association between economic inequality and protest participation has attracted much scholarly attention, and yet empirical tests of this association remain unsatisfactory. Methods: Applying a multilevel model to the eight-wave repeated cross-sectional data set from the European Social Survey, analyses presented in this article distinguish between cross-national and longitudinal differences in economic inequality to investigate their effects on protest participation. Results: Most of the observed effect of economic inequality on participation is due to between-country differences rather than within-country changes in inequality. Conclusion: The results do not support theories according to which protest participation is causally related to economic inequality.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kolczynska.1@osu.edu','2019-10-07 13:30:40','2019-11-07 17:19:22','','Waiting'),(3256,'Right-wing populism and self-rated health in Europe: a multilevel analysis','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background Individuals who identify as politically conservative have been previously shown to report better self-rated health compared with liberals. We tested whether this association still holds for right-wing populists, which are gaining strength as a political force in Europe in recent decades.\n\nMethods: We analysed data from 24617 respondents nested within 18 European countries included in the 2016 European Social Survey. Multilevel analyses were conducted to assess the association between political ideology and self-rated health, adjusting for otherindividual covariates (happiness and social capital).\n\nResults: Individuals who voted for right-wing populist parties were 43% more likely to report fair/poor health compared with traditional conservatives (OR=1.43, 95% CI 1.23 to 1.67). The association was attenuated (OR=1.21, 95% CI 1.03 to 1.42) after controlling for additional individual-level variables, including happinessand access to social capital. Higher levels of social capital (informal networks, OR=0.40, 95% CI 0.29 to 0.56; trust, OR=0.82, 95% CI 0.74 to 0.92) and happiness (OR=0.18, 95% CI 0.15 to 0.22) were protectively correlated with fair/poor self-rated health.\n\nConclusions: Individuals voting for right-wing populist parties report worse health compared with conservatives. It remains unclear whether ideology is just a marker for health-related practices, or whether the values and beliefs associated with a particular brand of ideology lead to worse health.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','insa.backhaus@uniroma1.it','2019-10-08 13:59:27','2019-11-07 17:16:31','','Waiting'),(3257,'Lost in transition, found in recession? Satisfaction with democracy in Central Europe before and after economic crises','Lost in transition, found in recession? Satisfaction with democracy in Central Europe before and after economic crises',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For decades, research on democracy has produced evidence that the peoples of countries in Central Europe are less satisfied with the way democracy works in their countries than people in Western Europe. Using the data from the European Social Survey (ESS) I explore, how satisfaction with the way democracy works (SWD) changed in these countries between 2004 and 2014 and test the impact of satisfaction with the present state of the economy and trust in parliament on SWD. Results of the analysis reveal that people in Central Europe are still less satisfied with the democratic performance on average than people in Western Europe, but their satisfaction is on the rise especially in countries where the economy performs well, economic performance brings better standard of living, and people share a sense of economic optimism. Results also suggest that in countries where economic optimism is low, political evaluations of “crises in democracy” may play a larger role in explaining satisfaction with democratic performance.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','klara.plecita@soc.cas.cz','2019-10-11 10:26:25','2019-11-07 17:23:14','','Waiting'),(3258,'Speaking Up or Silencing Out in the Face of Rising Right-Wing Populism: A Dynamic Test of the Spiral of Silence across 15 European Countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The spiral of silence theory posits that when a given political position comes to be seen as the majority opinion, perceivers holding alternative views will feel pressured to become silent, thereby contributing to the growing public decline of the minority camp. Testing the theory across 15 countries (N = 195,194) with data taken from the European Social Survey (2002–2016), we examined whether recently rising right-wing populist positions silenced supranational opinions or whether, on the contrary, they were silenced by established norms of democratic governance and social inclusiveness. The proposed modeling overcomes two limitations of prior research by using a macroscopic and dynamic approach that allows the detection of the “spiraling” normative conformity process in nationally representative samples.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','fthurre@me.com','2019-10-21 17:26:33','2019-11-08 11:56:51','','Waiting'),(3259,'Political trust and the relationship between climate change beliefs and support for fossil fuel taxes: Evidence from a survey of 23 European countries','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Taxes on fossil fuels could be a useful policy tool for governments seeking to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. However, such taxes are politically challenging to introduce, as public opinion is usually hostile to them. Prior studies have found that attitudes toward carbon and other environmental taxes reflect not just people\'s beliefs and concerns about the problems these taxes address, but also their trust in their country\'s politicians and political system. Using multilevel models fitted to data collected in 2016 on 42,401 individuals in 23 European countries, we show for the first time that these two factors interact. Among Europeans who distrust their country\'s politicians, political parties, and parliament, or who live in countries with low levels of political trust, being aware and concerned about climate change is at most weakly associated with support for taxes on fossil fuels. Europeans with high political trust, on the other hand, tend to be much more supportive of fossil fuel taxes if they also believe in the reality and dangers of anthropogenic climate change. Cross-nationally, the nations whose populations are most supportive of higher taxes on fossil fuels are not those that are more aware and concerned about climate change; rather, they are those with the highest levels of political trust.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','malcolm.fairbrother@umu.se','2019-10-31 14:31:19','2019-11-08 12:09:23','','Waiting'),(3260,'What do the Dutch want from the European Union?','Wat willen Nederlanders van de Europese Unie?',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'What do citizens want from the European Union? That was the question posed in the public consultations which were held across the EU in 2018 on the initiative of the French president Emmanuel Macron. The Netherlands Institute for Social Research (SCP) carried out these consultations for the Netherlands, drawing on both existing and new research. This report provides a detailed description and update of the consultation exercise. Based on surveys, an online dialogue and focus groups, the report presents a more representative and nuanced picture of what people want and what their concerns are than has been the case in other consultations, which have mainly targeted people with a positive attitude towards further European integration.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2019-10-31 15:02:25','2019-11-08 12:16:23','','Waiting'),(3261,'Social State of the Netherlands 2019','De sociale staat van Nederland 2019',7,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The central theme addressed in the ‘Social State of the Netherlands’ (SSN) report series is the quality of life of the Dutch. Since 2001 the Netherlands Institute for Social Research (SCP) has used this report to monitor how the Dutch population is faring and what developments have taken place over time. The report covers people’s objective life situation, but also describes the subjective situation, i.e. how the Dutch themselves feel things are going. How satisfied are the Dutch with different aspects of their lives, and what are their views on society and politics? This tenth edition devotes extra attention to the correlation and discrepancy between objective and subjective quality of life. Where the data allowed this, the study looked at how closely a person’s objective life situation corresponds with their own perception of their life. Which groups are doing well – or badly – in objective terms, and does this match the way they feel about their lives? And for which groups (or in which domains) does the people\'s objective life situation differ from the way they see and rate their lives?\n\nThe SSN maps developments over a ten-year period in several areas of life and society: public opinion, education, employment, income, health, leisure time use, social participation, social safety and housing. By exploring the relationship between trends in these diverse themes and placing them in the context of general economic, demographic and ecological developments, a picture emerges of the quality of life of the Dutch population. For some indicators, the situation in the Netherlands is compared with that in other European countries.\n\nThe description of developments in quality of life focuses on different groups in society, reflecting the fact that people’s capabilities, opportunities and preferences in how they structure their lives differ and are related among other things to their age, sex and origin. The resources to which people have access (education, income, employment, health) are also important. We devote rather more attention to vulnerable groups, who may be sharing to a lesser extent than others in the positive developments in the Netherlands. This information about socially determined differences in quality of life makes it possible to highlight social problems and disadvantage in order to inform politicians and policymakers.\n',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','info@scp.nl','2019-10-31 15:09:30','2019-11-08 12:32:22','','Waiting'),(3262,'Values as human capital and a source of societal development','Väärtused kui inimvara ja nende seos ühiskonna arenguga',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This  report analyses  the  values  of  Estonian  society.  Values  are  viewed  here  as the  desirable goals which people strive to attain. Values guide the selection or evaluation of actions, policies, people, and events. We see them as a component of human capital –the characteristics of people that  make  a  contribution  to  the  development  of a  country,  national  economy  and  life satisfaction.  The  report  provides  an  outline  of  the  current  state  and  recent  changes  of  major Estonian  values,  in  comparison  to  other  European  countries.  Predictions  about  future  value trends are also included.The  empirical  data  for  the  report  were  assembled  from  various  sources.  The  three  main  data sets are World Value Survey, European Value Study1990-2018, and European Social Survey 2004-2018.  In  terms  of  theoretical  foundations,  the  report  relies  on  various  authors,  theories and studies, most notably the value theories of Ronald Inglehart and Shalom Schwartz. The  empirical  results  include  the  following  findings.  Starting  from  the  1990s,  the  Estonian people have become happier, more trusting and more tolerant; they have attributed increasingly less value on work  and  more value on free time; achievement and success have become less important to them. All these trends are consistent with Inglehart’s theory of post-materialistic value  shift,  which  is  characteristic  of  nations  that  enjoy  reasonably  high  levels  of  economic well-being.  Thus,  it  would  appear  that  Estonia  is  moving  towards  typical  values  of  well-developed countries. However, there is still a way to go compared to many leading well-being countries in Europe. Estonia is still much lower on happiness and tolerance, and higher on the importance of material goals.The report also includes an analysis of various values as determinants of the economic growth and  life  satisfaction.  This  analysis  found  that  achievement values  are  the  most  consistent predictors  of  economic  growth,  indicating  that  achievement  oriented  people  could  boost  the national   economy.   Life   satisfaction   was   positively   correlated   with   stimulation, self-enhancement and hedonistic values and negatively with security and conformism.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'https://www.riigikogu.ee/wpcms/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Arenguseire-Keskus_V%C3%A4%C3%A4rtused-kui-inimvara_2019.pdf','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-04 15:38:17','2019-11-08 13:04:00','','Waiting'),(3263,'Psychological Resources, Material Deprivation, and Health in Europe: Direct Effects and Mediation of Educational Inequalities','Психологические ресурсы, материальные лишения и здоровье в Европе: прямое влияние и медиация неравенств по образованию',12,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article deals with the problem of mediation of social structural inequalities in health.  According to theoretical explanations that require further empirical justification, inequalities in education — deterioration of health with its decline — may be associated with material deprivation.  With a low educational status, a person does not have enough material resources necessary for high-quality nutrition, recreation and treatment.  These inequalities may also arise due to the fact that poorly educated people lack the psychological reserves necessary for overcoming life\'s difficulties.  Analysis of European Social Survey data (ESS 2012) for 27 countries, as well as the contextual factor of social protection expenditure was carried out using statistical methods of two-level modeling and regression models for mediation effects (HLM, MLmed macro, Process macro).  Health inequalities in education are clearly manifest in any country. It was established that, along with education, material deprivations and especially personal resources play a significant role in differentiating the well-being of people, exerting an independent impact on it.  According to the modeling results, in many countries, including the most developed, material deprivations that people with low levels of education suffer from, act as a mediator, partly clarifying the reasons for differences in health among people with different education.  One of the lines of psychological mediation is also connected with material conditions — through two intermediaries, the first of which is deprivation, and the second is psychological qualities.  At the same time, even when controlling all of these mediating effects, personal characteristics are an important mediator of SES inequalities, but not all over Europe, but only in countries with a relatively weak social state.  In conclusion, a brief description of health inequalities and mediating effects in Russia is given.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','vsafronov@list.ru','2019-11-07 12:47:24','2019-11-08 13:06:11','','Waiting'),(3264,'Learn R: An introduction to the statistical program\'s possibilities','Lær deg R: En innføring i statistikkprogrammets muligheter',1,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Welcome to the R universe! R is a fantastic tool for statistical analysis, and this book takes you through its basics. \n\nLearn R is written to accompany social scientists through their very first steps into quantitative methods. It approaches statistical analysis as a craft rather than a science. That\'s why the tool is so important. Together, we go through all the stages of a statistical analysis in R-Studio. Our focus is on understanding and communicating the results.\n\nPlay around! The book is delivered with data sets, exercises and proposed solutions so that you can familiarize with the methods. All you need is a laptop, internet and this book.\n\nFor author contact information/information on where replication codes can be found, please see https://siljehermansen.github.io/',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','s.s.l.hermansen@jus.uio.no','2019-11-09 15:05:41','2019-11-11 17:39:30','','Waiting'),(3265,'Trusting the Police: Comparisons accross Eastern and Western Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The underlying question posed in this book asks: What shapes people’s perception of the police? The book aims to contribute to the field of trust and attitudinal research in several ways. Firstly, institutional approaches are considered, identifying the police as part of wider governmental institutions. Secondly, theories of procedural justice are examined. They argue\nthat fair decisions and respectful treatment largely contribute to institutional legitimacy and trustworthiness. In contrast, arguments treating\npolice’s effectiveness as central to people’s trust in them are called “instrumental”. Whether the police are doing a good job, i.e. fighting crime effectively, is more important than the use of appropriate procedures and correct behavior. These approaches enter into the analyses in such a way that the global notion of trust in the police is linked to global statements about police’s procedural fairness and effectiveness. Moreover, the level of satisfaction in concrete interactions with the police is taken into account.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','staubli.silvia@gmail.com','2019-11-11 17:10:01','2019-11-11 17:10:01','','Waiting'),(3266,'Success and failure in narrowing the disability employment gap: comparing levels and trends across Europe 2002–2014','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Background\nInternational comparisons of the disability employment gap are an important driver of policy change. However, previous comparisons have used the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC), despite known comparability issues. We present new results from the higher-quality European Social Survey (ESS), compare these to EU-SILC and the EU Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS), and also examine trends in the disability employment gap in Europe over the financial crisis for the first time.\nMethods\nFor cross-sectional comparisons of 25 countries, we use micro-data for ESS and EU-SILC for 2012 and compare these to published EU-LFS 2011 estimates. For trend analyses, we use seven biannual waves of ESS (2002–2014) with a total sample size of 182,195, and annual waves of EU-SILC (2004–2014) with a total sample size of 2,412,791.\nResults\n(i) Cross-sectional: countries that have smaller disability employment gaps in one survey tend to have smaller gaps in the other surveys. Nevertheless, there are some countries that perform badly on the lower-quality surveys but better in the higher-quality ESS. (ii) Trends: the disability employment gap appears to have declined in ESS by 4.9%, while no trend is observed in EU-SILC – but this has come alongside a rise in disability in ESS.\nConclusions\nThere is a need for investment in disability measures that are more comparable over time/space. Nevertheless, it is clear to policymakers there are some countries that do consistently well across surveys and measures (Switzerland), and others that do badly (Hungary).',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','kjetva@oslomet.no','2019-11-18 13:05:09','2019-11-18 13:05:09','','Waiting'),(3267,'Children as citizens and a source of happiness','Lapsed kui kodanikud ja õnne allikas',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Europe and Estonia, the happiest are those with a partner and a child(ren). 14% of people in Europe have experienced divorce, one in five in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://meieeesti.postimees.ee/6698860/mare-ainsaar-lapsed-kui-kodanikud-ja-onne-allikas','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 15:11:19','2019-11-20 15:11:19','','Waiting'),(3268,'Marju Lauristin: Center Party adjusts as a chameleon, Reform Party remains unreachable elite','Marju Lauristin: Keskerakond kohaneb kui kameeleon, Reformierakond jääb endiselt kättesaadamatu eliidi hulka',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Marju Lauristin, a social scientist who has analyzed the relationship between the values and political views of the Estonian people, sees an increase in polarization in the coming years.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://epl.delfi.ee/uudised/marju-lauristin-keskerakond-kohaneb-kui-kameeleon-reformierakond-jaab-endiselt-kattesaadamatu-eliidi-hulka?id=87964977','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 15:14:42','2019-11-20 15:14:42','','Waiting'),(3269,'National and liberal are not opposites','Rahvuslik ja liberaalne ei ole vastandid',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In a peaceful society governed by the rules of democracy, it is the press field open to opposing views that gives everyone the freedom to decide what political choices they support without fear of being labelled as enemy, anti-state, or terrorist, writes Marju Lauristin.\n\nBy chance, this debate came at a time when social scientists have presented their analysis of the values of the Estonian population. From this analysis it emerged that we cannot speak of a general consensus on liberal or conservative values, but that which groups of the population are closer to one\'s heart.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://www.err.ee/1004185/marju-lauristin-rahvuslik-ja-liberaalne-ei-ole-vastandid','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 15:27:05','2019-11-20 15:27:05','','Waiting'),(3270,'Scientists explain what makes a senior happy','Teadlased selgitavad, mis teeb eakana õnnelikuks',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Mare Ainsaar, Senior Research Fellow in Sociology and Social Policy at the University of Tartu, analyzed data from the European Social Survey to find out what factors contribute to a happy lifestyle for older people. ',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://novaator.err.ee/932800/teadlased-selgitavad-mis-teeb-eakana-onnelikuks','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 15:30:43','2019-11-20 15:30:43','','Waiting'),(3271,'Where do the prejudices against Muslim immigrants come from?','Uuring: millest tulenevad eelarvamused moslemitest sisserändajate suhtes?',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Active immigration to Europe often causes mixed feelings among local citizens. Anu Masso, senior research fellow at the University of Tartu, looked at what factors influence prejudice against immigrant Muslims.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://novaator.err.ee/918988/uuring-millest-tulenevad-eelarvamused-moslemitest-sisserandajate-suhtes','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 15:35:06','2019-11-20 15:35:06','','Waiting'),(3272,'The attitude toward voluntary childlessness in Europe: Cultural and institutional explanations','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The prevalence and social acceptance of childlessness have increased in recent decades. Still, little is known about how this social acceptance is shaped, the extent to which approval of childlessness differs across Europe, and what factors cause potential cross-national variation. The authors used data from the European Social Survey 2006 (N = 36,187) to examine the attitude toward voluntary childlessness in 20 countries. Results from multilevel models were largely in line with expectations derived from Second Demographic Transition theory concerning traditional orientation, age, religiousness, education, and stage of Second Demographic Transition in a country. The results also corroborated individual-level expectations on the role of gender and socioeconomic status based on New Home Economics theory. One country-level indicator, child-care availability, was not related to the attitude toward childlessness. The current study provides new insights into explaining cross-national differences in the attitude toward childlessness and more generally into the process of fertility decision making.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liefbroer@nidi.nl','2019-11-20 15:43:46','2019-11-20 15:43:46','','Waiting'),(3273,'European views of divorce among parents of young children: Understanding cross-national variation','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'We examine differences across Europe in attitudes towards divorce involving children under the age of 12. We hypothesize that these attitudes are less favourable in countries where poverty among single parent households is common than in countries where such poverty is rare. We also expect that divorce involving young children is more accepted in countries where enrolment in child care is high.\nOur sample consists of 37,975 individuals from 22 countries, obtained from the European Social Survey (2006). We conduct multilevel regression analyses including individual-level and country-level variables.\nFindings confirm our main hypotheses: the lower the poverty rate among single parents and the higher enrolment in childcare, the lower the disapproval of divorce when young children are involved. These findings remain when taking into account the crude divorce rate and secularisation at the country level, and when controlling for differences in the composition of populations with regard to individual characteristics that are associated with divorce attitudes. Additionally, cross-level interactions indicate that poverty among single parents has the strongest impact on mothers’ divorce attitudes.\nDivorce attitudes appear to be related to people’s assessment of the consequences of divorce for the children involved. Cross-European differences in attitudes towards divorce involving young children are associated with two aspects of welfare states that are indicative of the consequences of divorce for children and the parent that takes care of them: poverty among single parents and child care.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liefbroer@nidi.nl','2019-11-20 15:50:49','2019-11-20 15:50:49','','Waiting'),(3274,'A land of lonely people','Üksikute maa',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In Estonia, the number of people living alone is driven by young people, among whom there are more single person households in only three European countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://leht.postimees.ee/6805397/uksikute-maa-eestis-valitsevad-uheliikmelised-leibkonnad','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 15:54:19','2019-11-20 15:54:19','','Waiting'),(3275,'Differences in Family Norms for Men and Women Across Europe','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The authors examined double standards regarding divorce among parents with young children and regarding having children within nonmarital cohabitation across Europe. Whether people disapprove more of men or of women engaging in these behaviors is not a priori clear. The authors formulated arguments in both directions and expected double standards to vary cross-nationally by the level of socioeconomic gender equality in a country. They conducted multilevel analyses on a sample of about 44,000 individuals nested in 25 countries, obtained from the European Social Survey (2006). Double standards were measured with a split-ballot design. The findings indicated that men were generally more disapproved of than women when displaying the family behaviors under study. Overall, women endorsed both double standards, whereas men endorsed only the double standard regarding divorce. However, substantial cross-national differences in the double standards exist. The higher the level of socioeconomic gender equality, the larger these double standards in favor of women.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liefbroer@nidi.nl','2019-11-20 15:57:12','2019-11-20 15:57:12','','Waiting'),(3276,'Estonians need money and the lack of negative feelings to be happy','Eestlasel on õnneks vaja raha ja negatiivsete tunnete puudumist',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'In countries where life is difficult, the absence of misery and negative feelings is enough to make you feel happy. In the case of Estonians, it is the same: the absence of negative is enough for happiness. Unlike many other European countries where money and happiness are not directly linked, Estonians\' economic security is one of the important components of being happy.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://novaator.err.ee/843866/eestlasel-on-onneks-vaja-raha-ja-negatiivsete-tunnete-puudumist','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 16:00:56','2019-11-20 16:00:56','','Waiting'),(3277,'Parental Socio-Economic Status and First Union Formation: Can European Variation Be Explained by the Second Demographic Transition Theory?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Previous research has demonstrated that parental socio-economic status (SES) is an important determinant of the timing of entry into a first co-residential union. Whilst the majority of existing studies found that young adults from high-SES families delay their first union compared with those from lower-SES backgrounds, all these studies were conducted within a single country. This study examines the link between parental SES and the timing and type of first union for 25 European countries participating in the European Social Survey Round 3 (2006/2007). Results from two-step meta-analytical models indicate that in almost all countries young adults from advantaged backgrounds delay their entry into a first union. This delaying effect of parental SES is stronger if young adults marry directly than if they enter their first union via unmarried cohabitation. The impact of parental SES is only partly mediated by an individual’s own education. The strength of the link between parental SES and union formation varies between countries: the delaying impact of parental SES is weakest in those Northern and Western European countries that are most advanced in the Second Demographic Transition. However, after controlling for individual education, the cross-national variation in the link between parental SES and union formation disappears.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liefbroer@nidi.nl','2019-11-20 16:03:06','2019-11-20 16:03:06','','Waiting'),(3278,'The feud in work culture, or the Transition Period continues','Jõmlus töökultuuris ehk Siirdeajastu kestab',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'For a quarter of a century after the changes in society, workers feel that obeying the command is key and it is inappropriate or impossible to organize themselves.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: http://www.sirp.ee/s1-artiklid/c21-teadus/jomlus-tookultuuris-ehk-siirdeajastu-kestab/','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 16:07:24','2019-11-20 16:07:24','','Waiting'),(3279,'Cross-national differences in the association between educational attainment and completed fertility. Do welfare regimes matter?','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The decline in fertility has been linked to changes in educational attainment, particularly among women. Most studies on this topic have, however, focused on the impact of education on fertility timing. In this study, we examine the association between education and completed fertility; specifically, whether the educational gradient differs between women and men and between younger and older birth cohorts. Importantly, we investigate whether the educational gradient varies across European welfare systems. In our analysis, we applied multilevel modelling to individual-level data on fertility quantum in 25 countries from the European Social Survey. Overall, women and older cohorts had higher completed fertility rates than men and younger cohorts. The total number of children born to each individual decreased with increasing educational levels. This negative gradient was stronger among women than among men, and was weaker among younger than among older cohorts in western Europe. At the macro level, we found the weakest negative educational gradients in the social-democratic countries and in the post-Soviet states. The negative gradient was strongest in the Mediterranean countries and in the post- communist countries.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liefbroer@nidi.nl','2019-11-20 16:09:22','2019-11-20 16:09:22','','Waiting'),(3280,'Estonian is rahter trusting','Pole see eestlane nii umbusaldav ühti',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Trust is growing with wealth, writes columnist Erik Aru. The notion that people have a low level of trust in people, which has been rooted in conventional consciousness for many years, has not been true for quite some time.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://arvamus.postimees.ee/6427080/erik-aru-pole-see-eestlane-nii-umbusaldav-uhti','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 16:11:54','2019-11-20 16:11:54','','Waiting');
INSERT INTO `publication` VALUES (3281,'The association between Christianity and marriage attitudes in Europe. Does religious context matter? ','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'Christian religiosity is linked to traditional marriage attitudes. This article jointly studies individual, contextual and cross-level effects of Christian religiosity on marriage attitudes. In doing so, this article sheds light on the issue of how a key institution like religion influences societal values. Is it only via compositional effects, with larger numbers of religious people leading to more positive marriage attitudes in a society? Or does religion also have ‘emergent properties’ that have an additional effect on marriage attitudes on top of the compositional effect? Finally, we examine whether the strength of the link between individual religiousness and marriage attitudes depends on the religious context. We use data from the ESS 2006 and use the regional level as our preferred contextual level. Our results show that Christian religiosity has individual, contextual and cross-level effects. It is level of religiosity rather than type of denomination that matters. In more religious regions, both the religious and the non-religious hold more traditional marriage attitudes. Finally, although the more religious hold more positive marriage attitudes in both low and high religious contexts, the difference between both groups is much smaller in low than in high religious contexts. This suggests that an adaptation mechanism among religious people in secularized contexts is at work.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','liefbroer@nidi.nl','2019-11-20 16:14:11','2019-11-20 16:14:11','','Waiting'),(3282,'Changes in Value Structure Among Estonian Majority and Russian-Speaking Minority in Post-Socialist Estonia','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The chapter gives an overview of the studies on basic values (S.H. Schwartz) in post-socialist Estonia. Change of basic values has been described on different levels—single value items, ten value types or two higher-order value dimensions—and in different population groups. Our original analysis is based on the empirical data from the European Social Survey (2004–2014), and comparisons are made between different birth cohorts in ethnic majority and minority groups concerning the dynamics of higher-order value dimensions. The analytical overview of value change enables us to arrive at a new level of generalization concerning the dynamics of post-socialist development in Estonia.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-72616-8_4','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 16:18:29','2019-11-20 16:18:29','','Waiting'),(3283,'Measures of Ageism in the Labour Market in International Social Studies','',2,NULL,NULL,NULL,'With population ageing, ageism towards older workers has been brought to the attention of researchers and policymakers. This chapter provides an overview and evaluation of existing indicators measuring ageism in the labour market in large-scale international surveys. We present results from an international descriptive comparison of 18 self-reported indicators from seven surveys. These indicators measure attitudes, perceptions, values and experiences with regard to older adults’ labour market participation, and are grouped into the following five aspects of ageism in the labour market: recruitment/retention; performance; training; interaction with older colleagues; and structural ageism. A preliminary taxonomy of measures is developed based on the findings, and recommendations for further research are provided.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-73820-8_28#Sec3','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-11-20 16:24:11','2019-11-20 16:24:11','','Waiting'),(3284,'Perception of Immigration in Spain through Conflict Research','Percepción de la inmigración en España desde la Investigación en Conflictos',6,NULL,NULL,NULL,'This article analyses the perceptions of immigration in Spain through the last two rounds of the European Social Survey. A new methodology of combined analysis of the Social Epidemiology of the Conflict and the Transcend method is proposed from conflict research. The objective of this study is to verify the suitability and viability of this approach and to evaluate the evolution of the perception toward immigration in Spain in recent years. As a result, more effective therapeutic measures have been proposed to face their discrimination and social rejection.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'','anaymol@correo.ugr.es','2019-11-27 01:19:20','2019-11-27 01:19:21','Y','Waiting'),(3285,'Youth and Society: Participation, Well-being and Functioning','Noored ja ühiskond: osalus, rahulolu ja toimevõime',31,NULL,NULL,NULL,'The article gives an overview of the lives of Estonian youth: participation in politics and social life, well-being and satisfaction with their lives.',NULL,NULL,NULL,'URL: https://rito.riigikogu.ee/nr-40/noored-ja-uhiskond-osalus-rahulolu-ja-toimevoime/','mai.beilmann@ut.ee','2019-12-11 14:38:20','2019-12-11 14:38:20','','Waiting');
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